MEETING WITH MONTEZUMA.
NOVEMBER, 1519.
SOMETHING OF THE CITY—THE SPANIARDS START FROM
IZTAPALAPAN—REACH THE GREAT CAUSEWAY—THEY ARE MET BY MANY
NOBLES—AND PRESENTLY BY MONTEZUMA—ENTRY INTO MEXICO—THEY ARE
QUARTERED IN THE AXAYACATL PALACE—INTERCHANGE OF VISITS.
From Iztapalapan the imperial city of the great plateau could clearly
be seen, rising in unveiled whiteness from the lake. Almost celestial
was its beauty in the eyes of the spoilers; a dream some called it,
or, if tangible, only Venice was like it, with its imposing edifices
sparkling amid the sparkling waters. Many other places had been so
called, but there was no other New World Venice like this.
Sweeping round in sheltering embrace were the green swards and
wood-clad knolls on the shore, studded with tributary towns and
palatial structures, crowned with foliage, or peeping forth from
groves, some venturing nearer to the city, and into the very lake.
“We gazed with admiration,” exclaims Bernal Diaz, as he compares with
the enchanted structures described in the Amadis their grand towers,
cues, and edifices, rising in the lake, and all of masonry.
* * * * *
Let us glance at the people and their dwellings; for though we have
spoken of them at length elsewhere, we cannot in this connection
wholly pass them by.
Two centuries back, the Aztecs, then a small and despised people,
surrounded and oppressed by enemies, had taken refuge on some islets
in the western part of the saline lake of Mexico, and there by divine
command they had founded the city which, under the title of Mexico
Tenochtitlan, was to become the capital of Anáhuac. The first building
was a temple of rushes, round which the settlement grew up, spreading
rapidly over the islets, and on piles and filled ground. The city
was enlarged and beautified by successive rulers, and when first
beheld by the Spaniards it had attained its greatest extent—one it
never again approached—and was reputed to be about twelve miles in
circumference. This area embraced a large suburb of several villages
and towns with independent names, containing in all sixty thousand
houses, equivalent to a population of three hundred thousand.[453]
Four great avenues, paved with hard cement, ran crosswise from the
cardinal points, and divided the city into as many quarters, which
were again subdivided into wards.[454]
Three of the avenues were connected in a straight line, or nearly
so, with the main land by means of smooth causeways, constructed of
piles filled up with rubble and débris. The shortest of these was the
western, leading to Tlacopan, half a league distant, and bordered all
the way with houses. They were wide enough for ten horsemen to ride
abreast, and were provided at intervals with bridges for the free
flow of water[455] and of traffic. Near their junction with the city
were drawbridges, and breastworks for defence. A fourth causeway,
from the Chapultepec summer palace, served to support the aqueduct
which carried water from the mountain spring in that vicinity.
Round the southern part of the city stretched a semicircular levee,
three leagues in length and thirty feet in breadth, which had been
constructed in the middle of the preceding century to protect the
place from the torrents which after heavy rains came rushing from the
fresh-water lakes of Xochimilco and Chalco. This levee was the chief
resort of the people—during the day for bustling merchants and boat
crews, during the evening for promenaders, who came to breathe the
fresh air soft-blown from the lake, and to watch the setting sun as
it gilded the summits of Popocatepetl and his consort.
Traffic, as may be supposed, was conducted chiefly by canals guarded
by custom-houses, lined with quays, and provided in some places with
docks. Upon these abutted narrow yet well lighted cross streets,
connected by bridges, and leading to a number of open squares, the
largest of which were the market-places in Tlatelulco and Mexico
proper, wherein as many as one hundred thousand people are said to
have found room.
Viewed architecturally and singly, the buildings did not present a
very imposing appearance, the greater portion being but one story in
height. This monotony, however, was relieved to a great extent by the
number of temples sacred to superior and local deities which were to
be seen in every ward, raised high above the dwellings of mortals,
on mounds of varying elevations, and surmounted by towering chapels.
Their fires, burning in perpetual adoration of the gods, presented a
most impressive spectacle at night. The grandest and most conspicuous
of them all was the temple of Huitzilopochtli, which stood in the
centre of the city, at the junction of the four avenues, so as to be
ever before the eyes of the faithful. It formed a solid stone-faced
pyramid about 375 feet long and 300 feet broad at the base, 325 by
250 feet at the summit, and rose in five superimposed, perpendicular
terraces to the height of 86 feet. Each terrace receded six feet from
the edge of the one beneath, and the stages were so placed that a
circuit had to be made of each ledge to gain the succeeding flight,
an arrangement equally suited for showy processions and for defence.
Surrounding the pyramid was a battlemented stone wall 4800 feet in
circumference, and through this led four gates, surmounted by arsenal
buildings, facing the four avenues.[456]
The pyramid was quite modern, and owed its erection to Ahuitzotl, who
for two years employed upon it an immense force of men, bringing the
material from a distance of three or four leagues. It was completed in
1486, and consecrated with thousands of victims. The rich and devout
brought, while it was building, a mass of treasures, which were buried
in the mound as an offering to the gods, and served subsequently as a
powerful incentive for the removal of every vestige of the structure.
The present cathedral occupies a portion of the site.[457]
The appearance of the city was likewise improved by terraces of various
heights serving as foundation for the dwellings of rich traders, and
of the nobles who were either commanded to reside at the capital or
attracted by the presence of the court. Their houses were to be seen
along the main thoroughfares, differing from the adobe, mud, or rush
huts of the poor, in being constructed of porous tetzontli stone,
finely polished and whitewashed. Every house stood by itself, separated
by narrow lanes or by gardens, and inclosing one or more courts.
Broad steps led up the terrace to two gates, one opening on the main
street, the other on the back lane or canal. The terrace platform was
particularly spacious in front, where occasionally a small oratorio
faced the entrance. The façade was adorned with elegant cornices and
stucco designs of flowers and animals, often painted in brilliant
colors. Balconies were occasionally to be seen, supported on monolith
columns without base or capital, though with incised ornamentation;
but they were not common, owing to the prevalence of flat roofs
surrounded by battlemented and even turreted parapets. Behind them
rose flowering plants, arranged in pots or growing in garden plots,
and aiding to render the spot attractive for the family gathering in
the evening. Flower-gardens might be seen also in the courts, with
a sparkling fountain in the centre. Around ran the shady porticos,
lined with suites of apartments, the larger reception rooms in front,
the stores and kitchen in the rear, and other rooms and chambers,
with the never failing temazcalli, or bath, arranged between them,
and provided with wicker screens or curtains in lieu of doors.
Courts as well as rooms were covered with flags of stones, tessellated
marble or cement, polished with ochre or gypsum; and the walls were
decorated not infrequently with porphyry, jasper, and alabaster, and
hung with cotton tapestry adorned with feather and other ornaments.
The furniture on the other hand was scanty, consisting chiefly of
mats of palm leaves, cushions, low tables, and stools.[458]
It was in the morning of the 8th of November that the Spaniards
mustered for the entry into Mexico. Not far from Iztapalapan they
came upon the longest causeway, two leagues in extent, which with
the exception of a short angle near the shore led in a straight line
northward to the heart of the city.[459] They passed several towns,
some on the shore, others touching the causeway,[460] and supported
to a great extent by the manufacture of salt from the lake water.
The causeway had been reserved for the passage of the troops, out of
deference to the desire manifested to keep the natives at a respectful
distance,[461] but both sides were lined with canoes bearing an eager
crowd of sight-seers. About half a league from the city the causeway
formed a junction with the road from Xochimilco and Coyohuacan, at a
spot called Acachinanco,[462] where a stout battlemented wall, fully
ten feet in height, and surmounted by two towers, guarded the two
gates for entry and exit.
Entering here the Spaniards were met by a procession of over one
thousand representative people from the capital,[463] richly arrayed
in embroidered robes, and with jewelry of pendent stones and gold.
These passed before the visitors in a file, touching the ground with
their hand and carrying it to the lip in token of reverence. This
ceremony occupied an hour, after which the march was resumed. At
the junction of the causeway with the main avenue of the city was a
wooden bridge ten paces wide, easily removable, inside of which Cortés
halted to await the emperor, then approaching.[464] On either side of
the street, closely along by the houses, came processions of nobles,
headed by lords and court dignitaries, all of whom marched with bare
feet and bowed heads. This humility was owing to the presence of the
emperor, who in almost solitary grandeur kept the centre of the road,
borne in a richly adorned litter on the shoulders of his favorite
courtiers, and followed by a few princes and leading officials.[465]
Three dignitaries preceded him, one of whom bore aloft three wands,
signifying the approach of the imperial head of the tripartite
alliance, so that all persons in sight might lower their heads in
humble reverence till he had passed.
On nearing the Spaniards Montezuma stepped from the litter, supported
on either side by King Cacama and Cuitlahuatzin, his nephew and
brother, and followed by the king of Tlacopan and other princes. Four
prominent caciques held over his head a canopy profusely covered with
green feathers set with gold and silver, and precious stones, both
fixed and pendent, and before them attendants swept the road and
spread carpets, so that the imperial feet might not be soiled. The
monarch and his supporters were similarly dressed, in blue _tilmatlis_
which, bordered with gold and richly embroidered and bejewelled, hung
in loose folds from the neck, where they were secured by a knot. On
their heads were mitred crowns of gold with _quetzal_ plumes, and
sandals with golden soles adorned their feet, fastenings embossed
with gold and precious stones.[466]
Montezuma was about forty years of age, of good stature, with a thin
though well-proportioned body, somewhat fairer than the average hue
of his dusky race. The rather long face, with its fine eyes, bore
an expression of majestic gravity, tinged with a certain benignity
which at times deepened into tenderness. Round it fell the hair in
a straight fringe covering the ears, and met by a slight growth of
black beard.[467]
With a step full of dignity he advanced toward Cortés, who had
dismounted to meet him. As they saluted,[468] Montezuma tendered a
bouquet which he had brought in token of welcome, while the Spaniard
took from his own person and placed round the neck of the emperor a
showy necklace of glass, in form of pearls, diamonds, and iridescent
balls, strung upon gold cords and scented with musk.[469] With
these baubles, which were as false as the assurances of friendship
accompanying them, the great monarch deigned to be pleased, for if
every piece of glass had been a diamond they would have possessed no
greater value in his eyes. As a further expression of his good-will,
Cortés offered to embrace the monarch, but was restrained by the two
princes, who regarded this as too great a familiarity with so sacred a
person.[470] The highest representative of western power and grandeur,
whose fame had rung in the ears of the Spaniards since they landed
at Vera Cruz, thus met the daring adventurer who with his military
skill and artful speech had arrogated to himself the position of a
demi-god.
After an interchange of friendly assurances the emperor returned to the
city, leaving Cuitlahuatzin to escort the general.[471] The procession
of nobles now filed by to tender their respects, whereupon the march
was resumed to the sound of drums and wind instruments. At the head
were scouts on horseback, followed by the cavalry, under Cortés, who
had by his side two large greyhounds; then came the infantry, with
the artillery and baggage in the centre; and last, the allies.[472]
The streets, which had been deserted by the people out of deference
to the emperor and to the requirements of his procession, were now
alive with lookers-on, particularly in the entrances to the alleys,
in the windows, and on the roofs.[473]
At the plaza, wherein rose the great pyramidal temple surrounded on
all sides by palatial edifices, the procession turned to the right, and
Cortés was led up the steps of an extensive range of buildings, known
as the Axayacatl palace, which faced the eastern side of the temple
inclosure.[474] Here Montezuma appeared, and through a court-yard
shaded by colored awnings and cooled by a playing fountain he conducted
him by the hand into a large hall. An attendant came forward with a
basket of flowers, wherein lay “two necklaces made of the shell of
a species of red crawfish,” so they said, and “much esteemed by the
natives, from each of which hung eight crawfish of gold, wrought with
great perfection, and nearly as large as the span of a hand.”[475]
These the emperor placed round the neck of the general, and presented
at the same time wreaths to his officers. Seating him upon a gilt
and bejewelled dais,[476] he announced that everything there was at
his disposal; every want would be attended to. Then with delicate
courtesy he retired, so that the Spaniards might refresh themselves
and arrange their quarters.
The building contained several courts, surrounded by apartments,
matted and furnished with low tables and _icpalli_ stools. Everything
about the place was neat and of a dazzling whiteness, relieved by
green branches and festoons. The finer rooms were provided with
cotton tapestry, and adorned with figures in stucco and color, and
with feather and other ornaments set with gold and silver fastenings.
Here and there were vases with smouldering incense diffusing sweet
perfume. So large was the place that even the allies found room.
The halls for the soldiers, accommodating one hundred and fifty men
each, were provided with superior beds of mats, with cotton cushions
and coverlets, and even with canopies. Cortés was glad to find the
building protected by strong walls and turrets, and after arranging the
men according to their corps, he ordered the guns to be planted and
the sentinels posted, issuing also instructions for the considerate
treatment of the natives, and for intercourse generally. Meanwhile
the servants had spread a dinner, which Bernal Diaz describes as
sumptuous.[477]
In the afternoon Montezuma reappeared with a large suite. Seating
himself beside Cortés,[478] he expressed his delight at meeting such
valiant men, whose fame and deeds had already aroused his interest
during their visits in the two preceding years at Potonchan and
Chalchiuhcuecan. If he had sought to prevent their entry into the
capital, it was solely because his subjects feared them, with their
animals and thunder; for rumors had described them as voracious beings,
who devoured at one meal what sufficed for ten times the number of
natives, who thirsted for treasures and who came only to tyrannize.
He now saw that they were mortals, although braver and mightier than
his own race, that the animals were large deer, and that the caged
lightning was an exaggeration. He related the Quetzalcoatl myth,[479]
and expressed his belief that they were the predicted race, and
their king the rightful ruler of the land. “Hence be assured,” said
he, “that we shall obey you, and hold you as lord lieutenant of the
great king, and this without fail or deceit. You may command in all
my empire as you please, and shall be obeyed. All that we possess is
at your disposal.”[480]
Cortés expressed himself as overwhelmed with these kind offers and
with the many favors already received, and hastened to assure the
emperor that they were not misplaced. He and his men came indeed from
the direction of the rising sun, and their king, the mightiest in the
world, and the ruler of many great princes, was the one he supposed.
Hearing of the grandeur of the Mexican monarch, their master had
sent the former captains, brethren of theirs, to examine the route,
and to prepare the way for the present commission. He had come to
offer him the friendship of their great king, who wished in no wise
to interfere with his authority, but rather that his envoys should
serve him and teach the true faith.
The reference to Montezuma’s grandeur led the emperor evidently
to suppose that the rumors concerning him current in the outlying
provinces might have reached the ears of the Spanish king, for he now
alluded to the tales which raised him to a divine being inhabiting
palaces of gold, silver, and precious stones. “You see,” he added
with a sad smile, wherein seemed to linger regrets arising from his
departing glory, “that my houses are merely of stone and earth; and
behold my body,” he said, turning aside his vestment, “it is but of
flesh and bone, like yours and others. You see how they have deceived
you. True, I possess some gold trinkets left me by my forefathers;
but all that I have is yours whenever you may desire it.”[481]
Cortés’ eyes sparkled with satisfaction as he expressed his thanks. He
had heard of Montezuma’s wealth and power, and had not been deceived
in the expectation, for a more magnificent prince he had not met
with during his entire journey. Such fine words must be rewarded. At
a sign the attendants came forward with a rich collection of gold,
silver, and feather ornaments, and five thousand to six thousand
pieces of cloth, most fine in texture and embroidery.[482] Being asked
what relationship the men bore to one another, Cortés said that all
were brothers, friends, and companions, with the exception of a few
servants.[483]
Montezuma afterward elicited from the interpreters who the officers and
gentlemen were, and in conferring favors he sent them more valuable
presents through the mayordomo, while the rest obtained inferior
gifts by the hand of servants.[484] At his departure from the Spanish
quarter the soldiers with redoubled alacrity fell into line to salute
a prince who had impressed them both with his gentle breeding and
his generosity, and the artillery thundered forth a salvo, partly to
demonstrate that the caged lightning was a fearful reality.[485]
The following forenoon Cortés sent to announce that he would make a
return visit, and several officers came to escort him. Arrayed in his
finest attire, with Alvarado, Velazquez de Leon, Ordaz, Sandoval, and
five soldiers, he proceeded to the residence of Montezuma, in the new
palace as it has been called, situated in the south-east corner of
the great temple plaza.[486] If they had admired the palace forming
their own quarter, how much more charmed were they with this, “which
has not its equal in Spain,” exclaims Cortés.
The exterior presented an irregular pile of low buildings of
_tetzontli_, raised upon high foundations, and communicating with the
square by twenty doors, over which were sculptured the coat of arms
of the kings of Mexico. The buildings were so arranged as to inclose
three public squares, and contained an immense number of rooms and
halls, one of them large enough to hold three thousand men, it is
said. Several suites were reserved for royal visitors, envoys, and
courtiers, while others were assigned for the emperor’s private use,
for his harem and his attendants. Large monoliths adorned the halls
or supported marble balconies and porticos, and polished slabs of
different kinds of stone filled the intervening spaces or formed the
floors. Everywhere, on projections and supports, in niches and corners,
were evidences of the artist’s skill in carvings and sculptures,
incised and in relief.
After being conducted through a number of courts, passages, and
rooms, partly for effect, the Spaniards were ushered into the
audience-chamber, and removed their hats as Montezuma advanced to
receive them. Leading Cortés to the throne, he seated him at his
right hand, the rest being offered seats by the attendants. Around
stood with downcast eyes a number of courtiers, who in accordance with
etiquette had covered their rich attire with a coarse mantle and left
their sandals outside the room.[487] The conversation fell chiefly
on religious topics, the favorite theme with Cortés, who aside from
his bigotry was not averse to use the faith as a means to obtain a
secure hold on the people. In any case it afforded a shield for other
objects. He explained at length the mysteries of Christianity, and
contrasted its gentle and benevolent purposes with those of the idols,
which were but demons intent on the destruction of their votaries,
and trembling at the approach of the cross. Aware of the inefficiency
of himself and his interpreters as preachers, indicated indeed by the
passive face of the proposed convert, Cortés concluded by intimating
that his king would soon send holy men, superior to themselves, to
explain the truths which he had sought to point out. Meanwhile he
begged the emperor to consider them, and to abandon idols, sacrifices,
and other evils. “We have given him the first lesson, at any rate,”
said Cortés, turning to his companions.[488]
The ruler of a superstitious people, himself a high-priest and leader
of their bloody fancies, was not to be touched by this appeal of
Cortés. The prejudices of a lifetime could not be so easily disturbed.
He had well considered the words, he replied, transmitted already
from the sea-shore by his envoys, and had found many of the points
identical with those held by his people; but he preferred not to dwell
on the subject at present. The god depicted was doubtless good; so
were their own, for to them they and their forefathers owed health
and prosperity. Suffice it that he believed his guests to be the
men predicted to come. “As for your great king,” he added, “I hold
myself as his lieutenant, and will give him of what I possess.” As a
tangible proof thereof, he again before dismissing them distributed
presents, consisting of twenty packs of fine robes and some gold-ware
worth fully one thousand pesos.[489]
FOOTNOTES
[453] The ruins of the old city, clearly traced by Humboldt,
showed that it must have been of far greater extent than
the capital raised upon its site by the Spaniards. This is
also indicated by the size of the markets and temple courts.
The reason is to be found partly in the former prevalence
of one-story houses with courts inclosed.
[454] For ancient and modern names of quarters see _Native
Races_, ii. 563.
[455] Cortés believed that the waters ebbed and flowed,
_Cartas_, 102-3, and Peter Martyr enlarged on this phenomenon
with credulous wonder. dec. v. cap. iii.
[456] For a description of the interior see _Native Races_,
ii. 582-8.
[457] Ramirez and Carbajal Espinosa define the limits
pretty closely with respect to the modern outline of the
city, _Hist. Mex._, ii. 226-9, and notes in _Prescott’s
Mex._ (ed. Mex. 1845), ii. app. 103; but Alaman, in his
_Disert._, ii. 202, 246, etc., enters at greater length
into the changes which the site has undergone since the
conquest, supporting his conclusions with quotations from
the _Libro de Cabildo_ and other valuable documents.
[458] For further description of streets, buildings, and
people, see _Native Races_, passim. Also _Ramirez_, _Noticias
de Mex._, etc., in _Monumentos Domin. Esp._, MS. no. 6,
309-50; _Dávila_, _Continuacion de la Crónica_, etc., MS.,
296; _Viagero Univ._, xxvi. 203-6; _Libro de Cabildo_, MS.,
1, 5, 11, 62, 105, 201-2; _Sammlung aller Reisebesch._,
xiii. 459-60, 464-67; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apolog._, MS.,
17-27; _L’America Settentrionale_, 88-207; _Mex._, _Not.
Ciudad_, 1-8. Venecia la Rica is the name applied to the
city by some of the Spaniards. _Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiii. 339.
A curious view of Mexico is given in the edition of Cortés’
letters issued at Nuremberg in 1524, which exhibits six
causeway connections with the mainland. Both in situation,
with respect to the surrounding towns, and in the general
plan, it accords very fairly with the descriptions of the
conquerors. The temple of Huitzilopochtli occupies an immense
square in the centre of Temixtitan, as the city is called.
Round the south-east corner extend the palace and gardens
of the emperor, other palaces being scattered on the lake,
and connected with the suburbs by short causeways. Less
correct in its relative position is the view presented in
the old and curious _Libro di Benedetto Bordone_, which
has been reproduced in _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, 81,
so famous for its cuts, and, of course, with considerable
elaborations which by no means promote the correctness,
however much the beauty of aspect is improved.
[Illustration: ANCIENT MEXICO. TAKEN FROM AN EDITION OF
THE LETTERS OF CORTÉS PUBLISHED AT LUXEMBURG A.D.
M.D.XX.VIII.]
Very similar to this is the view given in some of Solis’
editions, that of Antwerp, 1704, for instance, wherein is
also found a view of Mexico with its surrounding towns, as
Cuitlahuac, Iztapalapan, and others, all grouped closely
together within the main lake! A native plan of the capital,
said to have been given by Montezuma to Cortés, accords
little with Spanish descriptions, and is difficult to
understand from its peculiar outline, illustrated with Aztec
hieroglyphics. Alaman doubts its origin and correctness.
See _Prescott’s Mex._ (Mex. ed. 1844), ii. 157. A good copy
of it is given in _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, ii. 221.
The view in _Libro di Benedetto Bordone_, _Nel qual si
ragiona de tutte l’Isole del mondo_, Vinegia, 1528, 73
leaves, is accompanied by an interesting description of _La
gran citta di Temistitan_, remarkable from being perhaps the
first sketch of any value given in a cosmographic work. It
occupies the greater part of folios vi. to x., devoted to
the _terra da Ferdinando Cortese_. Five more folios describe
the West Indies and Venezuela region, the only portions of
America known to Bordone when he wrote his book. It was
completed in 1521, according to its pontifical license,
although not issued till 1528. The versatile author, who
figured both as artist and professor, died in 1531, and the
later issues of the _Libro_, henceforth called _Isolario_,
are by editors whose endeavor to keep apace with the demands
of the times is instanced by the edition of 1537, wherein
appears a letter on the conquest of Peru. In the mappemonde
of the first edition before me, the smaller northern part
of the new continent is called _terra del laboratore_,
while the southern part bears the inscription _ponẽti môdo
nouo_. The two are separated at the Isthmus, in about the
latitude of the Mediterranean, by a long strait, at the
eastern mouth of which, on the sectional map of folio vi.,
is written, _stretto pte del mõdo nouo_. Farther east lie
the islands _Astores_, _Asmaide_, and _Brasil_. The numerous
sectional wood-cut maps and plans bear the conventional
outline of a series of concave segments, and of the ten
referring to different parts of the new world, seven apply
to the Antilles.
The clearest account of Mexico given by any of the conquerors
is to be found in _Relatione d’alcvne cose della Nuoua
Spagna, & della gran città di Temistitan Messico, fatta
per vn gentil’huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, wherein
the description of the natives, their manners and customs,
their towns, the resources of the country, and above all,
the capital city, is to be found in concise form, arranged
in paragraphs with appropriate headings, and illustrated by
a cut of the great temple, which appears far more correct
than those given by most subsequent writers. A view of the
capital is also appended, showing the surrounding country,
and according very nearly with those of the Nuremberg type,
except in the faulty relative position to the neighborhood.
Nothing is known of the author, who is generally referred
to as the Anonymous Conqueror, but the opinion has been
hazarded that he was Francisco de Terrazas, mayordomo of
Cortés. His account was evidently written in Spanish, but
did not see the light till Ramusio issued it in Italian
under the above title. It forms one of the most valuable
documents for the history of Mexico to be found in this
prized collection of voyages and travels, the first large
work of its class. No branch of literature obtained a
greater stimulus from the discovery of Columbus. He it
was who broke the barrier which had confined the ardor of
voyagers, and who led the revival of maritime enterprise,
creating a curiosity among the stayers-at-home that could
be satiated only with repeated editions of narratives
relating to expeditions and conquests. The number of these
narratives became, within a few years, so large as to
require their grouping into special collections for the
sake of cheapness and convenience. The earliest is probably
the _Paesi Nouamente retrouati, Et Nouo Mondo da Alberico
Vesputio_; By Fracanzo or Fracanzano da Montalboddo, Vicenza,
1507, mentioned by _Tiraboschi_, _Storia della literatura
italiana_. This was reproduced in 1508 by Madrignani, at
Milan. According to Panzer, Ruchamer issued the same year a
somewhat fuller collection at Nuremberg, under the title of
_Newe Unbekanthe landte Und eine Newe weldte_, with eight
pieces, among them the voyages of Columbus, Ojeda, Pinzon,
and Vespucci. A similar work was issued by the Italian
Angiolelo, in 1519.
The best known of these early collections, and by many
regarded as the first issued in German, is the _Novus Orbis
Regionvm ac Insolarvm Veteribvs Incognitarvm; Basileæ apvd
Io Hervagivm, Mense Martio, anno_ M.D.XXXII., 4to, 584
pages, beside unnumbered leaves. ‘La plus ancienne de ces
(Latin) collections,’ says Boucher, _Bibl. Univ._, i. 55.
Although prepared by John Huttich, the canon of Strasbourg,
it is better known under the name of Simon Grynæus, who
wrote the introductory and revised it at the request of
Hervagius, the publisher, a well known bookman, greatly
esteemed by Erasmus. Meusel, _Bibl. Hist._, iii. pt. i. 221,
gives it with punctilious fairness the title of _Collectio
Huttichio-Grynæo-Hervagiana_, while others apply only the
middle name or the last two. The attribution to Grynæus
is greatly due to his fame as a reformer, as the personal
friend of Luther and Calvin, as the discoverer of Livy’s
lost books, and as the first of a long line of scholars
celebrated under that name. It is an excellently printed
volume, with quaint head-pieces, and containing as it does
so many papers of which the original editions are now lost,
the collection must be esteemed of great value. The nineteen
pieces of original contributions, journals, and borrowed
accounts, include the voyages of Columbus, Alonso, and
Pinzon from _Madrignani_; _Alberici Vesputij nauigationum
epitome_, and _nauigationes IIII._; and _Petri Martyris de
insulis_. The other narratives relate to Asia, to the Levant,
and to Russia. With some copies is found a mappemonde, but
the only genuine one, according to Harrisse, 294, bears
the inscription _Terra de Cuba_, in the northern part of
the new world, and in the south, _Parias, Canibali America
Terra Nova, Prisilia_, with the word _Asia_ in large type.
Among the several editions the German of 1534, by Herr, is
rarer than the above original, while the Dutch of 1563, by
Ablijn, is the most complete.
After Huttich the voyage collections increased rapidly
in number and size, till they reached the fine specimen
of Ramusio, forming not only the first large work of this
class, but, for a long time, the most extensive which bears
on America. Harrisse, 457, very justly observes that ‘the
publication of Ramusio’s _Raccolta_ may be said to open
an era in the literary history of Voyages and Navigation.
Instead of accounts carelessly copied and translated from
previous collections, perpetuating errors and anachronisms,
we find in this work original narrations judiciously
selected, carefully printed, and enriched with notices which
betray the hand of a scholar of great critical acumen.’ The
first issue appeared as _Primo Volvme Delle Navigationi
et Viaggi. In Venetia appresso gli heredi di Lvcantonio
Givnti, 1550_, folio, 405 leaves. ‘Les Juntes (le) publièrent
... sous la direction de Jean-Baptiste Ramusio.’ _Camus_,
_Mém. Coll. Voy._, 7. Neither in this, nor in the third
volume, issued in 1553, nor in the second edition of the
first volume, 1554, does the name of Giambatista Ramusio,
Rannusio, or Rhamusio, appear as author, and it is only
in the second volume that the publisher, Tommaso Giunti,
resolves to set aside the modesty of his friend, and to
place his name upon the title-page. The publication of this
volume had been delayed till 1559, owing to the death of
the author and to the burning of the printing establishment.
In the preface Giunti refers to the close friendship
between them, and extols Ramusio as a learned man, who
had served in foreign countries, acquiring in this way a
perfect knowledge of French and Spanish. He had long been
a devoted student of history and geography, inspired to
some extent by the travels of his uncle, the celebrated
Doctor Girolamo Ramusio. As secretary to the powerful
Venetian Council ‘de Signori Dieci,’ he was in a position
to maintain correspondence with such men as Oviedo, Cabot,
Cardinal Bembo, and others, part of which is to be found
in _Lettere di XIII. Huomini illustri_, Venetia, 1565. All
this served him in the formation of the great work upon
which he labored during the last 34 years of his life. He
died at Padua, July 10, 1557, 72 years of age.
The first volume relates chiefly to Asia and Africa, but
contains _Lettere due_ and _Sommario_ by Vespucci, and
four papers on Spanish and Portuguese circumnavigation.
The contents of the set have been somewhat changed and
increased during the several republications, but the best
editions are those of 1588, 1583, and 1565, for the first,
second, and third volume respectively. Vol. ii. of this set
relates chiefly to Asia, but is of interest to American
students for its narrative of the much doubted voyages
of the brothers Zeno. Its small size indicates the loss
it sustained by the events above referred to. ‘Et nõ vi
marauigliate, se riguardando gli altri due, non uedrete
questo Secõdo volume, si pieno & copioso di scrittori, come
il Ramusio già s’haueua pposto di fare, che la morte ui
s’interpose.’ ii. 2.
The third volume is entirely devoted to America, and contains
all the most valuable documents known up to the time of
its first issue, such as the relations of Martyr, Oviedo,
Cortés, and his contemporaries in Mexico, Pizarro, Verazzano,
Carthier, the _Relation di Nvnno di Gvsman_, in several
parts, and the valuable _Relatione per vn gentil’huomo del
Signor Fernando Cortese_. The volume begins with a learned
discourse by Ramusio on ancient knowledge of a land to
the west, and of causes leading to the discovery. At the
end of the 1565 edition is a map of America, showing Lower
California as a wide peninsula, and _Terra del Fuego_ joined
to the land of the _Circolo Antartico_. The comparative
crudeness of the wood-cuts and maps has not made the
work much esteemed by collectors, but its value even now,
for reference, is unquestioned. The set was dedicated to
Hieronimo Fracastoro, the great poet and physician, born
mouthless, yet so eloquent. _Scaliger_, _Aræ Fracastoreæ_.
At the end of the _Discorso sopra Perv_, iii. 371, Ramusio
says: ‘Et questa narratione con breuità habbiamo voluto
discorrere per satisfattione de i lettori, laquale piu
distintamente legeranno nel quarto volume.’ According to
Fontanini, _Bibl._, 274, the material for this volume lay
prepared in manuscript, only to perish in the disastrous
fire of November, 1557.
[459] It is still one of the main roads, known under Spanish
dominion as Calzada de Iztapalapan, now as S. Antonio Abad.
[460] Cortés names the well built Mexicaltzinco, Niciaca,
and Huchilohuchico (now Churubusco), to which he gives
respectively 3000, 6000, and 4000 to 5000 families. _Cartas_,
83-4. Gomara, _Hist. Mex._, 99, names Coioacan instead of
Niciaca, and this change is generally accepted, for the
latter name is probably a mistake by the copyist or printer.
_Peter Martyr_, dec. v. cap. iii.
[461] ‘Mandò que vn Indio en lengua Mexicana, fuesse
pregonando que nadie se atrauessasse por el camino, sino
queria ser luego muerto.’ _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. vii.
cap. v.
[462] Also referred to as Fort Xoloc. ‘En donde hoy la
garita de _San Antonio Abad_,’ says Ramirez, in _Prescott_
(ed. Mex. 1845), ii. 104.
[463] Herrera, who is usually moderate, swells the figure
to 4000.
[464] The avenue is now called el Rastro. The suburb here
bore the name of Huitzitlan. ‘_Vitzillan_ que es cabe el
hospital de la Concepcion.’ _Sahagun_, _Hist. Conq._, 23. At
Tocititlan, says Duran, _Hist. Ind._, MS., ii. 439. ‘Junto
de la Hermita de San Anton.’ _Torquemada_, i. 450. ‘Segun
una antigua tradicion conservada en el hospital de Jesus, el
punto en que le encontró fué frente á éste, y por recuerdo
del suceso se hizo la fundacion en aquel parage.’ _Alaman_,
_Disert._, i. 103; and _Ramirez_, note in _Prescott_ (ed.
Mex. 1845), ii. 103. The previous authorities indicate,
however, that the meeting took place farther from the centre
of the city.
[465] Chimalpain mentions among others Tetlepanquezatl,
king of Tlacopan, Yzquauhtzin Tlacochcalcatl, lord or
lieutenant of Tlatelulco, captain-general Atlixcatzin,
son of Ahuitzatl, and Tepehuatzin, son of Titotzin. _Hist.
Conq._, 125. Sahagun differs slightly in the names. _Hist.
Conq._, 24-5.
[466] For dress, see _Native Races_, ii. 178 et seq.
Cortés gives sandals only to Montezuma, but it appears that
persons of royal blood were allowed to retain them before
the emperor, as Ixtlilxochitl also affirms. _Hist. Chich._,
295; _Oviedo_, iii. 500; _Purchas, His Pilgrimes_, iv. 1121.
[467] ‘Cenzeño ... y el rostro algo largo, è alegre.’ _Bernal
Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 67. ‘Motecçuma quiere dezir hõbre
sañudo y graue.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 103; _Acosta_,
_Hist. Ind._, 502-3. It is from this, probably, that so many
describe him as serious in expression. A number of portraits
have been given of the monarch, differing greatly from
one another. The best known is Prescott’s, taken from the
painting for a long time owned by the Condes de Miravalle,
the descendants of Montezuma; but this lacks the Indian
type, and partakes too much of the ideal. Clavigero’s,
_Storia Mess._, iii. 8, appears more like him, though it
is too small and too roughly sketched to convey a clear
outline. Far better is the half-size representation prefixed
to _Linati_, _Costumes_, which indeed corresponds very
well with the text description. The face in _Armin_, _Alte
Mex._, 104, indicates a coarse Aztec warrior, and that in
_Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, 244-5, an African prince, while
the native picture, as given in _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist.
Mex._, ii. 6, is purely conventional. The text description,
based chiefly on Bernal Diaz, is not inappropriate to the
weak, vacillating character of the monarch. Clavigero makes
him nearly 54 years old, and Brasseur de Bourbourg 51; but
40, as Bernal Diaz calls him, appears to be more correct.
[468] ‘Ellos y él ficieron asimismo ceremonia de besar la
tierra.’ _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 85.
[469] ‘De margaritas y diamantes de vidrio.’ _Id._ ‘Que se
dizen margagitas.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 65.
[470] Solis assumes that Cortés was repelled when he sought
to place the necklace on Montezuma. The latter chides the
jealous princes, and permits him. _Hist. Mex._, i. 370.
‘Pareceme que el Cortès ... le daua la mano derecha, y el
Monteçuma no la quiso, è se la diò â Cortès.’ _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Verdad._, 65. This phrase, which applies equally to
offering the right hand, has been so understood by those
who notice it; but as this would be confusing, Vetancurt,
for instance, assumes improbably that Marina offers her
right hand to Montezuma, which he disregards, giving his
instead to Cortés. _Teatro Mex._, pt. iii. 129.
[471] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 85. Ixtlilxochitl has it that
Cacama was left with him; and Bernal Diaz, that the lord of
Coyuhuacan also remained. According to Cortés, Montezuma
accompanied him all the way to the quarters in the city,
keeping a few steps before. Gomara and Herrera follow this
version. But Bernal Diaz states explicitly that he left the
Spaniards to follow, allowing the people an opportunity to
gaze; and Ixtlilxochitl assumes that he goes in order to
be ready to receive him at the quarters. _Hist. Chich._,
295. It is not probable that Montezuma would expose himself
to the inconvenience of walking so far back, since this
involved troublesome ceremonies, as we have seen, not only
to himself but to the procession, and interfered with the
people who had come forth to gaze. The native records state
that Montezuma at once surrendered to Cortés the throne and
city. ‘Y se fueron ambos juntos á la par para las casas
reales.’ _Sahagun_, _Hist. Conq._, 23-4. Leading Cortés
into the Tozi hermitage, at the place of meeting, he made
the nobles bring presents and tender allegiance, while he
accepted also the faith. _Duran_, _Hist. Ind._, MS., ii.
440-1.
[472] About 6000 in all. ‘Nosotros aun no llegauamos á 450
soldados.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 65. Prescott
places the number at about 350.
[473] According to Sahagun not a soul was to be seen,
either upon the causeway or along the streets, the people
having taken this manner to express their indignation at
the semi-forcible entry of the Spaniards. Montezuma came to
receive them purely out of a feeling of humanity. Startled
at this solitude, Cortés fears dangers, and vows, if all
goes well, to build a church. This was the origin, says
Bustamante, of the Hospital de Jesus. _Sahagun_, _Hist.
Conq._ (ed. Mex. 1840), 79-84. See note 12, this chapter.
Brasseur de Bourbourg accepts this view. _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, iv. 212-13. Still Sahagun describes the interview
with Cortés as most cordial. He is in fact contradictory,
and it is evident that the order issued to the people to
keep the narrow causeway clear, and the etiquette which
required them to give way to the emperor, have been hastily
interpreted by the chronicler into ‘deserted streets’ and
‘popular indignation.’ Had the citizens objected to receive
the strangers, the bridges could have been raised against
them.
[474] ‘Au coin de la rue _del Indio triste_ et de celle de
Tacuba,’ says Humboldt, _Vues_, i. 58, prudently, without
attempting to give its extent. Ramirez and Carbajal do
so, however, and in allowing it about the same length
as the temple inclosure, they place it right across the
eastern avenue of the city, which like the other three is
admitted to have terminated at one of the temple gates.
_Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, ii. 222; _Ramirez_,
notes in _Prescott’s Mex._ (ed. Mex. 1845), ii. app. 103.
‘Donde hoy las Casas de el Marqués del Valle,’ says Lorenzana, in
_Cortés_, _Hist. N. Esp._, 86, a statement disputed by later
writers. Prescott quotes Humboldt, but evidently does not
understand him, for he places the palace ‘facing the western
gate,’ which is not only on the wrong side, but across
the western avenue. _Mex._, ii. 79. ‘Adonde ... tenia el
gran Monteçuma sus grandes adoratorios de idolos ... nos
lleuaron á aposentar á aquella casa por causa, que como nos
llamauã Teules, é por tales nos tenian, que estuuiessemos
entre sus idolos.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 66. The
idea of being regarded as a god seems to have pleased the
old soldier immensely.
[475] They doubtless formed a double necklace, with gold
setting and pendants. Cortés writes that on the way to
the palace Montezuma halted to place them round his neck.
_Cartas_, 85; _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 100-1; _Sahagun_,
_Hist. Conq._, 23.
[476] ‘A throne of gold,’ is Peter Martyr’s briefer yet
grander term. dec. v. cap. iii.
[477] _Hist. Verdad._, 65-6; _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. vii.
cap. v.; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Conq._, 25-6.
[478] Bernal Diaz states that the emperor always addressed
him as Malinche, and, indeed, it was common among Mexicans
to address persons by a name given them in later life in
connection with some peculiarity, deed, or incident. Hence
Cortés, as master of the prominent female interpreter,
received a name implying that relationship.
[479] For which see _Native Races_.
[480] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 86. This is in substance the
speech of Montezuma, as given by native as well as Spanish
records; yet it appears improbable that the emperor should
have been so ready, at the first interview, and in presence
of his courtiers, to humble himself so completely before
a few strangers whom he regarded as mortals. See note 19.
‘Myself, my wife and children, my house, and all that I
possess, are at your disposal,’ says the Spaniard, even in
our day, to the guest whom he wishes to impress with his
hospitality. Perhaps Montezuma was equally profuse with
hollow words, which have been recorded as veritable offers.
[481] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 86-7. Bernal Diaz introduces this
paragraph during the next interview.
[482] _Id._ ‘Á cada vno de nuestros Capitanes diò cositas
de oro, y tres cargas de mantas de labores ricas de plumas,
y entre todos los soldados tambien nos diò á cada vno á
dos cargas de mantas.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 66;
_Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 101-2; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v. cap.
iii.; _Duran_, _Hist. Ind._, MS., ii. 441-2; _Herrera_,
dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. vi.; _Torquemada_, i. 452-3;
_Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, 296; _Peralta_, _Not.
Hist._, 107-8. Acosta implies that Cortés now reconciled
the Tlascaltecs with the Aztecs. _Hist. Ind._, 521.
[483] ‘Eramos hermanos en el amor, y amistad, é personas mui
principales,’ is the way Bernal Diaz expresses it. _Hist.
Verdad._, 66.
[484] _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 102-3. ‘Los haçia proveer
luego, assi de mugeres de serviçio, como de cama, é les
daba á cada uno una joya que pessaba hasta diez pessos de
oro.’ _Oviedo_, iii. 500-1.
[485] _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt. iii. 129. Sahagun,
followed by Acosta, Brasseur de Bourbourg, and others, states
that the artillery was discharged at night to startle the
natives. _Hist. Conq._ (ed. 1840), 85.
[486] It is so depicted in the old Nuremberg view of the
city, already referred to. Ramirez, Carbajal Espinosa,
and Alaman give the extent, and the latter enters into
quite a lengthy account of its situation with respect to
present and former outlines of the quarter. _Disert._, ii.
202, etc.; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, ii. 221-2;
_Ramirez_, notes in _Prescott’s Mex._ (ed. Mex. 1845), ii.
app. 103. Humboldt places it opposite the southern half of
the western temple side, _Essai Pol._, i. 190, but that site
is assigned by all the above historians to the old palace
of Montezuma, so called—not the Axayacatl where Cortés was
quartered. The mistake is probably owing to his ignorance
of the fact that the residence of the Cortés family stood
first on the site of the new palace of Montezuma, whence
it was moved to that of the old palace when the government
bought the former.
[487] The Spaniards were also ‘costretti a scalzarsi, ed
a coprirsi gli abiti sfarzosi con vesti grossolane,’ says
Clavigero, _Storia Mess._, iii. 83, but that is unlikely.
[488] ‘Con esto cumplimos, por ser el primer toque.’ _Bernal
Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 67.
[489] ‘Â nosotros los soldados nos diò á cada vno dos
collares de oro, que valdria cada collar diez pesos, è dos
cargas de mantas.’ The rest went to their officers. _Id._