DOUBLY REFINED DEALINGS.
1519-1520.
HOLLOW HOMAGE TO THE CAPTIVE KING—MONTEZUMA HAS HIS WIVES AND
NOBLES—HE RULES HIS KINGDOM THROUGH THE SPANIARDS—THE PLAYFUL
PAGE—LIBERALITY OF THE MONARCH—THE SACRED TREASURES—CORTÉS
RESENTS THE INSULTS OF THE GUARD—DIVERSIONS—QUAUHPOPOCA, HIS
SON AND OFFICERS, BURNED ALIVE—PLANTATIONS FORMED—VILLA RICA
AFFAIRS—VESSELS BUILT—PLEASURE EXCURSIONS.
A pompous reception was accorded the imperial prisoner. With no small
ceremony was he conducted to apartments adjoining those of Cortés, as
selected by himself, and there surrounded by all accustomed comforts
and every show of greatness. At hand were his favorite wives, his
most devoted servants; he held court daily, received ambassadors,
issued orders, and with the aid of his learned jurists administered
justice. To outward appearance the monarch was as absolute as ever;
yet Montezuma knew that his glory had departed, that the continued
forms of greatness were hollow, and that his power was but the power
of a puppet. He was wise enough to know that a strong man is not to
be trusted who is officiously kind to a weak one.
Henceforth the power of the nation, in the hands of these insidious
strangers, was to be directed against himself. It was a cunning
policy, craftily conceived and deftly executed.
Cortés took care that everything round the prisoner should move
smoothly, and that his presence in the Spanish quarters should appear
to the natives a voluntary rather than an enforced visit. To his more
intimate lords and subjects, however, who knew better his condition,
and who sometimes urged him to return to his palace, the poor captive
would say, “Ah, no! it is the will of the gods that I remain with
these men and be guided by their counsel.” But on no account must
the imperial influence be allowed for the present to decline before
the people. The deception must be continued, and the dignity of the
sovereign upheld by a deferential attention as profound as that which
was shown before his imprisonment. Daily, after prayers, the Spanish
general came to pay his respects, attended by several of his captains,
more frequently Alvarado, Velazquez, and Ordaz, and to receive the
imperial commands with respect to his comforts, pleasures, and duties.
On these occasions, and indeed whenever he appeared before the emperor,
says Bernal Diaz, Cortés set the example to his followers by doffing
his hat and bowing low, and never did he presume to sit in the royal
presence until requested to do so.
Yet a most unpleasant reminder to the monarch of his circumscribed
authority was the ever present guard in and around his apartments.[517]
This was under the command of Juan Velazquez de Leon, who enforced the
strictest watch, particularly when it became known that Montezuma’s
courtiers lost no opportunity to urge escape, and that he lent them
a not unwilling ear, despite the professed desire to remain with the
Spaniards. Among the several schemes with this object are mentioned
bored walls, tunnels beneath the palace, and an attempt by the emperor
himself to leap from the summit of the building into a safe receptacle
prepared for him.[518]
Espionage was also established on the emperor in his intercourse
with courtiers, by placing in the apartment the page Orteguilla, who
had acquired a fair knowledge of Aztec. Of prepossessing appearance,
agreeable and sprightly in manner, the youth became a favorite with
the captive king. Among other things, the little spy gave the monarch
an insight into Spanish customs and proceedings at home and abroad,
into the power and grandeur of the Castilian king, and into the
mysteries of the faith. Being constantly together they grew familiar,
Montezuma delighting to play pranks on the boy, throwing aloft his
hat, and laughing at his efforts to regain it. These tricks were
always followed by a liberal reward.[519]
Montezuma was indeed most liberal with all who came in contact with
him, as became the character of a great and rich prince. Not only
jewels, robes, and curiosities, but male and female slaves, were
freely dispensed, partly no doubt with a view to secure good treatment
from the guard. A considerate thoughtfulness and gentle manner added
to his popularity, and “whenever he ordered,” says the old soldier,
“we flew to obey.” The inconsiderate pride and selfishness of the
independent monarch seems to have disappeared in the prisoner, yet
like the captive hawk he was submissive only to his masters. Orteguilla
kept him informed of the rank and character of the men, and became the
recognized medium for his favors. He represented, for instance, that
Bernal Diaz longed to be the master of a pretty maiden, and Montezuma,
having noticed the exceeding deference of the soldier, called him,
saying that he would bestow on him a fine young woman, whom he must
treat well, for she was the daughter of a chief. He also gave him three
quoits of gold and two loads of robes.[520] The gift came from the
emperor’s harem, from which he frequently drew to please those whom
he delighted to honor. The vacancies thus created were filled from
noble families, who like those of more advanced countries regarded
it an honor for a daughter to occupy the position of royal concubine.
After his imprisonment Montezuma seems to have disposed of his wives
quite rapidly, a number of them falling to leading Spaniards.[521]
To Cortés he offered for the second time a daughter, prettier than
the one given him on the day of his capture, but in this instance
the gift was declined in favor of Olid, who accepted her, together
with any number of presents, and was henceforth treated as a relative
by her imperial father. Both she and the sister with Cortés were
baptized.[522]
The soldiers generally were by no means forgotten in the distribution
of women and other gifts, and in course of time the quarter became so
crowded with male and female attendants that Cortés found it necessary
to issue an order reducing the number to one female servant for each
man. Informed of this, Montezuma instructed his mayordomo to provide
good accommodation and sustenance for them elsewhere.[523]
Encouraged by this generosity, Cortés approached him one day regarding
the secreted treasures, which had been so long respected, but which
he desired to have in his possession. He regretted to say that his
graceless soldiers had come upon the treasure-chamber, and regardless
of his instructions had abstracted a number of jewels. The emperor
hastened to reassure him; perhaps he understood the hint. The contents
of the chamber belonged to the gods, he said; but the gold and silver
might freely be taken so long as the rest was left.[524] He would
give more, if required. Cortés did not scruple to avail himself of
the permission, by appropriating for himself and his intimate friends
a large share. So charged the discontented soldiers, but the main
portion appears to have been reserved for the general distribution
not long after. Although the most valuable part of this collection
had been freely surrendered, the soldiers hesitated not to seize also
upon other effects, such as liquid amber and several hundred loads of
cotton fabrics. Cortés wished to restore them, but Montezuma declined,
saying that he never received anything back.[525] On another occasion
the Spaniards discovered the imperial warehouse for cacao beans, the
most common currency of the country, and for some time made nightly
raids on it with their Indian carriers. Cortés proposed to mete out
punishment for this, but finding that Alvarado was a leading culprit,
he dropped the matter with a private reprimand.[526]
Montezuma’s good nature was imposed upon in more ways than one, and
with all his kindness he could not command consideration from the
rougher soldiers and sailors. One of the guard, after being requested,
with a gift, to discontinue certain unseemly acts, repeated the offence
in the hope of receiving another bribe; but Montezuma now reported
him to his captain, and he was removed. Cortés, who was determined
to enforce respect for the captive, inflicted severe punishment on
offenders in this respect. Tired of patrol duty, Pedro Lopez said
one day in the hearing of Montezuma, “Confusion on this dog! By
guarding him constantly, I am sick at stomach unto death!” Told of
this, the general had the man lashed in the soldiers’ hall, and this
regardless of his standing as a good soldier and an archer of great
skill. Another who showed insolence to the emperor was ordered hanged,
but escaped with a lashing at the intercession of the captains and
of Montezuma.[527] This strictness insured respect not only for the
emperor, but for Cortés, so that the quarter became most exemplary
for its good order.[528]
The Spaniards united heartily with the native courtiers to entertain
the captive and to remove so far as possible whatever might remind
him of his lost liberty. He found great delight in their military
exercises, which recalled the faded prowess of his youth and exhibited
the tactics which contributed so powerfully to Spanish supremacy over
native arms. He also enjoyed sports, and among games the _totoloque_
was his favorite. This consisted in throwing small golden balls at
pieces of the same metal set up as targets at a certain distance.
Five points won the stakes. Cortés often played it with him, and
Alvarado, who kept count for the general, usually marked more points
than he was entitled to. Montezuma playfully protested against such
marking, although what Cortés won he gave to the Mexican attendants,
while Montezuma presented his gains to the Spanish guard.[529]
Montezuma was at times allowed to visit his palaces, and to enjoy
the hunting-field, but these trips were of rare occurrence, owing to
the danger of popular demonstrations.[530] On such occasions, says
Cortés, the escort of prominent Mexicans numbered at least three
thousand. The first time Montezuma requested this privilege it was for
the purpose of offering prayer and sacrifice at the great temple, as
required by his gods, he said; and although Cortés did not like the
arrangement, his prisoner convinced him that this public demonstration
was necessary, in order to show the people that he was not kept in
compulsory confinement, but remained with the strangers at the order
of the deity he was about to consult. Four captains were appointed
to escort him with a guard of one hundred and fifty soldiers, and he
was warned that any attack upon them, or any attempt at rescue, would
result in his own death. He was carried in a rich litter, attended
by a brilliant procession of nobles, and preceded, according to
custom, by a dignitary bearing the triple wand which indicated that
the emperor was approaching and demanded loyal veneration.
On reaching the temple the imperial worshipper stepped forth, leaning
on the arms of his relatives, and was assisted to the summit. Human
sacrifices had been forbidden, and Father Olmedo came to watch over
the observance of the order; but it appears that four captives had
been offered during the night, and despite the remonstrances of
the friar the attendant rites went on.[531] The captains thought it
prudent not to exceed a protest, and congratulated themselves when
the ceremony was ended and the emperor safely back in their quarters.
* * * * *
A fortnight after the seizure of Montezuma, Quauhpopoca arrived in
the capital, accompanied by his son and fifteen of his staff. He made
his entry with the pomp befitting a powerful governor and a relative
of the sovereign, and hastened to the palace. As was customary with
subjects who were about to appear in the imperial presence, the rich
robes were covered with a coarse cloak, in token of humiliation.
His master received him with a stern countenance, and signified his
displeasure at the proceedings which under pretext of his authority had
caused loss of Spanish life. No attention was paid to explanations,
and he was surrendered with his followers to the Spaniards, to be
dealt with as they thought fit.[532] Cortés held a trial: he was a
shrewd inquisitor, and his sentence was sure to accord with his own
interests. “Are you a vassal of Montezuma?” he asked of Quauhpopoca.
“What else could I be?” was the reply. “Did you attack Spaniards
by his order?” The prisoner was in a most serious dilemma. At first
he refused to implicate the emperor, but finding that his fate was
sealed he confessed having acted under his orders.[533] This could
not avail him, however, for in obeying his master he had injured the
subjects and outraged the laws and majesty of the Spanish king, who
was sovereign of all, and this demanded punishment.
The fact was that Spanish prestige, on which so much depended,
had suffered through the machinations of the governor, and it was
considered necessary to restore it. Therefore it was decreed that
Quauhpopoca, with his son and officers, should be burned alive in the
plaza, before the palace. Cortés availed himself of the opportunity
to seize all the arms in the arsenals,[534] and therewith build a
pyre worthy such noted offenders.
When all was ready Cortés presented himself before the emperor, and
announced with a severe tone that the evidence of the condemned showed
their acts to have been authorized by him, and as a life called for a
life, according to Spanish laws, he deserved death. Cortés, however,
loved him—for himself, his generosity, and services he loved him too
dearly to let justice have its course, and would take on himself to
appease its demands by a nominal punishment.[535] He then turned on his
heel, while one of the soldiers clasped a pair of shackles round the
prisoner’s ankles, and the mighty emperor of the Aztecs was ironed.
For a moment Montezuma stood rooted to the floor. Then he groaned
with anguish at this the greatest indignity ever offered his sacred
person. He trembled with apprehension at what might yet follow. His
courtiers were no less afflicted, and with tears in their eyes they
knelt to lessen the weight at least of the shameful bonds, and with
bandages to relieve the imperial limbs.[536]
Meanwhile the troops formed an imposing cordon in front of the palace
to prevent a rescue of the condemned as they were led out and tied
to the stake. Writhing with pain, yet mute as became brave warriors,
with the ascending smoke from Aztec shields and darts they rendered up
their anguished souls. It was rare strategy thus with the offenders
to destroy the means of offence. Supposing that the execution was by
imperial sanction, the populace tacitly assented, gazing on the horrid
spectacle with pallid faces and bated breath. Though accustomed to
scenes like this in connection with their religious festivals, it
appeared terrible when perpetrated by foreigners, to the dreary sound
of muffled drums.[537]
All being over, Cortés reëntered the apartments of Montezuma with
his captains, and kneeling down he himself took off the fetters,
declaring that he felt deeply grieved at the infliction, for he loved
him as a brother. The monarch became almost hysteric with joy at this
deliverance, and with falling tears he expressed himself in abject
terms of gratitude, like the dog licking the hand which has chastised
it. Every fresh incident reveals some new trait in the character of
this unhappy man which calls for pity or contempt. “Yet further,”
continued Cortés, “to show my deep regard and confidence, you are
now at full liberty to return to your own house.” But Montezuma
understood well enough that these were but words, an empty offer;
indeed he had been informed by the well prompted page that, although
the general might wish to release him, the Spanish captains would
never permit it.[538] He accordingly expressed his thanks, and said
that he preferred to remain with him, giving as a reason that, were
he free, the importunities of his relatives and nobles to attack the
Spaniards might prevail over his friendship for them and their king,
and this would entail not only loss of life on both sides, but the
ruin of the city. Thereupon Cortés embraced him with every appearance
of deep devotion, and said, “Next to my king you shall be king; vast
as are your possessions, I will make you ruler of more and greater
provinces.”[539]
We can imagine the words by which the Spaniards might justify to
themselves the death of Quauhpopoca, but we cannot understand the
object in degrading the emperor in the eyes of his subjects—an act
which they had hitherto been so careful to avoid—unless it was to
lift themselves in their own esteem and that of the natives, far
above the highest American princes and powers, and to impress the
sacredness of their persons on the minds of the Indians. Further than
this, they seemed to think some punishment of the emperor necessary,
either because he had authorized the Nautla outrage, or because he
had countenanced it by neglecting to reprimand the perpetrators.
At all events, the effect was salutary, so much so that Spaniards
were to be seen wandering singly about the country without fear of
molestation.[540]
This effect, which extended also to adjoining independent provinces,
enabled Cortés to carry out the long-cherished project of gathering
information on the condition of the country, particularly its political
feeling and its mineral resources. Montezuma readily gave the aid
requested by providing maps and officials to guide the exploring
parties. The first investigations were directed to the upper parts
of Rio Zacatula and to Miztecapan, some eighty leagues south of the
capital, and to the northern branches of the Papaloapan, whence most
of the gold was said to come.[541] The Zacatula party was headed
by Pilot Gonzalo de Umbría, in compensation perhaps for the loss of
his feet at Villa Rica. He returned before the other parties, within
the forty days allowed for the trip, and brought about three hundred
pesos’ worth of gold dust, washed out in dishes from three rivers,
by order of the cacique. Two chiefs accompanied him, bearing gold
presents of nearly the same value as the dust, and offering allegiance
to the Spaniards in the name of their caciques.[542] Small as was the
treasure, it afforded a substantial proof of the glowing report of
Umbría. He had passed through three beautiful and fertile provinces,
filled with towns containing buildings equal to any in Spain. He
described a fortress finer in appearance and stronger than the castle
of Búrgos, and the people of Tamazulapan as most superior in dress
and intelligence.[543]
Another party, under one Pizarro,[544] proceeded south-eastward,
through Tochtepec and Malinaltepec, both of which yielded them gold
dust to the value of about three hundred pesos. Descending along
the northern fork of Papaloapan, they reached the country of the
Chinantecs, hostile to the Aztecs who had taken some of the border
towns. Their independence had not otherwise been affected, owing to
their mountain fastnesses, their warlike spirit, and their formidable
weapons, which were pikes about twenty feet in length. They invited the
Spaniards to enter, but would not allow the Mexican escort to cross the
boundary. The guides warned Pizarro not to trust himself to what they
termed a treacherous people, but after a brief hesitation he advanced
and received a hearty reception. Aid was given to search for gold,
of which seven hundred pesos’ worth was obtained from several rivers,
most of it in rough grains.[545] On his return he brought two chiefs,
who bore presents of gold from their chief cacique Cohuatlicamac,
and tendered his allegiance on condition that the Aztecs should not
be allowed to enter the country. Finding the inhabitants so friendly
and the province rich in resources, Pizarro left four of his small
party behind to establish cacao and maize plantations and to search
for more gold.[546]
[Illustration]
The project appears to have found favor with Cortés, who besought
Montezuma to form plantations for the king also in his adjoining
province of Malinaltepec. This was at once attended to, and within
two months four substantial houses and a vast reservoir had been
constructed, and a large tract of land brought under cultivation,
the improvements being valued at twenty thousand pesos de oro.[547]
Another important object was to find a better harbor than Villa
Rica, and the emperor being consulted, he at once ordered a map to
be made, which showed very accurately not only the rivers and inlets
already known to the Spaniards, between Pánuco and Tabasco, but the
yet unknown Rio Goazacoalco, beyond the Mexican border. This being
said to have a large and deep entrance, Cortés availed himself of
Ordaz’ offer to examine it. Ten men, chiefly sailors and pilots, and
some guides, accompanied him, and authority was given to take escorts
from the frontier garrisons. He proceeded to Chalchiuhcuecan or San
Juan de Ulua, and thence followed the coast examining the inlets.
On reaching the frontier complaints became numerous against the native
garrisons by reason of raids and outrages, and supported by the chiefs
who attended him he reprimanded the commanders, threatening them
with the fate of Quauhpopoca unless they restrained the troops. They
used to extend their raids into the Goazacoalco province, but were
at present somewhat guarded, owing to a repulse wherein a number of
comrades had perished.[548]
Ordaz’ proceedings served him well, for Tuchintlec, the cacique of
this province, sent a deputation of leading men to extend a welcome,
and furnished canoes and men to aid in sounding the river. The bar
was found to be at least two fathoms and a half deep at low water,
and above this, for twelve leagues, the soundings showed fully
five fathoms, with a prospect of an equal depth for some distance,
whereupon the pilots expressed the opinion that the channel might be
a strait leading to the southern sea.[549] Ordaz received not only
presents of gold and pretty women for himself, but brought with him
messengers bearing jewels, tiger-skins, feathers, and precious stones
for Cortés, together with an offer of allegiance and tribute similar
to those already tendered by the neighbors of Tabasco. His report,
which extolled the agricultural resources as well as the port, induced
the general to send with the returning messengers another party to
examine these features more thoroughly and to test the disposition of
the inhabitants. They again sounded the river, selected a town site,
and reported in favor of a settlement. The cacique also expressed
himself eager to receive settlers, and offered to begin at once the
construction of houses. This decided Cortés to establish a colony on
the river, and in April Juan Velazquez and Rodrigo Rangel set out with
one hundred and fifty men to carry out the project. This, however,
was not destined to be so speedily accomplished.[550]
* * * * *
Meanwhile Villa Rica had been a source of no small anxiety to Cortés.
He had appointed Alonso de Grado to fill the vacant place of Escalante,
as commander of the fortress, and as his lieutenant in the district.
Grado was a man of agreeable presence and conversation, and with
some fame among his comrades as a writer and musician, but more of a
braggart than a soldier, with decided sympathies in favor of Velazquez.
Indeed, Bernal Diaz charges him with having been the ringleader of the
mutinous demonstration at Tlascala. Cortés was well acquainted with
the character of the man; but his glib tongue had evidently overcome
the prudence of the general, or else he preferred a less bold spirit
than Escalante’s at this post. “Now, Señor Grado,” said he in handing
him his commission, “here is the fulfilment of your long felt desire
of going to Villa Rica. Take care of the fort, treat the Indians well,
and do not undertake any expeditions like that of Escalante, or you
may meet his fate.” “In saying this,” adds Bernal Diaz, “he gave us
soldiers a wink, which we readily enjoyed, knowing well enough that
Grado would not venture to do so, even under penalty of disgrace.”
The office of alguacil mayor, held by the former commander, was not
included in the present commission, but was given to Sandoval, and
when Grado remonstrated he was promised compensation in due time.
On reaching Villa Rica the evil nature of the man came to the front.
He assumed pompous demeanor, and expected the settlers to serve him
as a great lord, while the Totonacs were pressed for gold and female
slaves. The fort and the duties connected with it were neglected,
and the commander spent his time in gormandizing and gambling, not
to mention the secret efforts to undermine his general’s influence
and to gain adherents for Velazquez. This soon reached the ears
of Cortés, who felt not a little annoyed at having trusted such a
fellow. He recognized the necessity of intrusting this district to
one thoroughly devoted to himself, since a fleet from Cuba might at
any moment arrive and create mischief. Therefore he sent Sandoval,
who was brave and prudent, as well as loyal, and with him Pedro de
Ircio, a former equerry, of insinuating manners and gossiping tongue,
whom Sandoval elevated to a commanding position.[551]
Grado was immediately sent up to Mexico under a native guard, and
when he arrived, with hands tied and a noose round his neck, the
soldiers derided him, while Cortés felt half inclined to hang the
fellow. After a few days’ exposure in the stocks he was released, and
soon his smooth persuasion paved once more a way to the favor of his
general, with whom he became so reconciled as to obtain the office
of contador not long afterward.
* * * * *
Among the instructions to Sandoval was one to send to Mexico two
shipwrights with ship-building implements, also chains, iron, sails,
rope, compass, and everything needful to fit out four vessels which
had been placed on the stocks shortly after the seizure of the
emperor.[552] The object was to afford a means for the ready movement
of troops and for escape in case of an uprising, when the bridges would
doubtless be raised. In asking Montezuma for aid to fell and prepare
timber, it was pretended that it was for pleasure-boats wherewith
to entertain him. Under the able direction of Martin Lopez aided by
Alonso Nuñez, the master carpenters, they were completed within a
few weeks, and provided with four guns and tiers of oars, affording
transport for three hundred men.
A hunting-trip to one of the imperial reserves across the lake was at
once arranged.[553] The largest vessel had been provided with awnings
and other comforts for the reception of Montezuma, his suite, and
a strong guard, while other notables were accommodated in the other
craft. A volley from the guns announced their arrival, and did more
probably to inspire respect than even the presence of majesty. The
vessels were accompanied by a fleet of canoes, some holding forty
or more courtiers, hunters, or attendants. All were curious to see
how the winged water-houses would behave, for their immense size was
supposed to render them slow and clumsy. A fair breeze was blowing,
however, and as the large sails unfurled, the vessels bounded forward
with a speed that in a few moments left the occupants of the canoes
far behind. Montezuma was delighted, and the trip was repeated.
Hunting parties were likewise formed; for the royal captive enjoyed
the chase and used the blow-pipe with great skill.[554]
FOOTNOTES
[517] ‘Le dió en guarda á un capitan, é de noche é de dia
siempre estaban españoles en su presencia.’ _Tapia_, _Rel._,
in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 580. This captain appears
to have been Juan Velazquez, whose place was taken by Olid,
when required. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 77, 86.
[518] ‘Se quiso echar de vna açutea de diez estados en
alto, para que los suyos le recibiessen, sino le detuuiera
vn Castellano.... Denoche y de dia procurauan de sacarle,
oradando a cada passo las paredes, y echando fuego por las
azuteas.’
The result was an increase of the guard, Álvarez Chico being
placed with 60 men to watch the rear of the quarters, and
Andrés de Monjarraz the front, with the same number, each
watch consisting of twenty men. _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib.
viii. cap. iii. Bernal Diaz intimates that the guarding
of Montezuma proved a severe strain on the soldiers; but,
situated as they were, vigilance was ever required, and
still greater must have been the danger had he not been in
their power.
[519] Herrera calls him Peña, which may have been one of
his names, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. v. Bernal Diaz assumes
that Montezuma asked Cortés to give him the page, after
the execution of Quauhpopoca. _Hist. Verdad._, 75.
[520] The bride was named Francisca. _Hist. Verdad._, 77.
As an instance of Montezuma’s eagerness to gratify the
Spaniards, and at the same time to exhibit his own power,
it is related that one day a hawk pursued a pigeon to the
very cot in the palace, amid the plaudits of the soldiers.
Among them was Francisco the dandy, former maestresala to
the admiral of Castile, who loudly expressed the wish to
obtain possession of the hawk and to tame him for falconry.
Montezuma heard him, and gave his hunters orders to catch
it, which they did. _Id._; _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 125.
[521] Duran states that the soldiers discovered a house
filled with women, supposed to be wives of Montezuma, and
hidden to be out of the reach of the white men. He assumes
that gratitude would have made the Spaniards respect them;
or, if the women were nuns, that respect for virtue must
have obtained.
[522] Cortés’ protégée being named Ana. Quite a number of
the general’s followers declare in their testimony against
him, in 1528, that he assumed the intimate protectorship of
two or even three of Montezuma’s daughters, the second being
called Inés, or by others Isabel, the wife of Grado, and
afterward of Gallego. ‘Tres fijas de Montezuma e que las dos
dellas an parido del e la otra murio preñada del quando se
perdio esta cibdad.’ _Tirado_, in _Cortés_, _Residencia_,
ii. 39, 241, 244; i. 63, 99, 221, 263. Intrigues are
mentioned with other Indian princesses. Vetancurt assumes
that two noble maidens were given, one of whom Olid received.
_Teatro Mex._, pt. iii. 133; _Torquemada_, i. 462. Bernal
Diaz supposes that this is the first daughter offered by
Montezuma, and he believes evidently that Cortés accepts
her, to judge by a later reference. _Hist. Verdad._, 85, 102.
[523] Herrera states that Cortés’ order was prompted by
a consideration for the heavy expense to Montezuma. The
latter remonstrated at this economical fit, and commanded
that double rations should be provided for the exiled. dec.
ii. lib. viii. cap. iv.
[524] _Tapia_, _Rel._, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii.
580. ‘Purchè non tocchino disse il Re, le immagini degli
Dei, nè ciò che è destinato al loro culto, prendano quanto
vogliono,’ is Clavigero’s free interpretation of Ojeda’s
version. _Storia Mess._, iii. 97; _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._,
125.
[525] ‘Lo q̄ vna vez daua no lo auia de tornar a recibir.’
‘Las caxas donde la ropa estaua, eran tan grandes que
llegauan a las vigas de los aposentos, y tan anchas, q̄
despues de vacias, se alojauã en cada vna dos Castellanos.
Sacaron al patio mas de mil cargas de ropa.’ _Herrera_,
ii. viii. iv.
[526] ‘Casa de Cacao, de Motecuhçuma, adonde avia mas de
quarenta mil Cargas, que era Gran Riqueça, porque solia
valer cada Carga quarenta Castellanos.’ Alvarado alone
emptied six jars of 600 loads. _Torquemada_, i. 472.
[527] The man had insisted that Montezuma should have a
search made for two of his missing female attendants. The
emperor did not wish Spaniards punished for pilfering, as he
told Cortés, only for offering insult and violence. In such
cases he would have his own courtiers lashed. _Herrera_,
dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. v.
[528] ‘Tinie el marques tan recogida su gente, que ninguno
salie un tiro de arcabuz del aposento sin licencia, é
asimismo la gente tan en paz, que se averiguó nunca reñir
uno con otro.’ _Tapia_, _Rel._, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col.
Doc._, ii. 586.
[529] _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist Verdad._, 77. ‘Un giuoco, che
gli Spagnuoli chiamavano il _bodoque_.’ _Clavigero_, _Storia
Mess._, iii. 97. Bodoque signifies balls in this connection.
When Alvarado lost, he with great show of liberality paid
in chalchiuites, stones which were highly treasured by
the natives, but worth nothing to the Spaniards. Montezuma
paid in quoits, worth at least 50 ducats. One day he lost
40 or 50 quoits, and with pleasure, since it gave him the
opportunity to be generous. B. V. de Tapia testifies that
Alvarado used to cheat in playing cards with him and others.
_Cortés_, _Residencia_, i. 51-2. Another way of gratifying
this bent was to accept trifles from the Spaniards and
liberally compensate them. Alonso de Ojeda, for instance,
had a silk-embroidered satchel with many pockets, for which
Montezuma gave him two pretty slaves, beside a number of
robes and jewels. Ojeda wrote a memoir on the conquest, of
which Herrera makes good use. dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. v.
[530] ‘Fué muchas veces á holgar con cinco ó seis españoles
á una y dos leguas fuera de la ciudad.’ _Cortés_, _Cartas_,
92. Both the times and the number of the Spaniards are
doubtful, however. ‘Quando salia a caçar.... Lleuaua ocho o
diez Españoles en guarda de la persona, y tres mil Mexicanos
entre señores, caualleros, criados, y caçadores.’ _Gomara_,
_Hist. Mex._, 124; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, 297.
[531] Bernal Diaz intimates that more sacrifices were made
in their presence. ‘Y no podiamos en aquella sazon hazer
otra cosa sino dissimular con èl.’ _Hist. Verdad._, 78.
[532] Bernal Diaz admits that he knows not what occurred
between governor and monarch, but Herrera claims to be
better informed. Barefooted, and with eyes upon the floor,
Quauhpopoca approached the throne and said: ‘Most great
and most powerful lord, thy slave Quauhpopoca has come at
thy bidding, and awaits thy orders.’ He had done wrong,
was the reply, to kill the Spaniards, and then declare
that he had orders so to do. For this he should suffer as
a traitor to his sovereign and to the strangers. He was
not allowed to make any explanations, dec. ii. lib. viii.
cap. ix. It is not unlikely that Montezuma commanded him
not to reveal anything that might implicate his master,
hoping that Cortés would out of regard for his generous
host inflict a comparatively light punishment.
[533] ‘Examinaron los segunda vez, con mas rigor, y amenazas
de tormento, y sin discrepar todos confessaron,’ says
Herrera, loc. cit.
[534] ‘En vna de las casas reales dicha Tlacochalco.’
_Herrera_, loc. cit. ‘É serien mas que quinientas
carretadas.’ _Tapia_, _Rel._, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._,
ii. 584.
[535] ‘Me has negado no auer mãdado a Couatlpopocà q̄ matasse
a mis compañeros, no lo has hecho como tan gran señor que
eres, ... porque no quedes sin algun castigo, y tu y los
tuyos sepays quanto vale el tratar verdad, te mãdare echar
prisiones.’ Herrera implies with this that Cortés laid more
weight on the disregard for truth than on the authorization
of the outrage. dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. ix. ‘Que ya que
aquella culpa tuuiesse, que antes la pagaria el Cortès
por su persona, que versela passar al Monteçuma.’ _Bernal
Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 75.
[536] ‘Esto hizo por ocuparle el pensamiento en sus duelos,
y dexasse los ajenos.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 129. ‘Todo
à fin de espantarle mas.’ _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._,
298.
[537] Solis seems to say that the bodies were burned after
execution, _Hist. Mex._, i. 461-2, but Cortés and others
are frank enough about the actual burning, which was not
regarded in that cruel age with the same aversion as by us.
Instances are to be found in the _Native Races_, ii.-iii.,
where this ordeal was undergone by criminals as well as
temple victims among the Aztecs. Bernal Diaz gives the names
of two of Quauhpopoca’s companions in misfortune, Quiabuitle
and Coatl. _Hist. Verdad._, 75. Prescott, _Mex._, ii. 173,
states that the execution took place in the court-yard;
but this is probably a misprint, to judge by his own text.
[538] ‘Á lo que entendimos, ê lo mas cierto, Cortés auia
dicho á Aguilar la lengua, que le dixesse de secreto, que
aunque Malinche le mandasse salir de la prision, que los
Capitanes nuestros, è soldados no querriamos.’ _Bernal
Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 75.
[539] ‘Fué tanto el buen tratamiento que yo le hice, y el
contentamiento que de mí tenia, que algunas veces y muchas
le acometi con su libertad, rogándole que fuese á su casa,
y me dijo todas las veces que se lo decia, que él estaba
bien allí,’ etc. _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 91. ‘No osaua, de
miedo que los suyos no le matassen ... por auerse dexado
prender,’ is one of the suppositions of Gomara, who calls
him a man of little heart. _Hist. Mex._, 129-30. Peter
Martyr appears to be moved rather by pity for him. dec.
v. cap. iii. ‘Non gli conveniva ritornare al suo palagio,
mentre fossero nella Corte gli Spagnuoli.’ _Clavigero_,
_Storia Mess._, iii. 102.
[540] ‘Como este castigo se supo en todas las Prouincias
de la Nueua-España, temieron, y los pueblos de la costa,
adonde mataron nuestros soldados, bolvieron á servir.’
Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 75-6, comments upon the
daring of the Spaniards in carrying out these and similar
high-handed acts. For a short time after this, says Herrera,
the soldiers were ordered to sleep on their arms, in case
of any demonstration. dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. ix. Clavigero
regards the burning as unjustifiable, since the emperor was
regarded as having authorized it. If he was not guilty,
the Spaniards were ungrateful to treat him as they did.
_Storia Mess._, iii. 101. Robertson finds some excuse for
Quauhpopoca’s punishment, but calls the humiliation of
Montezuma a wanton display of power. _Hist. Am._, ii. 63,
453-4. Prescott, on the other hand, regards the humiliation
as politic, on the ground that by rendering the monarch
contemptible in the eyes of his subjects, he was obliged
to rely more on the Spaniards. _Mex._, ii. 177. But this
would hardly have been necessary since he was in their
power, and considering that the object of keeping him so
was to control the country, it would have been better not
to degrade him.
[541] ‘Donde mas oro se solia traer, que era de vna Provincia
que se dize, Zacatula ... de otra Provincia, que se dize
Gustepeque, cerca de donde desembarcamos ... é que cerca
de aquella Provincia ay otras buenas minas, en parte que
no son sujetos, que se dizen, los Chinatecas, y Capotecas.’
_Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 81. Montezuma detailed two
persons for each of four provinces where gold was to be
had, and Cortés gave two Spaniards for each couple. The
provinces named were Cuzula, Tamazulapa, Malinaltepeque,
Tenis. _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 92-3. Of the eight Indians, four
were miners or goldsmiths, and the others guides. _Gomara_,
_Hist. Mex._, 130. Chimalpain names the provinces: Tamazólan,
in upper Miztecapan, Malinaltepec and Tenich, both on the
same river, and Tututepec, twelve leagues farther, in the
Xicayan country. _Hist. Conq._, i. 254-5.
[542] ‘Con tal, que los de Culùa no entrassen en su tierra.’
They were reassured and dismissed with presents. _Herrera_,
dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. i.
[543] ‘Cortés se holgô tanto con el oro como si fueran
treinta mil pesos, en saber cierto que avia buenas minas.’
Bernal Diaz intimates beside that Umbría and his two
companions had provided themselves with plenty of gold.
_Hist. Verdad._, 81-2.
[544] A young man of 25 years, whom Cortés treated as
a relative. With him went four Spaniards who understood
mining, and four chiefs. _Id._
[545] ‘En granos crespillos, porque dixeron los mineros,
que aquello era de mas duraderas minas como de nacimiento.’
_Id._, 82.
[546] Bernal Diaz names them, ‘Barriẽtos, y Heredia el
viejo, y Escalona el moço, y Cervantes el chocarrero,’ and
says that Cortés, displeased at soldiers being left to raise
fowl and cacao, sent Alonso Luis to recall them. _Hist.
Verdad._, 82; _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. i. He is
evidently mistaken, as shown by his own later text, for
Cortés himself states that he sought to form plantations
in that direction. The recall was made later and for a
different reason.
[547] ‘Estaban sembradas sesenta hanegas de maíz y diez
de frijoles, y dos mil piés de cacap [cacao] ... hicieron
un estanque de agua, y en él pusieron quinientos patos
... y pusieron hasta mil y quinientas gallinas.’ _Cortés_,
_Cartas_, 94; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v. cap. iii. Oviedo writes
that farms were established for the king in two or three
provinces, one in Chimanta [Chimantla]. The two Spaniards
left in the latter were saved, but elsewhere, subject to the
Aztecs, they were killed during the uprising originated by
Alvarado. iii. 376. Tapia refers to an expedition at this
time against a revolted province, 80 leagues off. _Rel._,
in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 584.
[548] ‘Por aquella causa llaman oy en dia, donde aquella
guerra passò, Cuilonemiqui.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._,
82.
[549] _Herrera_, loc. cit. ‘Creyan lo que desseauan,’
remarks Gomara, _Hist. Mex._, 131.
[550] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 95, 116; _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._,
131-2. Bernal Diaz throws doubt on the expedition of
Velazquez, but is evidently forgetful. _Hist. Verdad._, 81-2.
‘El señor de la provinçia ... luego hiço seys [casas] en el
assiento é parte que para el pueblo se señaló.’ _Oviedo_,
iii. 293. Peter Martyr calls these buildings ‘Tributaries’
houses.’ dec. v. cap. iii.; _Cortés_, _Residencia_, ii. 6,
49.
[551] He had served as equerry in the noble houses of the
Conde de Ureña and Pedro Giron, of whose affairs he was
always prating. His propensity for tale-telling lost him
many friends, but he managed to keep intimate with Sandoval,
whose favors he afterward repaid with ingratitude. _Bernal
Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 76, 246. Gomara insists on naming him
as the comandante, but this dignity he attained only after
Sandoval and Rangel had held it. _Cortés_, _Residencia_,
i. 256; _Torquemada_, i. 456.
[552] ‘Luego que entré en la dicha ciudad di mucha priesa
á facer cuatro bergantines ... tales que podian echar
trecientos hombres en la tierra y llevar los caballos.’
_Cortés_, _Cartas_, 103; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v. cap.
iv. ‘Quatro fustas.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 146. ‘Dos
vergantines.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 76. The cedars
of Tacuba, numerous enough at this period, yielded much
of the timber, and the slopes of Iztaccihuatl and Telapon
the harder portion for masts, keels, etc. _Mora_, in _Soc.
Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, ix. 301.
[553] ‘En la laguna á vn peñol, que estaua acotado, q̄ no
ossauan entrar en èl á montear, por muy principales que
fuessen, so pena de muerte.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._,
78.
[554] _Native Races_, ii. 411. ‘Qãdo yua a caça de monteria,
le lleuauan en ombros, con las guardas de Castellanos, y
tres mil Indios Tlascaltecas.... Acompañauanle los señores
sus vassallos.’ _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. iv.