POLITICS AND RELIGION.
1520.
GROWING DISCONTENT AMONG THE MEXICANS—CACAMA’S
CONSPIRACY—HE OPENLY DEFIES BOTH MONTEZUMA AND CORTÉS—THE
COUNCIL OF TEPETZINCO—SEIZURE OF CACAMA—THE TEZCUCAN
RULER DEPOSED—CUICUITZCATL ELEVATED—MONTEZUMA AND HIS
PEOPLE SWEAR FEALTY TO THE SPANISH KING—GATHERING IN THE
TRIBUTE—DIVISION OF SPOILS—THE SPANIARDS QUARREL OVER THEIR
GOLD—UNCONTROLLABLE RELIGIOUS ZEAL—TAKING OF THE TEMPLE—WRATH
OF THE MEXICANS.
With their hand so securely on the spring that moved a mighty empire,
there is little wonder that these Spanish adventurers became somewhat
insolent toward the people they so injured. The Mexicans were not
slow to mark this, and there were those among them, and others beside
them, who began to think of taking matters into their own hands, of
destroying the invaders and releasing the emperor.
Montezuma’s occasional appearance in public, and the assertion that
he remained with the Spaniards of his free-will, and because the gods
desired it, had for a time satisfied the nobles; but the hard irons
on his limbs and the cruel burning of patriotic men had opened their
eyes somewhat to the true state of affairs. No one knew when his turn
might come. Life was insecure enough subject to the caprice of their
own sovereign, but the dark uncertain ways of these emissaries of
evil were past finding out. These things were thought of and talked
of in high places. Race aversions and the political systems of the
tripartite alliance caused more than one party to be formed, each with
aspirations that could not be entertained by the others. The most
prominent leader at this time was Cacama, who had at first favored
the strangers in their character as envoys. And now he began the
endeavor to direct the movement of the Aztec nobility, but jealousy
of Acolhua influence rose uppermost, and his efforts tended only to
create a reaction in favor of abiding by the will of the emperor.[555]
Although there were enough of sympathizers in Mexico for his purpose,
Cacama found that he must rely almost wholly on the northern provinces,
and in connection with Cuitlahuatzin, Totoquihuatzin II. of Tlacopan,
his own brothers, and others, he organized a conspiracy which had for
its aim the expulsion of the Spaniards and the release of his uncle.
Beneath this was harbored a design upon the Aztec throne, which would
probably become vacant; and even if Cacama was not sure of gaining
this for himself, he had at least the expectation of assuming the
leadership of the Anáhuac confederacy.[556] He presented to the council
in the most dismal aspect the purposes of the Spaniards, who evidently
sought to become absolute masters and reduce them all to slavery. It
was time to rise for religion and liberty. Their honor and welfare
demanded it, and this before the Spaniards rendered themselves too
powerful by reinforcements and alliances. With heedless confidence
he vaunted that Mexico should be his within a few hours after setting
out against her, for there were many of her citizens ready to aid in
such a work. The Spaniards were overrated, and could effect little,
surrounded as they were on all sides, and without other supplies than
those provided by the Mexicans.
The motives and the necessity were recognized, though the means
proposed met with some objections; but when the question of spoils
and rewards came forward there were still greater differences.
Among others, the brave and powerful lord of Matlaltzinco advanced
pretensions, founded in part on his close relationship to Montezuma,
which Cacama above all could not admit. The result was disagreement,
followed by the withdrawal of several members.[557]
No attempt had been made to keep the movement, or its ostensible
motive, a secret from Montezuma, nor could it have been kept from him
who was the still powerful ruler of a servile race; but, even if the
deeper lying aim was not revealed him, he could not fail to foresee
the troubles that might arise, particularly under such a leader.
He still hoped the Spaniards would soon leave, or that his release
might be effected by other means, for he dreaded a conflict with the
powerful invaders, involving perhaps the destruction of the city and
his own death. He sent to tell the conspirators that they need not
concern themselves about his imprisonment. The Spaniards had more
than once proposed that he should return to his own palace, but the
gods had decreed it otherwise. He could not allow his people to be
needlessly exposed to war, or his capital to destruction. Remember
Cholula. Their stay would not be long.
This message was not without its effect even among the Tezcucans, for,
although the fate of the Aztec capital and king may have concerned them
but little, there were many who could not forget that the impetuous
and proud Cacama had obtained the throne by favor of Montezuma, to the
prejudice of an elder brother, Tetlahuehuetquizitzin.Their father,
Nezahualpilli, had died in 1515, without naming a successor, and
the choice devolving on the royal council, in conjunction with the
rulers of Mexico and Tlacopan, Cacama was elected. Cohuanacoch, the
third brother, acquiesced, but the youngest, the fiery Ixtlilxochitl,
protested in favor of the eldest heir, and denounced the selection
as due to Montezuma, who hoped to mould the new king to his own will
and so again to control. He even resorted to arms in support of his
views, and enlisting the northern provinces in his favor, after a
short campaign he obliged Cacama to consent to a division of the
kingdom with himself.[558]
His ready success proved that Cacama had no very great hold on the
people, and now, when came the warning of Montezuma, more than one
chief counselled prudence from other motives than fear. But the king
stamped all these objections as cowardly, and appears even to have
placed under restraint several of those whose want of sympathy he
had reason to suspect.[559] His blood was hot, and relying on the
promises of his supporters, he considered himself strong enough to bid
defiance to his opponents. He sent word to his uncle that if he had
any regard for the dignity of his station and the honor of his person
and ancestry, he would not quietly submit to the bondage imposed by
a handful of robbers, who with smooth tongue sought to cover their
outrages against him and the gods. If he refused to rise in defence
of his religion, throne, and liberty, Cacama would not.[560]
This outspoken utterance of the nephew whom he had assisted to
rulership amazed Montezuma as much as it wounded his pride, and he no
longer hesitated to take counsel with Cortés, who had already obtained
an inkling that something was stirring.[561] With characteristic
promptness the latter suggested that, since Cacama’s real object
was evidently to usurp the throne, a Mexican army should be given to
aid the Spaniards in laying waste the territory of the conspirators
and in capturing them. The emperor had probably entertained a hope
that the news would frighten his guest and make it safe to urge a
retreat from Mexico, thus ending the whole trouble. He was therefore
somewhat startled by this proposal, the true tenor of which he well
understood. He feared a fratricidal war of doubtful result, wherein
he would appear as arrayed against the defenders of national religion
and liberty; and being now weak and cowed he hesitated to arm at all,
preferring peaceful measures. To this Cortés was not averse, for he
recognized on second thought that aggressive steps might become the
signal for a general uprising which would overwhelm him, since Aztec
troops could never be relied on.
He accordingly sent messages to Cacama, reminding him of their friendly
intercourse, and representing the danger of offending the Spanish
king by proceedings which could only react on himself and lead to
the destruction of his kingdom. Montezuma supported this by asking
the king to come to Mexico and arrange the difficulty. Cacama had
not gone so far to be restrained by what he termed an empty threat,
and regardless of the warnings from a timid minority he replied that
he knew not the king of the Spaniards, and would never accept the
friendship of men who had oppressed his country and outraged his blood
and religion. He had had enough of their promises, but would declare
his determination when he saw them.[562] To Montezuma he sent word
that he would come, “not with the hand on the heart, however, but on
the sword.”[563]
There was considerable meaning in this threat, for Cacama had with
great energy set about to mass his forces at Oztoticpac, and they in
conjunction with those of his allies would make a formidable host.[564]
Cortés was aware of this, and seeing that no time was to be lost he
firmly represented to Montezuma the necessity of securing the person
of the king, openly or by stealth; and when he still hesitated, the
significant hint was given that the Spaniards would regard a refusal
with suspicion. This decided him, and he promised that it should be
done, if possible. Cortés broke forth in expressions of good-will,
and again offered him that freedom which Montezuma well knew he would
never grant.
In placing Cacama on the throne, the emperor had seized the opportunity
to introduce into the Acolhua government offices several creatures of
his own, who were paid to maintain Aztec influence in the council[565]
and to watch operations. To these men he sent an order, weighted
with presents, to seize the king and bring him to Mexico.[566] They
accordingly prevailed on their victim to hold a council at Tepetzinco
for finally arranging the campaign. This palace was situated on the
lake, near Tezcuco, and approached by canals. Here Cacama was seized
and thrown into a boat prepared for the occasion, and carried to the
Aztec capital.[567]
Ashamed, perhaps, of his share in the transaction, and unwilling to
face the taunts of the captive, Montezuma refused to see him, and
he was surrendered to Cortés, who, regardless of royalty, applied
the fetters as the surest means against escape.[568] This seizure
scattered the conspirators and their schemes to the winds, and the
demoralization was completed by the arrest of several of the more
important personages, such as the king of Tlacopan and the lords of
Iztapalapan and Coyuhuacan, who were also shackled.[569] Thus we see
that Montezuma’s captivity did not greatly affect his power, since
he could so readily place under restraint the confederate kings, in
their own provinces; and it was not wholly unwelcome to him to find
his misfortune shared by other prominent men, since this made his
disgrace less conspicuous.
He now resolved, with the approval of Cortés, to depose the Tezcucan
ruler, as a rebel against his authority, and to place on the throne
a more dutiful subject, a younger natural brother of Cacama, named
Cuicuetzcatl,[570] whom his ill-treatment had driven to Mexico for
protection. The nomination was for the sake of appearance submitted
for ratification to a convention of loyal Tezcucan chiefs, many of
whom hoped no doubt to obtain greater influence under this youth. The
new king was escorted to the gates of Mexico by Cortés and Montezuma,
and received at Tezcuco with triumphal arches and processions.[571]
* * * * *
And now, with the three confederate rulers and a number of leading
caciques in his power, the great king-maker thought the time had come
to exact a formal acknowledgment of Spanish sovereignty. He reminded
Montezuma of his promises to pay tribute, and demanded that he and his
vassals should tender allegiance. Instead of the objections expected,
Cortés was surprised to hear a prompt acquiescence. Montezuma had
evidently been long prepared for the demand, and said that he would
at once convene his chiefs for consultation. Within little more than a
week the summoned dignitaries had arrived, and at a meeting, attended
by no Spaniards save the page, he intimated to the leading personages,
so far as he dared before this witness, that the concession demanded
of them was to satisfy the importunate jailers. “The gods, alas! are
mute,” concluded Montezuma; “but by and by they may signify their will
more clearly, and I will then say what further is to be done.”[572]
All declared sorrowfully that they would do as he bade, and Cortés
was informed that on the following day the required ceremony would
take place.
On this occasion the chiefs mustered in force before Montezuma, who
was seated on a throne having on either side the new king of Tezcuco
and he of Tlacopan.[573] All being prepared, the Spanish general
entered with his captains and a number of soldiers. The emperor
now addressed his vassals, reminding them of the relation so long
and happily maintained between them—as dutiful subjects on the one
side, and a line of loving monarchs on the other. Comparing the
Quetzalcoatl myth and other indications with the advent of white men
from the region of the rising sun, he showed that they must be the
long expected race, sent to claim allegiance for their king, to whom
the sovereignty evidently belonged. The gods had willed it that their
generation should repair the omission of their ancestors. “Hence I
pray that as you have hitherto held and obeyed me as your lord, so
you will henceforth hold and obey this great king, for he is your
legitimate ruler, and in his place accept this captain of his. All the
tribute and service hitherto tendered me give to him, for I also have
to contribute and serve with all that he may require. In doing this
you will fulfil not only your duty, but give me great pleasure.”[574]
His concluding words were almost lost in the sobs which his humiliated
soul could no longer stifle. The chiefs were equally affected, and
the sympathies even of the flint-hearted Spaniards were aroused to a
degree which moistened many an eye. With some of the lately arrived
dignitaries, who had not had time to fully grasp the situation at the
capital, indignation struggled with grief at the dismal prospect.
Others recalled the prophecy that the empire would terminate with
Montezuma, whose very name appeared fraught with evil omen,[575] and
were quite reconciled to the inevitable. So were most of them, for
that matter, either through belief in the myth or from a sense of
duty to their master. One of the eldest nobles broke the oppressive
silence by declaring his sorrow at witnessing the grief of their
beloved sovereign and hearing the announcement of coming changes.
But since the time had come for the fulfilment of divine decrees,
they, as devout and dutiful subjects, could only submit. Again their
grief broke forth, though many a bitter glance was called up by the
allusion to changes in store for them. Observing the bad impression,
Cortés hastened to assure them that Montezuma would not only remain
the great emperor he had always been, and his vassals be confirmed
in their dignities and possessions, but that their domain and power
would be increased. The changes proposed were merely intended to
stop wars, to enlighten them on matters with which they were as yet
unacquainted, and to promote general welfare. One after another,
beginning with Montezuma, they now swore allegiance, and gave promise
of service and tribute, after which they were dismissed with thanks
for their compliance.[576]
The submission of the sovereigns appears to have been quietly accepted
throughout the country, and the impunity with which even single
Spaniards moved about shows that no hostility had been aroused by
the act, in the provinces at least. Evidently the people hovered
between fear of men who so few in number could yet perform so great
achievements, and awe of divine will as indicated by the prophecies
and traditions. Cortés was not slow in making use of his new power by
representing to the emperor that, his king being in need of gold for
certain projects, it would be well for the new vassals to begin tribute
payments as an earnest of their loyalty. Montezuma had expected this,
and it was readily agreed that he should send officers, accompanied
by Spaniards, to the different provinces and towns of the empire for
contributions.[577] These demands were met with more or less alacrity,
and in poured gold and silver, in dust, and quoits, and leaves, and
trinkets, which formed to a certain extent a medium for trade. Many
towns remote from the mines had nothing to offer save a few jewels,
which were perhaps heirlooms among the chiefs.[578]
When the collectors returned, Montezuma summoned the Spanish leaders,
and surrendered what they had brought. In addition to this, he
offered them the treasures kept in his own palace, regretting that
he had not more to give; but previous offerings had diminished what
he possessed. “When you transmit it to your king,” he said, “tell
him that it comes from his good vassal, Montezuma.” He requested that
certain fine chalchiuite stones, each valued at two loads of gold, and
some finely chased and inlaid blow-pipes, should be given to the king
alone.[579] This liberality evoked the most profound protestations of
gratitude, as may be supposed, for they had not expected so great an
addition to the glittering heaps already in their possession. Tapia
and another officer were despatched in all haste with the imperial
mayordomo to receive the treasure. It was stored in a hall and two
smaller chambers of the aviary building,[580] and consisted of gold,
silver, and precious stones, in setting and in separate form, with
feathers, robes, and other articles, all of which were transferred
to the Spanish quarters.[581]
These valuables, together with the collections from the provinces
and the previously surrendered treasures of Axayacatl, were given to
Cortés, who placed them in charge of the treasurer, Gonzalo Mejía,
and the contador, Alonso de Ávila. The famed smiths of Azcapuzalco
were called in to separate the gold and silver settings from the
jewels of less delicacy and beauty, which it had been determined to
melt. This took about three days. They were then melted into bars,
three fingers in breadth, and stamped with the royal arms.[582] Iron
weights were made of one arroba and downward, not very exact, it seems,
yet suitable for the purpose, and with these the value of the melted
gold was found to be somewhat over 162,000 pesos de oro, according
to Cortés’ statement; the silver weighed over 500 marcos, and the
unbroken jewels and other effects were estimated at over 500,000
ducats, not counting the workmanship.[583] The jewels were set with
feathers, pearls, and precious stones, fashioned chiefly in animal
forms, “so perfect as to appear natural.” A number of trinkets for the
royal share had also been fashioned by the goldsmiths after designs
by the Spaniards, such as saintly images, crucifixes, bracelets, and
chains, all made with wonderful fidelity to originals. The silver for
the same share was made into plates, spoons, and similar articles. The
feathers presented a brilliant variety of colors and forms, and the
cotton, some of the most delicate texture and color, was both plain
and embroidered, and made into robes, tapestry, covers, and other
articles. Turquoises, pearls, toys, and trinkets were also among the
treasures.[584]
Cortés proposed to defer the distribution till more gold and better
weights were obtained; but the men, who with good reason, perhaps,
suspected that a delay might diminish rather than increase the
treasures, clamored for an immediate division. The troops were
accordingly called, and in their presence the partition was made:
first of the royal fifth;[585] then of the fifth promised to Cortés
when appointed captain-general; after this a large sum was set apart
to cover expenditures by Cortés and Velazquez on the fleet and its
outfit, and the value of the horses killed during the campaign,[586]
and another sum for the expenses and shares of the procuradores in
Spain, while double or special shares were assigned to the priests,
the captains, those owning horses, and the men with fire-arms and
cross-bows.[587] After all these deductions but little remained for
the rank and file—a hundred pesos, if we may credit Bernal Diaz.[588]
This, many indignantly refused to accept; others took it, but joined
in the clamors of the discontented.
* * * * *
It is almost too much to ask of vultures not to quarrel over their
prey. The murmur against the royal fifth was loud enough, but the
second fifth for Cortés raised quite an outcry. “Are we to have a
second king?” they asked. Others inquired, “For whose fleet are we
paying?” They further wished to know whether the fame and promotion
acquired for the general by his men could not satisfy some of his
claims, for the present, at least. They had once before surrendered
hard-earned money to please him and to promote his credit with the
king, and now, when they had been led to expect reward, it was again
snatched from them. Some said that a large proportion of the treasures
had been secured by Cortés and his favorites before the distribution
began; and the value of the heavy gold chains and other ornaments
displayed by them was significantly pointed at as out of proportion
to their share.
The suspicion was confirmed by a quarrel which occurred shortly after
between Velazquez de Leon and Treasurer Mejía respecting the payment
of the royal fifth on certain unbroken jewels found in Velazquez’
possession, and received by him before the apportionment. It was
enough, said Mejía, for Cortés to appropriate unassessed treasures.
Velazquez refusing to comply, they came to blows, and if friends
had not interfered there might have been an officer or two less in
the camp. As it was, both received slight wounds, and subsequently
shackles. Mejía was released within a few hours; but his antagonist
retained the fetters for two days, persuaded to submit with grace
thereto by Cortés, it was said, in order to allay suspicions and
to show that the general could be just, even when it affected a
friend.[589]
Finding that the murmurs were becoming serious, Cortés brought his
soothing eloquence to bear upon the troubled spirits. He represented
that all his thoughts, efforts, and possessions were for the honor of
his God, his king, and his companions. With them he had shared every
danger and hardship, and for their welfare he had watched, rendering
justice to all. The division had been fairly made in accordance with
previous arrangement. But he was not avaricious; all he had was theirs,
and he would employ it for them as might a father. He would surrender
the fifth which had been assigned him, if they wished it, retaining
only his share as captain-general; and he would also help any one
in need. The treasure thus far secured was insignificant compared
to what lay before them. What mattered a few hundred pesos more or
less in view of the rich mines, the large tracts, and the immense
number of towns, which were all theirs, so long as they held loyally
together? “I will make a lord of every one of you,” he concluded,
“if you will but have peace and patience.”[590] And to give greater
effect to this harangue he bribed with gifts and promises the more
influential to sound his praises; whereupon the murmurs died away,
though rancor still remained with many, awaiting opportunity.[591]
A large proportion of the soldiers imitated the example of the heavy
sharers in the spoils by converting their allotment, with the aid of
Azcapuzalcan goldsmiths, into chains, crosses, and other adornments for
their persons, so that the display of wealth became quite dazzling.
Others yielded to the infatuation for gambling, then so prevalent,
and lost without a murmur the hard-earned share.[592]
* * * * *
But one thing now remained to complete the triumph of the conqueror.
The manacled kings were subservient, and the people displayed their
loyalty by pouring tribute into his coffers. But his god was not
theirs, and this the pious pilferer could not endure. He and his
priests had lost no opportunity to preach the faith to emperor and
subjects;[593] but the hearts of the natives were obdurately fixed on
the idols of the pyramid. He never beheld the temple without being
tempted to lay low the effigies of Satan, and it was owing only to
Father Olmedo’s prudent counsel that the temptation was resisted.
Repeatedly had he urged on the weak emperor to begin the great work
by some radical reform, but could obtain only the promise that human
sacrifices would be stopped. Finding that even this was not observed,
he consulted with his captains, and it was agreed to demand the
surrender of the great temple for Christian worship, so that the
natives might be made to feel the holy influence of its symbols and
rites. Montezuma was prepared with excuses, but the deputation declared
with fierce vehemence that if this were refused they would forcibly
remove the idols and kill the priests who resisted. “Malinche,”
exclaimed the monarch in alarm, “do you then seek the destruction of
the city? Our gods are incensed against us, and the people imbittered.
Even your lives will not be safe. Wait, I entreat you, till I call
the priests for consultation.”[594]
Cortés saw that nothing more could then be attained, but with the
indiscreet zeal for religion which often blinded him he determined
that there should be no further delay. He apprehended no uprising
among a people which had so patiently submitted to all exactions, yet
he feared that the priests, if warned, might prevent an entry into
the temple, and so he resolved to anticipate them, and to demonstrate
the impotency of their gods. Giving orders for a strong force to
follow after a short interval, he went forward with hardly a dozen
men in order not to arouse suspicion.[595] Entering the sanctuary,
and finding that he could not draw aside the costly curtain with
its golden pellet fringe which shielded the bejewelled idols from
profane gaze, he had it cut asunder. The reason for the obstruction
now became apparent. The idol showed traces of fresh human blood. At
this evidence of broken promises and disregarded orders Cortés began
to rave. “Oh God!” he cried, “why dost thou permit the devil to be
thus honored in this land? Let it appear good that we serve thee.”
Turning to the temple attendants, who had followed with apprehensive
mien, he upbraided them for their blind adherence to a bloody
worship, and compared the evil of idolatry with the saving rites
of Christianity. He was determined, he said, to remove the idols
and install an image of the virgin. They must take away all within
the sanctuary and cleanse it. The priests shook their heads at such
an insane idea. All the city and country around adored these gods,
and they would die rather than see them desecrated. They further
intimated that the deities would themselves know how to chastise the
sacrilegious. This reply only fired the fury of Cortés, and unable
further to restrain himself, he seized a bar, dashed at the idol,
and striking it a blow which caused the golden mask to fall off, he
exclaimed, “Shall we not do something for God?” Captain Andrés de
Tapia, one of the dozen Spaniards present on the occasion, testifies
to the rash proceeding: “I swear by my faith as a gentleman and by
God that it is true. It seems as if I now see the marquis springing
with excitement and striking at the idol.”[596]
When the real intentions of Cortés had first become apparent to the
priests, they sent to warn Montezuma, as emperor and high-priest,
that some outrage might be perpetrated. Suspecting that the recent
threat was about to be carried out, he despatched a messenger to the
general asking permission to come to the temple, and imploring him
meanwhile to respect the idols. The message arrived before much damage
was done, and with the advice of his followers Cortés was induced
to yield. He recognized that the attitude assumed might lead to more
serious results than had been at first supposed. The rumor had spread
of extraordinary proceedings on the temple summit, and armed and
threatening crowds were gathering at the foot, impeded only by the
Spanish reserve escort[597] from ascending to defend their gods. Why
should not they fight for their religion as well as others? Seeing that
the emperors presence was necessary to calm them, Cortés permitted
him to come. He soon arrived, under a strong guard, and pointing to
the excited masses he reasoned with Cortés upon the uselessness and
danger of his hasty project. The latter stubbornly insisted, and
after a consultation with the priests it was agreed to surrender both
the summit chapels of Huitzilopochtli and Tezcatlipoca to Christian
worship,[598] on condition that the idols within might be removed
by the reverent hands of priests alone. This was effected while the
emperor remained on the summit. The chapels were then whitewashed,
a cross was planted, and two altars rose, on which were placed the
image of the virgin and of a saint whom Tapia calls San Cristóbal.[599]
* * * * *
Preparations were next made to consecrate the sanctuary, now festive
with garlands and flowers. The Spaniards marched in procession through
the streets, to the chant of psalms, headed by the two priests who
bore the crucifix and images. Crowds of wondering natives lined
their path, and remained to watch the cross winding its way round
the pyramid in a sanctifying orbit. Cortés was the first to kiss the
installed crucifix, while tears of joy rolled down his cheeks. Mass
followed the consecration, and with a swelling Te Deum the soldiers
rendered thanks to the supreme being for the triumph accorded them
over paganism.
It was but a partial victory, however, for in the court the priests
were even then gathered in adoration of the chief idol, bewailing
their own impotency, and imploring it to rise and avenge its outraged
majesty and their humiliation. An old soldier was left as guard
to keep the candles burning, and to prevent intrusion from, temple
attendants, save to clean the place for the frequent services which
were henceforth held here.[600]
Taking advantage of the step thus gained, the priests and their
followers sought to impress upon the natives the superiority of
their faith,[601] and numbers were convinced, says Tapia, although
few accepted baptism out of fear of their countrymen.[602] There was
a drought prevailing at the time, and the priests, having in vain
appealed for a remedy, ascribed the evil to the anger of the gods at
the presence of the worshippers of strange deities and their hateful
symbols. A few days after the consecration of the altars a deputation
of natives appeared at the Spanish quarters, bearing withered
corn-stalks, and demanding that, since the Europeans had removed
the idols to whom they prayed for rain, they should ask their god
for it, so that the people might not die of hunger. Cortés reassured
them,[603] and ordered a general prayer for relief. “The following
day,” says Tapia, “we marched in procession to the temple, under a
blazing sun.” While mass was being said a cloud might be seen gathering
on Mount Tepcaquilla, and “on our way back the rain fell so heavily
that we had to wade in water up to our ankles.” The rain continued
for several days, and the harvest turned out abundant.[604] Each party
claimed the meteorological display as a direct answer to its prayer,
for the Mexicans were hardly prepared to yield everything without a
struggle. To this insignificant and hated band of intruders they had
practically abandoned their country, by acknowledging serfdom with
tribute. Daily they submitted to wrongs and indignities. The sacred
person of their king had been profaned, their nobles brought to the
dust. Now should they submit to this destruction of their gods? If
so, the heavens and earth would come together, grinding them to powder!
FOOTNOTES
[555] ‘Visto por el rey Cacama el poco ánimo y determinacion
de los Mexicanos, se salió de la ciudad y se fué á la de
Tezcuco, para juntar sus gentes.’ _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist.
Chich._, 298, and _Torquemada_, i. 459. But it is doubtful
whether he remained many days in Mexico after the seizure
of his uncle, if indeed he was there then.
[556] Bernal Diaz assumes, naturally enough for a Spanish
conqueror, that one of the main objects of Cacama was to
rescue the imperilled treasures at Mexico. _Hist. Verdad._,
79-80.
[557] ‘Aun dezian, que le venia de derecho el Reyno, y
señorio de Mexico.’ However that may be, he laid a claim to
the Aztec throne, and Cacama replied that to himself alone
should that belong. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 79-80.
[558] See _Native Races_, v. 474.
[559] ‘Mandó echar presos tres dellos.’ _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Verdad._, 80.
[560] ‘Cacama le respondio muy agramente, diziendo que si
el tuuiera sangre en el ojo, ni estaria preso, ni catiuo
de quatro estranjeros,’ etc. _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 133.
[561] According to Bernal Diaz and Gomara, Cortés was
informed by Montezuma before he and Cacama exchanged the
severe messages referred to, and that the Spaniard sent
the first remonstrance, but the emperor, as master, and
as the person whom the revolt immediately concerned, had
naturally to take the initiative.
[562] _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 79. He would not hold
friendship with him who took away his honor and kingdom.
The war was for the good of his subjects, and in defence of
their land and religion. Before laying down arms he would
avenge his uncle and his gods. He knew not who was the king
of the Spaniards, nor would he listen to him, much less
know him. _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 132.
[563] ‘Con hechizos le teniamos quitado su gran coraçon, y
fuerça; ò que nuestros Dioses, y la gran muger de Castilla
... nos dá aquel gran poder.’ In this last he did not err,
remarks Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 80.
[564] Over 100,000 men. _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, 299.
[565] ‘Tenia en su tierra del dicho Cacamazin muchas personas
principales que vivian con él y les daba su salario.’
_Cortés_, _Cartas_, 97.
[566] According to Bernal Diaz, six chiefs were sent with
the imperial signet, which was to be given to certain
relatives and dignitaries discontented with Cacama, and
they were to seize him and his council. _Hist. Verdad._, 80.
[567] ‘Tambien truxeron otros cinco presos.’ _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Verdad._, 80. ‘Prendieron al Cacama vn dia, estando
con ellos y otros muchos en consejo para cõsultar las cosas
de la guerra.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 133. According to
Ixtlilxochitl, when Cacama left Mexico, partly out of fear
lest the Spaniards should seize him for promoting a revolt
there, his brothers Cohuanacoch and Ixtlilxochitl, all now
reconciled, pretended to fall into his views. Ixtlilxochitl
recommended Tepetzinco as the place best suited for beginning
operations on Mexico, and while proceeding to the place in a
canoe he was carried on to Mexico by his faithless brothers.
Without Ixtlilxochitl’s aid Montezuma and Cortés could never
have been able to overcome the powerful Cacama, concludes
the author. _Hist. Chich._, 298-9. In his _Relaciones_, 389,
412, the same author states that Cacama was seized not for
plotting, but because Cortés desired to secure so powerful
a personage. Brasseur de Bourbourg follows the former
version, and believes that Montezuma favored the conspiracy
as a means to oblige the Spaniards to depart. _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, iv. 258. There may be some truth in this belief,
so far as the beginning of the plot is concerned, but it
must be considered that Montezuma would have preferred not
to intrust such a movement to a probable rival, the ruler
of a people jealous of Aztec supremacy, and the ally of
his most hated enemy, Ixtlilxochitl. If, again, Cacama was
his tool, the emperor would not have had him seized, to be
executed for all he knew, when he could have warned him to
flee or to defend himself. Had Ixtlilxochitl surrendered
the king, Cortés would not be likely to give the credit to
Montezuma, as he does. _Cartas_, 97-8.
[568] _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 133. Yet Bernal Diaz assumes
that Montezuma examined him and the other prisoners, ‘y supo
Monteçuma de los conciertos en que andaua, que era alçarse
por señor.’ _Hist. Verdad._, 80. ‘Y à cabo de pocos dias
le dieron Garrote secretamente,’ adds Torquemada, i. 470,
erroneously. Had Cortés fallen into his hands, the stone of
sacrifice would speedily have received him, and the captive
must accordingly have regarded himself as mercifully treated.
The general knew the value of such prominent hostages. The
leniency gained him besides great credit, as Solis rightly
assumes. _Hist. Mex._, ii. 21-2.
[569] ‘En ocho dias todos estuuieron presos en la cadena
gorda.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 80. This author
includes the lord of Matlaltzinco, who escaped his pursuers
the longest, and when finally brought before the emperor
spoke his mind so freely that he would have been consigned
to the executioner had not Cortés interfered. Duran adds
the lord of Xochimilco instead of the last two. _Hist.
Ind._, MS., ii. 444. ‘Pigliò ancora il Re di Tlacopan, i
Signori d’Iztapalapan, e di Cojohuacan, fratelli tutti e
due del Re Motezuma, due figliuoli di questo medesimo Re,
Itzquauhtzin Signor di Tlatelolco, un Sommo Sacerdote di
Messico, e parecchj altri.’ _Clavigero_, _Storia Mess._,
iii. 107.
[570] ‘Se llamò Don Carlos.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._,
80; at a later period, most likely. ‘Surnommé Tocpaxochitl
... bâtard de Nezahualpilli.’ _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 258. Cortés calls him a son of
Cacama, _Cartas_, 98, but this he afterward corrects. The
native records, in _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, ii. 277, and in
_Ixtlilxochitl_, ignore him. The latter, indeed, assumes that
Cacama continued to reign, though captive like Montezuma.
_Hist. Chich._, 299 et seq.
[571] Herrera gives the speeches on the occasion. dec. ii.
lib. ix. cap. iii. ‘Era mas bien quisto, que no Cacama....
Y Cortes hazia reyes, y mandaua con tanta autoridad, como
si ya vuiera ganado el imperio.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._,
133. Brasseur de Bourbourg assumes that Cohuanacoch and
Ixtlilxochitl at once managed to obtain control of the weak
youth and of the government.
[572] ‘El tiempo andando veremos si tenemos otra mejor
respuesta de nuestros Dioses, y como vieremos el tiempo
assi harémos ... presto os dirè lo que mas non conuenga.’
_Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 81.
[573] The latter had probably tendered his submission in
order to retain the throne. Ixtlilxochitl names Cacama as
the Tezcucan king present.
[574] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 98-9. ‘Demos gracias a los dioses,
q̄ an venido en nuestros dias los q̄ tãto desseauamos,’ et
seq. _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 134.
[575] ‘Tenia del oraculo de sus dioses respuesta muchas vezes
... q̄ perderia la silla a los ocho años de su reynado, y
q̄ por esto nunca quiso hazer guerra a los Españoles,....
Bien que por otro cabo lo tenia por burla, pues auia mas
dezisiete años q̄ era rey.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Max._, 134-5;
_Acosta_, _Hist. Ind._, 502-3.
[576] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 91, 98-9; _Herrera_, dec. ii.
lib. ix. cap. iv.; _Tapia_, _Rel._, in _Icazbalceta_,
_Col. Doc._, ii. 580-1. The allegiance was tendered before
Secretary Pedro Fernandez. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._,
81. Solis assumes that Montezuma of his own accord offered
allegiance and tribute, in the hope that this would fill
the measure of the Spaniards’ expectations and cause them
to depart. In that case the general grief must have been
well counterfeited. He regards this act as giving legality
to the conquest. _Hist. Mex._, ii. 23-32. Prescott supposes
that the submission was prompted less by fear than by
conscience—conscientious obedience to the myth. _Mex._, ii.
198. Oviedo looks on the tears as evidence of unwillingness,
and thinks that either the emperor was very pusillanimous,
or the will of God clearly manifest, iii. 297. According to
Ixtlilxochitl the kings and caciques were required to leave
hostages for the observance of their oath. ‘Cacama, y con
él sus dos hermanos, Cohuanacochtzin y Ixtlilxochitl, segun
las relaciones y pinturas de Tezcuco, dieron en rehenes á
cuatro hermanos suyos y otras tantas hermanas.’ He names the
brothers, and states that Montezuma also had to leave sons
and brothers. _Hist. Chich._, 299-300. Brasseur de Bourbourg
supposes, from a resemblance in the surname of the new
king of Tezcuco to that of one of his brothers’ hostages,
that he had already been forced to abdicate in favor of
Cohuanacoch and Ixtlilxochitl, and surrender himself to
the Spaniards. One of his sisters, baptized as Doña Juana,
became the mistress of Cortés, as Ixtlilxochitl observes,
and ‘périt dans la nuit de la retraite, enceinte du fait
de Cortès.’ _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 262. The readiness with
which Spaniards ventured, often singly, all over the country
to exact tribute and to inquire into resources and the
condition of affairs, would indicate that the prudent general
had taken the precaution of obtaining living guarantees.
[577] ‘Luego mandó que le diese los españoles que queria
enviar, y de dos en dos y de cinco en cinco los repartió
para muchas provincias y ciudades.’ _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 100.
[578] According to the Tezcucan records, twenty Spaniards
were sent with two of the king’s brothers, Nezahualquentzin
and Tetlahuehuezquititzin, to collect the tribute of that
city. As they were leaving Mexico, Montezuma despatched a
messenger to the former prince, enjoining him to treat the
Spaniards well and to obtain a large sum. This whispered
advice was assumed by the Spaniards to hide a plot, and
laying violent hands on the prince, the leader carried
him to Cortés, who had him hanged at once. The king was
of course deeply grieved, but dared not say anything.
Guided by another brother, Tepacxochitzin, the Spaniards
reached Tezcuco, and behaved outrageously. With the aid of
Ixtlilxochitl they seized the contents of the royal treasury,
filling with the gold a chest two fathoms in height and
length, and one in width. After this they compelled the
chiefs to contribute as much more. Ixtlilxochitl assumes
that Cacama is the king, and that the deed occurred before
allegiance was sworn, and seven weeks after the Spaniards’
arrival at Mexico. _Hist. Chich._, 298; _Id._, _Rel._,
388-9, 411-12. Brasseur de Bourbourg repeats this story in
substance, though he corrects it by stating that Montezuma
interfered and saved the prince. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv.
252-3. Herrera writes that ‘the servant’ sent to guide the
Spaniards disappeared on the way. He was caught and hanged
by order of Cacama, who gave them a more trusty attendant.
They were received at Tezcuco with great pomp, and presented
with female slaves. A large amount of gold, pearls, and
other valuables was obtained, and 80 carriers were sent to
Mexico laden with honey, which Cortés distributed, while he
kept the treasures, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. i. According to
Vazquez de Tapia, 15,000 pesos in gold were obtained from
Tezcuco, beside some jewels and cloth. Not satisfied with
this, Cortés sent Cacama in charge of Alvarado to exact
more. But little being obtained, boiling pitch was applied
to the stomach of Cacama before he was sent back to Mexico.
Alvarado denies this outrage. _Ramirez_, _Proceso contra
Alvarado_, 3, 35-6, 65.
Fernando de Alva Cortés Ixtlilxochitl claims our attention as
a native historian who has labored zealously to vindicate the
glorious antecedents of his race, particularly the Acolhuas,
whose loyal devotion to the Spanish invaders he advocates
with an enthusiasm as unblushing as it is inconsistent. The
chief hero of the theme is his ancestor and namesake, King
Ixtlilxochitl, his great great grandfather, according to
Muñoz’ genealogic list. Little good was derived from this
calculated zeal, for at Alva’s birth, in about 1568, the
family estate had dwindled to small proportions, while the
tribute exemption which testified to royal descent expired
not many years later. After a course at the Santa Cruz
College Alva figured as interpreter to the native tribunal
of the viceroy. The death of the eldest brother brought
lawsuits which threatened to impoverish him, but urgent
representation procured, in 1602, a cedula recognizing
him as heir to the family property. _Florencia_, _La
Estrella_, 103 etc.; _Becerra Tanco_, _Felicidad Mex._, 49;
_Guadalupe_, _Col._, 551; _Panes_, _Teatro Nueva-España_,
MSS. The requirements of the suit called forth more than
one of his writings, which had in view to establish both
his own title and the claims of his family. Their research
and style attracted the attention of the viceroy, who
encouraged him to continue a task for which he was so well
fitted, not only by his Spanish and Aztec studies, but as
a native to whom his countrymen would readily communicate
their views and traditions, and as the possessor of a vast
family archive. The command accorded with his inclination
and improved fortune, and a number of pieces were produced,
which after his death, about 1648, passed to the Jesuit
college, _Clavigero_, _Storia Mess._, i. 10, and thence to
the Archivo General, where they form volumes iv. and xiii.
The most complete list of his works is given in _Dicc.
Univ._, iv.; that by Boturini is nearly as full, _Catálogo_,
2 etc.; Beristain, _Bibl._, ‘Alva,’ gives it less so, and
Clavigero’s is still briefer, while Pinelo, _Epitome_, ii.
608, makes merely a general allusion. Kingsborough, on the
other hand, offers an almost complete reproduction of the
writings in volume ix. of his _Mex. Antiq._ The longest and
most important is the _Historia Chichimeca_, dedicated to the
viceroy, in 95 chapters, of which the first 76 treat of the
rise and progress of the Chichimec empire, represented at the
conquest by the Acolhuas, and of its glories as inherited
by his ancestors, the kings of Tezcuco. The remaining 19
chapters relate to the conquest by the Spaniards, and are
incomplete. It is the most carefully written of the series,
elaborated partly from previous manuscripts, partly from
fresh researches, while the account of the conquest rests
also on the testimony of eye-witnesses, reinforced by
additions from Gomara and other sources, as he admits on
pp. 300, 303. An allusion to Torquemada shows that it could
not have been completed before 1615, and it was probably
his last work. More than one copy is extant, from one of
which Ternaux-Compans printed a French translation, while
the best issue, that of Kingsborough, is after a copy from
Veytia. The material has been largely used, and Veytia’s
_Hist. Ant. Mej._ may be said to rest upon it. The more
important of the other writings are, _Sumaria Relacion
de todas las cosas en la Nueva-España, y que los tultecas
alcanzaron_, in 5 relations, which treat of the mythical
period from the creation of the world, according to native
tradition, to the fall of the Toltecs; _Historia de los
Señores Chichimecas_, in 12 relations, which brings the
history down to the Spanish conquest; _Noticias de los
pobladores y naciones de Nueva España_, in 13 relations; the
first 12 quite short, and relating to native peoples; the
last of considerable length, and dwelling on the conquest.
Cárlos María de Bustamante published the 13th relation in
separate form, to which, under an excess of patriotic zeal,
he gave the abnormal title of _Horribles Crueldades de los
Conquistadores_, Mexico, 1829. Notes were appended, and
considerable liberties taken with text, so as to increase
the odium against the conquerors. Ternaux-Compans included
a French translation of it in his collection. Kingsborough
has printed eleven shorter pieces by Ixtlilxochitl, and
a few more are attributed to his pen, as a translation
of Nezahualcoyotl’s poems, a fragment of the same king’s
biography, and a history of the Virgin of Guadalupe; but
the last two are doubtful. Several of the pieces are mere
repetitions and summaries under different titles, connected
with the author’s pleadings, while the 13th relation may be
termed a cleverly prepared biography of his great namesake,
from the exaggerated prominence given to his services for
the Spanish cause. Prescott’s several blunders on this and
other points are probably due as much to a want of access
to sufficient material as to a hasty study.
Throughout these writings are evidences of the patriotic
spirit which prompted Ixtlilxochitl in the study and
translation of the painted records of his people; and
every now and then gleams forth a very natural hatred of
the Spanish oppressor, so marked indeed as once to call
forth the condemnation of an official censor. Otherwise the
narrative of events connected with the conquerors are closely
masked; for the sake of private aims and the common fear of
the white masters. As a consequence many troublesome facts
are hidden and many questions smoothed to the detriment
of history. The narratives are also extremely confusing
in dates, and to a great extent in arrangement, while the
interest is diminished by trivial details and improbable
stories. But these were the faults of his time rather than
of himself. He did wonderfully well in grappling with misty
traditions, enveloped as they were in the intricate mazes of
hieroglyphics. And he is justly entitled to our admiration,
and to the gratitude of his countrymen, for rescuing from
now unattainable sources so large a mass of material to
illustrate the glories of his race. His style indicates a
scholar from whom even his Spanish contemporaries might have
taken lessons, for the language is exceedingly clear for
this period, and full of graceful sentences and striking
descriptions, rendering him not unworthy to be called the
Livy and the Cicero of Anáhuac, as Prescott and Bustamante
respectively entitle him.
[579] Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 83, gives a description
of these and other presents.
[580] ‘Que se llamaba _Totocalco_.’ _Sahagun_, _Hist.
Conq._, 26.
[581] _Tapia_, _Rel._, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._,
ii. 581; _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 135; _Herrera_, dec. ii.
lib. ix. cap. iv. Bernal Diaz assumes that the Axayacatl
treasures were those now given; but the testimony of the
eye-witnesses, Tapia and Ojeda, confirmed and accepted
by Gomara and Herrera, shows that they were given on a
previous occasion already referred to. Still, Bernal Diaz
does mention that after the melting of the rougher jewels
new presents came from Montezuma. _Hist. Verdad._, 82-3. He
is very confusing, however, in his account of the treasures
generally; and Clavigero, Prescott, and others, have allowed
themselves to follow him too closely in this and other
instances.
[582] ‘Como de vn Real, y del tamaño de vn toston de a
quatro.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 83.
[583] _Probanza de Lejalde_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._,
i. 421-2. Cortés, _Cartas_, 100-1, is not so explicit with
regard to the latter figure, saying merely that he had
set apart for the king unbroken jewels and other objects
valued at over 100,000 ducats; but, since this figure comes
in connection with the account of one fifth of all the
treasures reserved for the sovereign, it may be assumed that
the 100,000 formed also a fifth of the unbroken lot. This,
consisting to a great extent of precious stones, pearls,
cotton, and other effects, could not have all been reserved
for the king. It seems besides improbable that so large a
proportion of treasure as 100,000 ducats should a second
time have been taken from the soldiers, even if Montezuma had
destined them especially for their ruler. All the treasures
and gifts acquired were obtained by the efforts of the
expedition, and were always regarded as a part of its fund.
Yet Gomara, _Hist. Mex._, 135-6, who had the statements of
Cortés and others at his disposal, writes that the 100,000
lot was selected from the treasures, previous to melting,
in order to form a present for the king in connection with
the one fifth. Bernal Diaz writes confusedly that the heaps
of unmelted gold from which feathers and other settings
had been removed were valued at 600,000 pesos. ‘This did
not include the plates, quoits, and dust of gold, nor the
silver and other treasures.’ A few lines further he says
that the royal officials declared the gold, melted, and in
quoits, dust, and jewels, to be worth over 600,000 pesos,
beside the silver and many jewels not valued. From these
lots the distribution was made for king and expedition.
Many soldiers declared that the original amount was larger,
one third having been abstracted by the leaders. _Hist.
Verdad._, 83. The marginal print in this authority calls
the above sums pesos de oro, which increases the value three
times. Confusing as this version is, it confirms at any rate
the supposition that the unbroken jewels were also divided
among the members of the expedition. Prescott estimates the
whole treasure in the money value of his time at $6,300,000,
which may be accepted as sufficiently approximate. See
_Mex._, ii. 202-5. Robertson accepts Bernal Diaz’ last
estimate in pesos, which is equivalent to about two fifths
of Prescott’s. The small proportion of silver indicates how
little the natives understood and resorted to mining, and
how insignificant a portion of the metallic wealth of the
country was represented by the treasures so far acquired.
Gold was obtained from loose and shallow alluvial deposits
in and near the rivers, and it was only in the extraction
of tin and copper that the Indians exhibited an advance in
the art of mining. Robertson is wrong in assuming that gold
was not used as a trade medium; still, it was only partly
so, and it was chiefly sought for ornaments. The rarity of
silver made this metal far more valuable than in Europe,
and the stones most esteemed were regarded by the Spaniards
as so many pebbles. For an account of mines, metals, and
money among the Aztecs, see _Native Races_, ii. In vol. i.
chap. iii. note 8 of the Central American division of the
present work is given information on the currency of this
period.
[584] For a description, see _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 100-1;
_Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 135-6; _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib.
ix. cap. iv.; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v. cap. iii.; _Oviedo_,
iii. 298-9.
[585] Consisting of 32,400 and odd pesos de oro of melted
gold; 100,000 ducats’ worth of unbroken jewels, feathers,
etc.; and 100 and more marcos of silver. _Cortés_, _Cartas_,
100-1. ‘Lo dieron é entregaron á Alonso de Escobar.’
_Probanza de Lejalde_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i. 422.
[586] The expenditures were represented largely by a number
of unpaid notes of hand issued by the captain-general to
the owners of vessels, provisions, and arms, and held for
the most part by captains and leading members of the party.
Many of the names and claims are given in _Probanza de
Lejalde_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i. 411 et seq.
[587] Bernal Diaz appears to say that all these men, from
priests to archers, received double rates, _Hist. Verdad._,
83-4, and Herrera so accepts it, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap.
v.; but this seems unequal. In the _Probanza de Lejalde_,
in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i. 411 et seq., a number of
special payments are mentioned, and also wages for sailors.
[588] ‘Soldados huuo q tomaron sus partes a cien pesos.’
_Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 84. But this sum may mean
pesos de oro, which according to the calculation accepted
represents nearly $1200.
[589] ‘Cortes, so color de hazer justicia, porq̄ todos le
temiessemos, era con grandes mañas.’ It appears that Mejía,
on hearing the men complain, spoke to Cortés about missing
gold, and thenceforth they were not very friendly. Noticing
that Velazquez was in fetters, Montezuma asked the general
for the cause, and was told that, not satisfied with his
share of gold, he wished to make a tour of the towns to
demand more, and perhaps to commit excesses. The emperor
asked that he be allowed to go, and Cortés consented with
apparent reluctance. A sentence seems to have been passed
for the culprit to leave camp, and he proceeded with a
Mexican official to Cholula, whence he returned with more
gold a few days later. So runs the story of Bernal Diaz,
_Hist. Verdad._, 84-5. B. V. de Tapia declares that Cortés
kept him ‘muchos dias en una casylla pequeña e con guardas.’
_Cortés_, _Residencia_, i. 40-1.
[590] _Id._, and _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. v.
[591] Among those who took most to heart the disappointing
distribution was Juan de Cárdenas, a pilot and sailor of
Triana, who had a wife and children in Spain. Tired of
struggling with poverty at home he had come to seek a better
lot with the conquerors in America. The first sight of the
treasures to be divided had inspired him with an ardent
hope of being able to return to his family, for an equal
division would have given him quite a little fortune. Finding
his dream of happiness shattered he became almost raving.
Cortés gave him 300 pesos, and promised that he should be
sent home by the first opportunity. Cárdenas appeared to be
satisfied, but on reaching Spain he came forward as a bitter
opponent of the general. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._,
84. Solis speaks up in behalf of his hero, and condemns
the men as avaricious and ungrateful for demanding more
than their share. The leaders and best men deserved larger
gains. As for Bernal Diaz, ‘Habla mas como pobre soldado,
que como historiador.’ _Hist. Mex._, ii. 35. The share for
Villa Rica was sent to Tlascala, says Bernal Diaz, whither
rumor had it that large sums were forwarded for Cortés
and others, who claimed afterward that they had been lost
during the uprising. ‘Las piedras bajas y plumages, todo lo
tomaron los Indios de Tlaxcala.’ _Sahagun_, _Hist. Conq._,
26.
[592] The cards, made by Pedro Valenciano from drumskins,
were as neatly painted as those of Spain. _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Verdad._, 84.
[593] Herrera gives lengthy specimens of the warrior
preacher’s effusions, occupying more than one chapter. dec.
ii. lib. viii. cap. vi.-vii.
[594] According to Bernal Diaz Cortés made a sign that he
and Olmedo desired to speak privately to Montezuma. He now
proposed that in order to prevent tumult his captains might
be persuaded to rest content with a space in the great
temple for an altar and cross. _Hist. Verdad._, 85.
[595] Tapia leaves the impression that he called casually
at the temple, and afterward sent for more troops.
[596] In _Rel._, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 585.
[597] Of 30 or 40 men, says Tapia.
[598] ‘Fice limpiar aquellas capillas ... y puse en ellas
imágenes de nuestra Señora y de otros santos.’ _Cortés_,
_Cartas_, 106. Andrés de Tapia is still more explicit in
relating how Cortés insisted on having both chapels cleared
of idols. ‘El marques hizo hacer dos altares, uno en una
parte de la torre, que era partida en dos huecos, é otro
en otra.’ _Rel._, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 585-6.
In testifying to the proceedings in the temple previous to
the massacre by Alvarado, B. V. de Tapia states that the
Indians intended to restore Huitzilopochtli to the tower,
‘donde solia estar por que lo habia quitado de alli D.
Hernando e puesto a nuestra Señora.’ _Ramirez_, _Proceso
contra Alvarado_, 36. Alvarado confirms this in different
words. _Id._, 66-7. The only other eye-witness who refers
with any detail to the above is Bernal Diaz, and he accords
only a space on the summit to the Christian emblems. But
his different allusions to the temple are confused and
contradictory; yet he has been followed by modern writers:
first, because the preceding three testimonies have not been
accessible till late years; and second, because they have
been content to copy Prescott, who adopts Bernal Diaz in
only too many instances. The mistake appears also to rest on
the finding of Huitzilopochtli’s image in one of the summit
chapels when it was recaptured by the Spaniards during the
later siege. It is only natural that the Aztecs, on obtaining
possession of their temple, should have reinstalled the war
god. Peter Martyr does assume that one image was too large
to be removed. dec. v. cap. iv. And Gomara intimates that
idols remained. ‘Pusierõ cruzes e imagines ... entre sus
ídolos.’ _Hist. Mex._, 128. The phrase can apply to those in
the court, although his statement may be founded on Martyr,
as that of Ixtlilxochitl is on him: ‘Y dió [Montezuma]
permiso que en la capilla del templo mayor ... se pusiesen
entre los dos ídolos de Huitzilopochtli, un crucifijo, una
imagen de Nuestra Señora y una cruz.’ _Hist. Chich._, 297.
As regards the casting-down of idols, Prescott, in common
with most modern writers, assumes this to be a mere boast on
the part of Cortés; but a careful investigation, supported
by the ‘solemn’ assurance of Tapia, not accessible to them,
confirms this statement in the main. The general probably
exaggerates somewhat in saying: ‘Los mas principales destos
ídolos ... derroqué yo de sus sillas y los fice echar por
las escaleras abajo.’ _Cartas_, 106. This probably strikes
Oviedo, who, while repeating the account, expresses a
doubt about its truth: ‘Bien pudo Dios dar lugar á ello;
pero para mí yo tengo por maravilla, é grande, la mucha
paçiençia de Monteçuma é de los indios.’ iii. 303. Solis
even doubts that altar and cross were ever erected in so
unclean a spot, amid idols and idolatrous priests: it would
have been sacrilege; besides the Mexicans would never have
permitted the intrusion. _Hist. Mex._, ii. 9-12. The doubt
expressed against Cortés’ boast rests chiefly with Bernal
Diaz, whose faulty account states that Montezuma by mere
persuasion sent for the priests, and after consulting with
them had a space on the temple summit quietly assigned to
the Spaniards. _Hist. Verdad._, 85. Gomara devotes several
pages to the casting down of the idols, which he justly
regards as a memorable feat: ‘Mas honra y prez gano Cortés
con esta hazaña Christiana, que si los venciera en batalla.’
He applies it, however, to the occasion of the imperial
prisoner’s first visit to the temple. Montezuma stops Cortés
in the midst of his destructive work and checks the fury of
the crowd, which the general thereupon appeases with a long
profound speech on theologic mysteries, carefully prepared
by Gomara. _Hist. Mex._, 126-8. The preceding points assume
importance when it is considered that the usurpation of
the great pyramid by Christian emblems gave the strongest
impulse to the uprising soon to follow.
[599] ‘É puso en una parte la imágen de Nuestra Señora en un
retablico de tabla, é en otro la de Sant Cristóbal, porque
no habie estonces otras imágines.’ _Rel._, loc. cit. It is
generally assumed by the faithful that the virgin’s image
is identical with the one now known as the Vírgen de los
Remedios, in its celebrated shrine near Mexico. It had been
given to Juan Rodriguez de Villafuerte by his brother, an
Augustine friar, when he departed for the Indies. During
the uprising in June, 1520, the image is believed to have
of its own accord taken flight to the site where a shrine
afterward rose in its honor. _Medina_, _Chrón. de San Diego
de Mex._, 30; _Cabrera_, _Escudo Armas_, 106-25; _Lorenzana_, in
_Cortés_, _Hist. N. Esp._, 138 et seq.; _Bustamante_, _Mem.
Piedad Mex._ Unfortunately for this belief, Tapia’s testimony
describes the image as a picture on a board, while the
Remedios image is a little battered doll. The testimony is
contradicted by nothing but pious supposition. In preparing
the site for altars the Spaniards noticed that the walls
were of unusual thickness. Breaking them open they found
a number of jewels. Gold was also obtained from tombs on
the summit platform, and the curtain pendants and other
valuables were of course appropriated. _Tapia_, _Rel._, in
_Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, 586; _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib.
viii, cap. vi.
[600] Montezuma received the returning procession with
a forced welcome, and gave orders to destroy a series of
brothels in Tlatelulco, containing over 400 women, whose
iniquity, he said, had brought the present evil upon the
city. _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. vi.
[601] Herrera devotes five columns to Cortés’ sermon. dec.
ii. lib. viii. cap. vii.; _Torquemada_, i. 465-7.
[602] Or perhaps of the teachers of the faith, who appeared
with sword in hand to enforce their cruel, rapacious, and
immoral demands. Herrera believes Montezuma would have become
a Christian had he dared. dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. ix. But
Duran states that according to the native records all the
three captive rulers were baptized, and that Father Olmedo
had told him he believed such was the case, although the
rite had not been administered by himself. _Hist. Ind._,
MS., ii. 445. This question will be discussed in a later
chapter.
[603] ‘Sed ciertos, que de aqui a mañana llouera, y tendreys
el mejor año que jamas aueys tenido.’ _Herrera_, dec. ii.
lib. viii. cap. vi.
[604] _Tapia_, _Rel._, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii.
586; _Hazart_, _Kirchen Geschichte_, ii. 520; _Torquemada_,
i. 464.