FROM CHOLULA TO IZTAPALAPAN.
OCTOBER-NOVEMBER, 1519.
MONTEZUMA CONSULTS THE GODS—HE AGAIN BEGS THE STRANGERS NOT
TO COME TO HIM—POPOCATEPETL AND IZTACCIHUATL—NEWS FROM VILLA
RICA—DEATH OF ESCALANTE—RETURN OF THE CEMPOALAN ALLIES—AGAIN
EN ROUTE FOR MEXICO—RECEPTION AT HUEXOTZINCO—FIRST VIEW
OF THE MEXICAN VALLEY—EXULTATIONS AND MISGIVINGS—RESTING
AT QUAUHTECHCATL—THE COUNTERFEIT MONTEZUMA—MUNIFICENT
PRESENTS—THE EMPEROR ATTEMPTS TO ANNIHILATE THE ARMY BY
MEANS OF SORCERERS—THROUGH QUAUHTECHCATL, AMAQUEMECAN,
AND TLALMANALCO—A BRILLIANT PROCESSION HERALDS THE
COMING OF CACAMA, KING OF TEZCUCO—AT CUITLAHUAC—MET BY
IXTLILXOCHITL—THE HOSPITALITY OF IZTAPALAPAN.
Elated by his success, Cortés again spoke to the Aztec embassadors,
telling them in an aggrieved tone that proofs existed connecting
Mexican troops with the recent plot, and that it would be only just
for him to enter and desolate the country for such perfidy. The envoys
protested their ignorance of any such complicity, and offered to send
one of their number to Mexico to ascertain what ground there was for
the charge. This Cortés agreed to, expressing at the same time the
opinion that Montezuma, after all his friendly demeanor, could hardly
have favored the treachery. He regarded him as a friend, both for the
sake of his king and for himself, and it was out of deference to him
that he had spared the Cholultecs from total extermination.[400]
When the envoy reached Mexico he found that his master had retired
to grieve over the fate of the holy city, or more probably over the
defeat of his plans, and to appeal to the incensed gods by prayers and
fastings, while the priests supported the invocations with reeking
human hearts.[401] But the holocaust was in vain, for a miraculous
incident frightened the idols into silence. Among the victims, says
a sacred chronicle, was a Tlascaltec, who, while stretched on the
sacrificial stone, called loudly on the God of the advancing Spaniards
to deliver him. The words were yet on his lips when a dazzling light
enveloped the place, revealing a bright-clad being with diadem and
large wings. The priests fell awe-stricken to the ground, while the
angel advanced to cheer their victim with hopeful words of a happy
future. He was told to announce to the priests that soon the shedding
of human blood would cease, for those destined to rule the land were
at hand. This the victim did, when the sacrifices were resumed, and
with the name of God the last upon his lips his spirit rose to a
brighter world.[402]
The downfall of Cholula resounded throughout the land, and the
Spaniards were now almost universally confirmed as divine beings,
from whom nothing could be kept secret, and whose anger was fierce
and devastating. One effect was the arrival of envoys from quite a
number of surrounding chieftains, bearing presents, partly with a view
of gaining the good-will of the dreaded strangers, partly to offer
congratulations.[403] As for Montezuma, his awe deepened into terror
as the reports came in and the half threatening message of the invader
was delivered him. It would be dangerous indeed to admit these beings;
but how prevent it? Thus revolving the matter, Montezuma had recourse
once more to timid entreaties. His envoy returned to Cholula within a
week, accompanied by the former chief of the commission, and brought
ten plates of gold,[404] fifteen hundred robes, and a quantity of fowl
and delicacies, together with the assurance that he not only had had no
share in the plot, but desired to see the Cholultecs further chastised
for their treachery. The Mexican troops near Cholula belonged to the
garrisons of Acatzingo and Itzucan provinces, and had marched to the
aid of that city without his knowledge, prompted wholly by neighborly
friendship. He begged the Spanish leader not to proceed to Mexico,
where want would stare him in the face, but to present his demands
by messengers, so that they might be complied with. Cortés replied
that he must obey the orders of his king, which were to deliver to
the emperor in person[405] the friendly communications with which he
had been intrusted. With this object he had crossed vast oceans and
fought his way through hosts of enemies. The privations and dangers
depicted could not deter him, for naught availed against his forces,
in field or in town, by day or by night.
Finding objections futile, Montezuma again consulted the idols. Their
ruffled spirit had evidently been soothed by this time, for now came
the oracle to invite the strangers to Mexico. Once there, it was added,
retreat should be cut off, and their lives offered on the altar.[406]
This utterance was favored by the counsellors on the ground that if
the Spaniards were opposed they and their allies might ravage the
country. The emperor accordingly sent an invitation, promising that,
although the situation of the capital made it difficult to provide
food, he would do his best to entertain them and give proofs of
his friendship. The towns en route had orders to supply all their
wants.[407]
The story is not without a parallel in classic literature. As Montezuma
awaited the approach of Cortés, so old King Latinus awaited the
arrival of Æneas and his Trojan warriors; refusing to give battle, or
to fight the destinies, and curbing his impetuous people by quoting
the oracle.
Along the western horizon of Cholula, at a distance of eight leagues,
runs the mountain range which separates the plain of Huitzilapan
from the valley of Mexico. And like sentinels upon it stand, in close
proximity, the two volcanic peaks of Popocatepetl and Iztaccihuatl,
terms signifying respectively ‘the smoking mountain’ and ‘the white
woman,’ and indeed most apt, the former being suggested by the
frequent eruptions, the latter by the snowy covering which falls
like a tilmatli mantle from a woman’s shoulders. Tradition has it
that Iztaccihuatl was the wife of her neighbor, whose noise and
fumes were caused by the agonies of tyrants who there underwent
purification ere they could enter final rest.[408] While the Spaniards
were at Cholula, Popocatepetl was in eruption, an evil omen with
the Indians, foreshadowing the disturbances soon to overwhelm the
country. Interested by a sight so curious and novel, and desirous
of ascertaining for himself and the king the “secret of this smoke,”
Cortés consented to let Ordaz ascend the volcano. The Indians sought
to dissuade him from an undertaking which had never been attempted,
and which would in their opinion surely involve the life of him who
ventured on it. This made Ordaz only more eager to exhibit his daring,
and joined by nine men he set out under the guidance of some citizens
and carriers who had been persuaded to go part of the way. They had
not climbed far into the cooler region before the quaking ground and
ash-rain caused the party to halt. Ordaz and two of his men continued,
however, beyond the limits of vegetation, and over the stones and
bowlders which covered the sandy expanse fringing the region of
perpetual snow. At one time the outburst of ashes and heated stones
obliged them to seek shelter for an hour, after which they sturdily
climbed onward, turning from their path for a while by the projecting
rock now known as Pico del Fraile, and almost losing themselves in the
ash-covered snow. One more effort they made, despite the difficulties
encountered in the rarefied atmosphere of this altitude, and finally
they reached the summit, more than seventeen thousand seven hundred
feet above the level of the sea. A short distance to the north rose
the consort peak, three thousand feet less in height, and at their
feet extended the field of their future campaign, in the valley to
the east. The crater was nearly half a league in width, though not
deep, and presented the appearance of a caldron of boiling glass, as
says Gomara. The situation was too oppressive to permit of further
observations, and after securing some snow and icicles as trophies,
the men hastened to retrace their steps by the already trodden path. On
their return they were received with great demonstration, the natives
in particular extolling their deed as something superhuman.[409]
While preparing to leave Cholula, Cortés was startled by news from
Villa Rica of a conflict with Mexicans, resulting in the death of
Escalante and several soldiers. On the northern border of the Totonac
territory, bathed by the Gulf of Mexico, lay the town and district of
Nautla, which together with its river had received from Grijalva the
name of Almería.[410] This was occupied by an Aztec garrison under
Quauhpopoca,[411] whose Aztec pride and loyalty to Montezuma could
ill brook the independence achieved by the Totonacs, and who probably
grieved over the loss of slaves and other contributions which once
swelled his income. No sooner had Cortés disappeared beyond the plateau
border than my lord grew audacious, encouraged no doubt by the express
or tacit consent of his sovereign, and demanded from the neighboring
Totonacs the customary tribute, under penalty of having their lands
ravaged. They refused, pointing out that they were now the subjects
of the great white king. Escalante being appealed to for protection,
sent a message explaining that the independence of the people had
_de facto_ been recognized by Montezuma, with whom he was on friendly
terms. He would allow no interference with them. Quauhpopoca replied
that his answer would be given on the battle-field. Escalante, nothing
loath, set out at once with fifty men, two horses, and two cannon,
attended by several thousand Totonacs,[412] and reached the vicinity
of Nautla, where Quauhpopoca was already committing depredations.
The armies met, and a fierce battle ensued. Awed by the remembrance
of former defeats at the hands of the Aztecs, the Totonacs comported
themselves so poorly[413] that the brunt of the fight had to be borne
by the Spaniards, of whom several were killed and wounded, while one
was captured, and a horse destroyed. The enemy was put to flight, but
it has been said as an excuse for their defeat the Mexican officers
declared to Montezuma that the virgin bearing an infant led the
Spaniards in their attack which spread terror and fearful slaughter
in their ranks.[414] Escalante laid waste the district, and captured
Nautla town, which was sacked and burned. This lesson finished, he
hastened back to Villa Rica, and there within three days succumbed to
his wounds together with several soldiers, so that the campaign cost
the lives of seven or nine men.[415] From prisoners it was understood
that Quauhpopoca had acted wholly under orders from Montezuma. The
captured soldier was Argüello, of Leon, a young man of powerful frame,
with a large head and a curly black beard. He appears to have died
from his wounds on the way to Mexico, and the head was presented to
the emperor. Its wild appearance, however, increased by the black,
curly beard, made so bad an impression upon him that he refused to
offer it to his idols, ordering it to be sent to some other town.[416]
Fearing that these tidings might dishearten the men, Cortés said
nothing about the affair;[417] but it had nevertheless a bad effect,
for the Cempoalan allies, who had learned a few particulars from the
messengers, requested at the last moment to be dismissed to their
homes, pleading not only the long absence from their families, but
the fear of being treated at Mexico as rebels. Cortés sought to
reassure them, declaring that no harm could reach any one under his
protection. Furthermore he would enrich them. But the larger portion
still insisted, and since they had served him well, he did not wish
to compel them. Several packs of the rich robes obtained from Mexico
were accordingly divided among the leaders, two packages being destined
for Chicomacatl and his nephew Cuexco, and with this parting gift
all but a small body returned to Cempoala.[418]
After a stay at Cholula of nearly three weeks[419] the Spaniards
set out for Mexico, attended by about six thousand natives, chiefly
Tlascaltecs, with a sprinkling of Cempoalans, Cholultecs, and
Huexotzincas.[420] They passed through Huexotzinco by a route already
followed by Ordaz, and recommended as the best and safest. The first
camp was made at the Huexotzinca village of Izcalpan, over four
leagues from Cholula, where they met with a most friendly reception,
and received abundant provisions, together with some female slaves and
a little gold. Leaving behind them the smiling plain of Huitzilapan,
where they had overcome so many dangers and obtained so many proofs
of good-will, on the following day they approached the mountains and
came upon the regular highway which leads across the range to the
valley of Mexico. The junction of the roads was at the south-west
border of Huexotzinco, where the Mexicans had left a proof of their
hostility toward this republic, allied to Tlascala, by blocking up the
way with trees and other material.[421] These were removed, and the
army began the steep ascent of the pass, pressing onward against the
chilling winds which swept down from its frozen heights, and before
long they were tramping through the snow which covered the summit.
Here they were cheered by a sight which made them, for the moment
at least, forget their hardships. A turn in the road disclosed the
valley of Mexico—the object of their toil and suffering—stretching
from the slope of the forest-clad ranges at their feet as far as
the eye could reach, and presenting one picturesque intermingling of
green prairies, golden fields, and blooming gardens, clustering round
a series of lakes. Towns lay thickly sprinkled, revealed by towering
edifices and gleaming walls, and conspicuous above all, the queen city
herself, placidly reposing upon the mirrored surface of the larger
water. Above her rose the cypress-crowned hill of Chapultepec, with
its stately palace consecrated to the glories of Aztec domination.[422]
The first transport over, there came a revulsion of feeling. The
evidently dense population of the valley and the many fortified towns
confirmed the mysterious warnings of the allies against a powerful
and warlike people, and again the longing for the snug and secure
plantations of Cuba found expression among the faint-hearted, as they
shivered in the icy blast and wrapped themselves the closer in the
absence of food and shelter. In this frame of mind the glistening
farm-houses seemed only so many troops of savage warriors, lurking
amidst the copses and arbors for victims to grace the stone of
sacrifice and the festive board; and the stately towns appeared
impregnable fortresses, which promised only to become their prisons
and graves. So loud grew the murmur as to indicate mutiny; but Cortés,
with his usual firm words, quieted the soldiers, supported as he was
by the spirited majority.[423]
After descending for a short distance they came to the travellers’
station of Quauhtechcatl,[424] whose commodious edifices afforded
room for the whole army. The Mexicans had prepared for the arrival by
furnishing an abundance of provisions, with fires in all the rooms,
and the tired soldiers eagerly gave themselves up to repose.[425]
No less exhausted than they, Cortés nevertheless could not think of
rest till he had seen to the security of the camp. His prudence on
this occasion came near costing him dearly, for in the darkness a
sentinel taking him for a spy drew his cross-bow. Fortunately he heard
the click and announced himself.[426] This promptness on the part
of the guard was by no means unnecessary; during the night a dozen
or more prowling natives met the fate which the general so narrowly
escaped. They were supposed to have been the spies of an army hidden
in the forest, which, on observing the watchfulness of the Spaniards,
abandoned the premeditated attack.[427]
* * * * *
Montezuma’s fears appeared to grow with the approach of Cortés, and
so did his anxiety about the import of the message which must be
delivered to him alone. Could there be a design upon his person?
This must be ascertained before the invaders came too near. Among
his courtiers was a noble named Tzihuacpopoca, who greatly resembled
him in person and voice. Him he commanded to proceed to the Spanish
camp, attended by a large retinue, and by representing himself as
the emperor to ascertain from the white chief what his intentions
were, and to induce him with liberal offers to turn back. The idea
was based on an incident which had occurred not many years before,
wherein one of the tripartite monarchs saved his life by appearing
in proxy at a treacherous court. Montezuma hoped to derive from a
similar trick more than one advantage.
Tzihuacpopoca arrived at the mountain camp the morning after the
Spaniards had entered it, and created no little excitement by the
announcement that the emperor was present in person. Preparations
were made to give him a brilliant reception. Unfortunately for the
envoy, his secret had too many keepers in the large suite attending
him; there were also many among the allies who had been at Montezuma’s
court, and who looked on this sudden arrival as suspicious. They made
inquiries and soon ascertained the truth. Cortés received the great
man with courtesy, heralded as he was with a present of three thousand
pesos de oro, but he resolved to take advantage of the discovery to
impress him with his penetration. After a few moments’ conversation
he told the noble with a severe tone that he was not the monarch
he represented himself to be.[428] He also referred to the attempts
made during the night to surprise the camp, as indicated by the dead
spies, and assured him that his men were always prepared against plots
and deception, and any attempts against them would lead only to the
discomfiture and grief of the enemy. Awed by the superior intelligence
and power of the general, the envoy thought no longer of anything
else than to keep such a man from entering Mexico. He presented among
other reasons that the city could be reached only in canoes, and
that provisions were difficult to obtain there. He repeated the offer
already made of an annual tribute payable in treasures on the coast,
and promised as a bribe for Cortés himself four loads of gold, and
for each of his officers and men one load.[429] Dazzling as the offer
was, Cortés regarded it as but a faint reflection of still richer
treasures, the attainment of which must procure for him greater glory
than he had as yet dreamed of. In his reply he accordingly pointed
out how strange it must appear to turn back now that he was within
view of the goal. Such conduct would disgrace any envoy. No! he dared
not disobey the orders of his king, who had sent him upon a mission
of great benefit to Montezuma. He would leave as soon as this was
accomplished, if desired.[430]
Nothing abashed by this rebuff, Montezuma again had recourse to the
black art, and sent a number of sorcerers, the native records say, to
cast spells on the Spaniards. They soon returned with the report that
on nearing Tlalmanalco, Tezcatlipoca had appeared to them in the guise
of a drunken peasant, frightening them greatly, and saying: “Fools,
return! Your mission is in vain! Montezuma will lose his empire in
punishment for tyranny, and I, I leave Mexico to her fate and cast you
off!” The sorcerers recognized the god, and prostrated themselves to
adore him, but he spurned their devotion, rebuking them, and finally
pointed to Mexico, saying: “Behold her doom!” Looking round they saw
her enveloped in flames, and the inhabitants in conflict with white
men. On turning again to beseech the god he was gone.[431]
Montezuma was in consultation with his advisers when this report was
brought. As if pierced by death’s dart, the monarch bowed low his
head and moaned: “We are lost! We are lost!”[432] Less impressed with
superstitious fear by an incident which he regarded as concocted by
the sorcerers, Cuitlahuatzin vividly presented the danger of admitting
such determined and powerful intruders within the city, and he boldly
urged that they be forbidden to enter, by force of arms if need be.
Cacama remonstrated that after inviting them such a course would
savor of fear. The emperor owed it to his exalted station and power to
receive envoys. If they proved objectionable, the city should become
their tomb. Surely his nobles and his armies were able to overcome
so small a number, assisted by the strategic advantages of the place
in its approaches and resources. To the affrighted monarch anything
was acceptable that would stay prompt action, and consequently defer
the ruin which he feared. He at once inclined to Cacama’s advice,
stipulating, however, that he, king as he was, should condescend
to meet the Spaniards and sound their intentions. “May the gods not
place within your house, my lord, one who shall cast you forth and
usurp the empire,” was the solemn warning of Cuitlahuatzin, as he
heard this resolution.[433]
The Spaniards had meanwhile descended the wooded slope from
Quauhtechcatl to the cultivated district round Amaquemecan, a city
which, together with its suburban villages for two leagues around,
numbered over twenty thousand families.[434] The lord, Cacamatzin
Teotlateuchtli, received them in his own palace, and entertained
them most liberally during their two days’ stay, presenting them
gifts of forty female slaves and three thousand castellanos in
gold. The chiefs of Tlalmanalco and other neighboring towns came
to tender their respects, and encouraged by the reports of Spanish
prowess they hesitated not to lay bare their grievances against the
Aztecs, who oppressed them with heavy taxes, robbed them of wives and
daughters, and carried the men into slavery. Cortés encouraged the
chiefs with fair promises, and was not a little delighted at finding
disaffection in the very heart of the empire, whose power had been
so much extolled.[435]
Passing by way of Tlalmanalco through a succession of flourishing
maize and maguey fields, the Spaniards reached Ayotzinco, a town at
the south end of Chalco lake.[436] Here was seen the first specimen
of the peculiar aquatic cities of the lake region. Half of the town
stood on piles, and was intersected by canals, wherein the traffic,
with canoes, was far livelier than in the streets. The other half
lay at the foot of steep hills, upon one of which the Spaniards were
encamped. Prompted either by curiosity or by evil purposes, a number
of Indians attempted during the night to enter the Spanish quarter,
only to pay with their lives for the indiscretion.[437]
In the morning messengers arrived requesting the Spaniards to await the
coming of Cacama. Shortly after appeared a procession more brilliant
than any yet seen. In a litter profusely ornamented with gold, silver,
and feather ornaments, and even inlaid with precious stones, sat the
king of Tezcuco, a young man of about twenty-five, carried by eight
powerful caciques. As he stepped out, attendants proceeded to sweep
the road, removing even the straws, while nobles held over his head
a canopy of green feathers, studded with gems, to shield him from the
sun. With stately steps the monarch advanced toward Cortés, saluting
him in the customary manner.[438] He had come, he said, with these
nobles, in the name of Montezuma, their master, to serve him, and
to provide all that was needed. He thereupon presented a rich gift,
to which Cortés responded with three fine marcasite stones[439] for
himself, and with blue glass diamonds for the nobles. In order to
sound him, Cacama represented that there existed almost insurmountable
obstacles to his entry into Mexico, among them the fears of the
populace, which had been aroused by terrible accounts of the cruelty
of his followers.[440] Cortés sought to reassure him, and declared
that no obstacles were insurmountable to his men, whereupon Cacama
hastened to state that Montezuma himself would willingly receive them,
and did tender an invitation. He now returned to Mexico to prepare
for the inevitable visit, leaving among the Spaniards the impression
that if he, the inferior king, exhibited such grandeur, that of the
emperor must indeed be imperial.[441]
Proceeding along the lake they entered upon a causeway in width a
spear’s length, leading through the waters for over a half league to
“the prettiest little town which we had yet seen, both with regard
to its well built houses and towers, and to its situation,” as
Cortés remarks. The admiring soldiers called it Venezuela, or little
Venice, the native name being Cuitlahuac. It was situated on an
islet, connected also with the northern shore by an extension of the
causeway, and contained a population of about two thousand families,
supported chiefly by floriculture, which was carried on to a great
extent by means of _chinampas_, or floating gardens.[442] The chiefs
came forth, headed by Atlpopocatzin,[443] and showed themselves most
attentive. Here again complaints were uttered about Aztec oppression,
with the warning that the Spaniards would meet with no true friendship
at Mexico.[444]
The Mexican envoys suspected the disaffection of Cuitlahuac, and
prevailed on the Spaniards to pass onward to Iztapalapan, where
preparations had been made to receive them. As they neared the densely
populated lake district, the crowds became larger and more curious,
wondering at the fair hue and bushy beards of the strangers, and
admiring the comely horses, and the glittering arms and helmets.
“Surely they must be divine beings,” some said, “coming as they do
from where the sun rises.” “Or demons,” hinted others. But the old
men, wise in the records of their race, sighed as they remembered
the prophecies, and muttered that these must be the predicted ones
who were to rule the land and be their masters.[445] To prevent the
natives from mingling with his men, and creating not only disorder
but diminishing the awe with which they were regarded, the horsemen in
the van received orders to keep the Indians at a respectful distance.
Iztapalapan was already in sight when a large force of armed warriors
was seen advancing, so large that it seemed as if the armies of
Mexico had come to overwhelm them. They were reassured, however, by
the announcement that it was Ixtlilxochitl with his escort, intent
on having an interview with his proposed ally. The prince had urged
upon Cortés to take a more northern route and join him at Calpulalpan,
but finding that the general preferred the Amaquemecan road, he had
hastened to meet the Spaniards on the lake. The approach of this
personage had made the court of Tezcuco more pliable to one whose
designs were well understood. When Ixtlilxochitl therefore came
near the city, the elder brother, Cohuanacotzin, made efforts for
a closer conciliation with himself and Cacama.[446] The opportunity
was favorable, for the indisposition of Cortés to enter actively into
the plans of the former, and his advance on Mexico, with proclaimed
friendship for Montezuma, made Ixtlilxochitl not averse to the advances
of his brothers, particularly since he intended this in no wise to
interfere with his schemes. The result of the negotiation was that
he found himself admitted with great pomp into his paternal city,
wherein he hoped some day to displace Cacama. Imbued more than ever
with his ambition, he hastened to intercept the Spanish captain, in
order personally to promote his views and induce him to come northward
to Tezcuco and to his own capital. Cortés was full of promises, but
it did not just then suit him to disarrange the plan he had formed,
and so Ixtlilxochitl had to wait.
It is this meeting no doubt which has been wrongly extended by several
authorities into a visit to Tezcuco.[447]
As the Spaniards approached Iztapalapan,[448] Cuitlahuatzin, the
brother of Montezuma and lord of the city, came forth in company with
Tezozomoc, lord of the adjoining Culhuacan, and a number of other
caciques and nobles,[449] to escort his guests to their quarters
in his palace. The city with its ten thousand to twelve thousand
houses was constructed partly on piles, and crossed by canals, on
either side of which rose substantial buildings, chiefly of stone, a
large proportion being, according to the conqueror, “as fine as the
best in Spain, both in extent and construction.” The Spaniards were
awed by the beauty of the place. The palace was particularly fine
and spacious, with courts shaded by awnings of brilliant colors and
bordered by commodious apartments. Adjoining it, and overlooked by a
large pavilion, was a vast garden, divided into four squares by hedges
of plaited reeds, which were entirely overgrown with roses and other
flowers. Shaded walks led out in all directions, now by beds of rare
plants collected from remote parts, now into orchards temptingly laden,
and again past groups of artistically arranged flowers. In ponds fed
by navigable canals sported innumerable water-fowl, consorting with
fishes of different species. In the centre of the garden was an immense
reservoir of hewn stone, four hundred paces square, surrounded by a
tiled pavement from which steps led at intervals to the water.[450]
Cortés was not only hospitably entertained, but received a present
of female slaves, packs of cloth, and over three thousand castellanos
in gold.[451]
The soldiers now prepared under more than usual excitement for
the final march, which was to bring them to the longed-for goal.
The reputed magnificence of the capital made most of the Spaniards
eager to enter; but there were others who recalled the rumors of its
strength, and of the terrible plots which their timid allies declared
were to encompass them. “Being men and fearing death, we could not
avoid thinking of this,” says Bernal Diaz, frankly, “and commending
ourselves to God.” And as he remembers how warnings failed to deter
them, the old soldier bursts forth in self-admiration, “What men have
existed in the world so daring?”[452]
FOOTNOTES
[400] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 75-6; _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 96-7.
[401] ‘Sacrificassen çinco mill personas para festejar é
aplacar sus dioses.’ _Oviedo_, iii. 499. ‘Estuuo encerrado
en sus deuociones, y sacrificios dos dias juntamente con
diez Papas.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 61. ‘Estuuo
en oracion, y ayuno ocho dias.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._,
97. ‘Si ritirò al palazzo _tlillancalmecatl_, destinato
pel tempo di duolo.’ _Clavigero_, _Storia Mess._, iii. 69.
[402] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, 182; _Remesal_, _Hist.
Chyapa_, 304. According to Arias de Villalobos, the idol
was already stricken mute by the shadow of the approaching
cross; the angel released the captive, one of 500 destined
for slaughter, and he set forth to join the Spaniards.
_Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt. iii. 126.
[403] From the lord of Tepeaca came 30 female slaves and
some gold, and from Huexotzinco a wooden box, bordered with
gold and silver, containing jewels worth 400 pesos de oro.
_Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iii.
[404] ‘Ten thousand pesos de oro,’ says Torquemada, i. 442.
[405] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 75-6; _Torquemada_, i. 442.
Gomara is confused about these messages between Cholula
and Mexico, while Bernal Diaz ignores this attempt to keep
back the Spaniards.
[406] ‘Quitarnos la comida, é agua, ò alçar qualquiera de las
puentes, nos mataria, y que en vn dia, si nos daua guerra,
no quedaria ninguno de nosotros á vida.’ This oracle came
from Huitzilopochtli. The bodies should be eaten. _Bernal
Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 61; _Oviedo_, iii. 499; _Gomara_,
_Hist. Mex._, 97.
[407] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 77. Bernal Diaz relates that
six chiefs brought this message, together with a number of
gold jewels, worth upward of 2000 pesos, and some loads of
robes. _Hist. Verdad._, 62. Most authors are, like Gomara,
somewhat confused about these messages.
[408] _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 96. ‘Algunos querian decir
que era boca del infierno.’ _Motolinia_, _Hist. Ind._, 180;
_Torquemada_, i. 436-7.
[409] ‘Vinieron muchos Indios a besarles la ropa, y a verlos,
como por milagro, ó como a dioses.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._,
96. According to Cortés they failed to reach the summit,
although coming very near to it. But this statement is open
to doubt, for Cortés is not liberal in according credit to
others where it might tend to call attention from himself,
particularly to a man like Ordaz, who had, until quite
lately, been his most bitter opponent. Gomara had evidently
good authority for his statement, since he in this case
failed to follow his patron’s version; and Bernal Diaz, who
is always ready to contradict him, and who was no friend
of Ordaz, does also admit that he reached the summit. He
gives him only two companions, however, and starts them
from Tlascala. _Hist. Verdad._, 55. Leading modern authors
are inclined to doubt their success. Prescott, Brasseur de
Bourbourg, and others, from a misinterpretation of Cortés’
text, allow the ascent to be made while the army was camped
on the summit of the range, en route for Mexico.
Ordaz no doubt claimed to have reached the summit, since
the emperor granted him a coat of arms, wherein the
achievement is commemorated by a blazing mountain. Had he not
merited it, his many jealous companions would surely have
raised a clamor. He became also a knight of Santiago, in
acknowledgment of his services during the conquest. Having
beside acquired great wealth, he might have rested on his
laurels; but eager to emulate his late chief, he in 1530
petitioned for and obtained the governorship of the tract
between Rio Marañon and Cabo de la Vela, in South America,
with a right to extend the conquest. After suffering great
hardship there he set out for Spain, two years later, to
recruit his health and seek redress against rival conquerors.
He died on the way. _Oviedo_, ii. 211-24; _Herrera_, dec.
iv. lib. x. cap. ix.; dec. v. lib. i. cap. xi. Simon has
him arraigned at Española for cruelty to his men, etc.
Ordaz insists on going to Spain for justice, and fearing
the result, since he stood in high favor there, his enemies
poisoned him during the voyage. _Conq. Tierra Firme_, 104-35.
His portrait is given in _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._,
ii. 192, and _Prescott’s Mex._ (Gondra ed. of Mex.), iii.
221. ‘Su familia establecida en Puebla, en donde creo que
todavía quedan descendientes suyos.’ _Alaman_, _Disert._,
i. 101. Montaño, among other conquerors, made the ascent of
the volcano not long after this, and he is even said to have
descended into the crater. Padre Sahagun also reached the
summit. _Hist. Gen._, iii. 317; _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. vi.
cap. xviii.; _Torquemada_, i. 436-7; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v.
cap. ii. The next successful ascent was not made till 1827,
by Messrs Glennie. Sonneschmidt had explored Popocatepetl
partially only in 1772, but had reached the summit of the
consort peak. Berkbeck explored in the same year as the
Glennies. Gérolt and Gros attempted the ascent in 1833 and
1834, and succeeded in reaching the summit on the second
occasion. The record is given in _Revista Mex._, i. 461-82.
In 1857 the Mexican government sent up a successful exploring
expedition under Sonntag and Laverrière, whose report,
with drawings, is given in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_,
vi. 218-45. Meanwhile the observations of Gérolt and Gros
had led to the examination of the crater for sulphur, an
industry carried on pretty regularly since 1836. The volcano
was in frequent eruption about the conquest period, as if
in sympathy with the political turmoils around it. One of
the heaviest discharges recorded took place in 1539-40,
which covered the neighboring towns, as far as Tlascala,
with ashes. Since then it has been comparatively silent,
the last two outbreaks being in 1663-4 and 1697. ubi sup.,
204-5; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 55; _Herrera_, dec.
ii. lib. vi. cap. xviii. The eruption of 1663-4 created great
terror in Puebla, as Vetancurt relates. _Teatro Mex._, pt.
i. 26. Bustamante extends this activity to 1665. _Sahagun_,
_Hist. Conq._ (ed. 1840), 75.
Rude cuts of the volcanic eruption of 1519 are to be seen in
the old and curious cosmographies of Sebastian Munster. This
learned man, famous as a Hebrew scholar, as mathematician and
cartographer, was the author of some forty printed works,
and would probably have issued as many more had not the
plague cut him off at Basle, in 1552, at the age of 63. His
editions of Ptolemy’s Geography began in 1540, and in the
following year, according to _Labanoff’s Catalogue_, appeared
the first edition of his _Cosmographia Beschreibung_; but
this date, accepted by several bibliographers, as well
as that of 1543 for a Latin edition, are evidently wrong,
since Munster in his dedication of 1550, to King Gustavus
I. of Sweden, remarks that ‘Inn dise dritt edition’ he had
hoped to include a description of Stockholm and other towns
under the king, but had not received a reply to his demands
therefor. A few lines above this he writes equally to the
point: ‘Als ich aber vor sechs jaren noch mit diser arbeit
vmbgieng, ist zũ mir kommen E. K. M. diener, der hochgelert
herr, herr Georgius Normannus, dem ich vorhin auss etlichen
büchern vnder meinem namen aussgangen, bekãt wz, vnd als
er besichtiget dise für genom̂en arbeit, schetzet er
sie wol wirdig, das sie vnd dem künigliche schirm E. M.
an tag käme.’ Nothing could more conclusively show that
the work had not appeared in print before 1544. The second
edition appeared in 1545. The title of the first reads:
_Cosmographia. Beschreibũg aller Lender Durch Sebastianum
Munsterum. Getruckt zü Basel durch Henrichum Petri. Anno
MDxliiij._ The Gothic text is accompanied by marginals in
Italics, and illustrated with numerous small wood-cuts, some
being of the character which permits their reproduction
in different chapters and for different countries. In
the African division we find beings of the Anubis and
Polyphemus type, and animal monsters of different form. In
the dedication to Gustavus, Munster speaks of having spent
eighteen years in collecting and arranging his material, on
the plan of ‘dẽ hochgelerten man̂ Strabõi,’which is not
very flattering to that geographer, if the method before us
be accepted as a specimen. He divides the volume into six
books—the first devoted to mathematical geography, the next
three to a general rambling description of Europe, chiefly
with reference to the natural resources and settlements of
the different countries. In the third book, covering two
thirds of the text, and relating to Germany, each little
province receives a historic notice, and every town and
castle of any note its description, with rude wood-cuts
attached. The next division given at some length is Asia,
to which is appended half a dozen pages on America, while
Africa closes with the sixth book and about three times
that amount of text. The one chapter relating to our
continent is headed, _Von den neuwen inseln_, and gives a
vague account of the discovery, the physical features and
natural products of the land, the inhabitants and their
customs, illustrated with several cuts, among them a volcano
in eruption and two cannibal scenes. The regular maps are
grouped at the beginning of the volume, each on the verso
and recto of two leaves, bearing on the first recto the
title, inclosed in a border more or less ornamented with
portraits, symbols, and arabesque. The mappemonde shows
_Terra Florida_ and _Francisia_ on each side of a bay.
Above this runs a wide strait marked _Per hoc fretû iter
patit ad Molucas_, which issues between _Cathay regio_ and
_Temistitan_. Below this land are placed Hispaniola and
Cuba, at the mouth of another wide strait, bounded on the
south by the large island of _America seu insula Brasilij_.
Further down is _Fretû Magaliani_, with a large island to the
south. The map for America bears the inscription: ‘_Die newe
weldt der grossen und vilen Inselen_.’ The second edition
of 1545 is considerably enlarged, the chapter on America
covering nine pages. In the third edition, of 1550, the
wood-cuts are increased by a number of large plans, views
of towns, and other scenes by Deutsch, making this the most
attractive volume for collectors. A portrait of the author
in his sixtieth year is also given. The various editions in
different languages, issued even in the following century,
vary considerably in arrangement and extent, and that of
1614, although improved and enlarged to 1575 pages, devotes
only ten to America, while previous editions contain more
material thereon. The binding is provided with bosses,
clasps, and vellum cover, impressed with tracery, portraits,
and emblems.
[410] Cap. iii. note 1.
[411] ‘Quauhpopocatzin, señor de Coyohuacan, uno de los
grandes del imperio, que asistia en Nauhtlan, y estaba
á su cargo el gobierno de las costas del mar del norte.’
_Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, 296.
[412] Bernal Diaz writes, 40 soldiers, 2 cannon, 2 firelocks,
3 cross-bows and 2000 natives; Cortés, 50 Spaniards and 8000
to 10,000 Indians, ‘y doce tiros de pólvora.’ _Cartas_, 88.
[413] ‘Á la primera refriega ... huyeron, y dexaron al Juan
de Escalante peleando,’ says Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._,
74.
[414] ‘And Montezuma believed this to be the great lady
whom we claimed for patroness.’ ‘Todos los soldados que
passamos con Cortés, tenemos muy creido.’ _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Verdad._, 74.
[415] ‘Seis soldados juntamente con él.’ _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Verdad._, 73. ‘Nueue Españoles,’ says Gomara, who
assumes that two were previously assassinated by Quauhpopoca.
_Hist. Mex._, 122, 129.
[416] According to Bernal Diaz, whose version is chiefly
adhered to, the death of so many soldiers caused the
Spaniards to fall somewhat in the estimation of the Indians,
who had looked upon them as invulnerable beings. ‘Y que
todos los pueblos de la sierra, y Cempoal, y su sujeto,
están alterados, y no les quieren dar comida, ni servir.’
_Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 73-4. But this is probably
an exaggeration, for Cortés would not have ventured to
send down a new comandante almost without escort, or to
have remained quietly at Mexico for months, had his rear
been so threatened. Cortés, who should be regarded as the
best authority, gives a curious motive for the campaign.
Qualpopoca, as he calls him, sent a message to Escalante,
offering to become a vassal of the Spanish king. He had not
submitted before, fearing to pass through the intervening
hostile country; but if four soldiers were sent to escort
him, he would come with them. Believing this protestation,
Escalante sent the four men, two of whom wounded returned
shortly after with the story that Quauhpopoca had sought to
kill them, and had succeeded in despatching their comrades.
This led to the expedition of Escalante. _Cartas_, 87-8.
It appears most unlikely that this officer should have so
far forgotten the prudence ever enjoined on his captains by
Cortés, and trusted only four men in an unknown country,
in response to so suspicious a request. There was beside
no need for Quauhpopoca to go to Villa Rica, since his
submission through envoys would be just as binding. If he
desired to see the Spanish fort, he could have gone safely
by water, for large canoes were used on the coast. It is
not improbable that the story was made up to justify the
expedition sent against Nautla, since a campaign by a small
force, merely on behalf of a wretched tribe of natives,
might have been regarded as unwarranted. This story was also
useful afterward, when Cortés first thought proper to reveal
it, for rousing his men to action. Gomara follows Cortés,
with the difference that Pedro de Ircio, as he wrongly
calls the captain at Villa Rica, having orders from Cortés
to anticipate Garay by incorporating Almería, sent an order
to Quauhpopoca to tender his submission. This he agreed to
do, provided the four Spaniards were sent to escort him.
Gomara appears to favor the view that Quauhpopoca acted on
his own responsibility, for he says that this chief sent to
warn Montezuma of Cortés’ intention to usurp the empire, and
to urge upon him to seize the white captain. _Hist. Mex._,
122, 129. Bernal Diaz stamps this account as false. Peter
Martyr, dec. v. cap. iii., assumes that the two Spaniards
were slain by robbers, so that Quauhpopoca was innocent of
any misdeed. Tapia’s version is incomplete, but appears to
favor Bernal Diaz. In Duran’s native record, Coatlpopoca
appears as the guide of the Spaniards. He treacherously
leads them along a precipice, over which two horsemen fall
with their steeds, and are killed. For this he is tried
and executed. _Hist. Ind._, MS., ii. 411-13.
[417] He reveals it only after his arrival at Mexico, and
thus leads Bernal Diaz to assume that the news reached him
there. In this he is followed by Herrera, dec. ii. lib.
viii. cap. i., and consequently by Torquemada, i. 455.
[418] _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 62; _Gomara_, _Hist.
Mex._, 97; _Torquemada_, i. 442.
[419] The estimate varies from fourteen days, _Herrera_,
to over twenty days, _Gomara_. By assuming that nineteen
days were spent at Cholula, the army has a week in which
to reach Mexico, and this is about the time consumed.
[420] _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 97. ‘Saliẽdo acompañarle los
señores de Chulula, y con gran marauilla de los Embaxadores
Mexicanos.’ _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iii.
‘Andauamos la barba sobre el ombro,’ says Bernal Diaz, in
allusion to the precautions observed. _Hist. Verdad._, 63.
[421] Bernal Diaz relates in a confused manner that at
Izcalpan the Spaniards were told of two wide roads beginning
beyond the first pass. One, easy and open, led to Chalco;
the other, to Tlalmanalco, had been obstructed with trees
to impede the horses, and so induce the army to take the
Chalco route, upon which the Aztecs lay in ambush, ready to
fall upon them. _Hist. Verdad._, 63. This finds some support
in Sahagun, whose mythic account relates that Montezuma,
in his fear of the advancing forces, had blocked the direct
road to Mexico and planted maguey upon it, so as to direct
them to Tezcuco. _Hist. Conq._, 21. Cortés indicates clearly
enough that the Mexican envoys had at Cholula recommended
a route leading from that city south of Huexotzinco to the
usual mountain pass, and used by their people in order to
avoid this inimical territory. Upon it every accommodation
had been prepared for the Spaniards. This road was not
only circuitous, but had been declared by Tlascaltecs and
others as hard and perilous, with deep ravines, spanned by
narrow and insecure bridges, and with Aztec armies lying
in ambush. _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 76-8; _Tapia_, _Rel._, in
_Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 574. Peter Martyr, dec. v.
cap. ii., calls this route shorter and easier, though more
dangerous. Certain remarks by Bernal Diaz indicate that
the ambush had been arranged in connection with the plot
at Cholula, and abandoned upon its failure, loc. cit. There
could hardly have been more than one route across the range,
through the pass wherein the Aztecs had erected their station
for travellers, and this the Spaniards did follow. Here also
accommodation was prepared for them, and here the embassy
from Montezuma appeared. Hence the obstructions spoken of
must have been at the junction of the Huexotzinca road with
the main road from Cholula to the pass, and intended as
an intimation to the Huexotzincas or to the Mexicans not
to trespass. They could have been of no avail against the
Spaniards, who were beside invited to enter on the main
road then at hand. These are facts overlooked by Prescott,
Clavigero, and writers generally who have lost themselves
in the vague and confused utterances of the chroniclers,
and in seeking to elaborate a most simple affair. Modern
travellers follow the easier and less picturesque route
north of Iztaccihuatl, which skirts Mount Telapon. This
was the road recommended by Ixtlilxochitl, leading through
Calpulalpan, where he promised to join him with his army;
but Cortés preferred to trust to his own arms and to his
Tlascaltec followers. _Torquemada_, i. 442.
[422] ‘Dezian algunos Castellanos, que aquella era la tierra
para su buena dicha prometida, y que mientras mas Moros,
mas ganancia.’ _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iii.
[423] _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 97; _Oviedo_, iii. 500.
[424] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, 295. Torquemada,
followed by Brasseur de Bourbourg and others, calls it
Ithualco, which appears rather to have been a general term
for these stations, since ithualli, according to Molina,
signifies a court. Peter Martyr and Gomara refer to it as
a summer palace.
[425] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 79. ‘Aun que para los Tamemes
hizieron los de Motecçuma choças de paja ... y aun les
tenian mugeres.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 97. ‘Los Indios
hizieron de presto muchas barracas,’ says Herrera, who
places this ‘casa de plazer’ in the plain below. dec. ii.
lib. vii. cap. iii. Tapia calls the buildings ‘casas de
paja.’ _Relacion_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 578.
[426] Martin Lopez was the watchful sentinel. _Torquemada_,
i. 443.
[427] _Tapia_, _Rel._, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii.
577; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 80. Herrera intimates that an
attack on the summit, where the Spaniards were benumbed
with cold, might have succeeded in creating confusion. dec.
ii. lib. vii. cap. iii. Unless the naked Indians had been
equally benumbed!
[428] He appealed to the Tlascaltecs by his side, and
they declared that they knew him to be Tzihuacpopoca.
_Torquemada_, i. 446.
[429] A load being at least 50 pounds, the bribe swells to
over $5,000,000.
[430] Cortés and Martyr call the envoy a brother of
Montezuma. _Cartas_, 79; dec. v. cap. ii.; Gomara and
Herrera, a relative. _Hist. Mex._, 98; dec. ii. lib. vii.
cap. iii. According to Bernal Diaz, the bribe is offered by
four nobles at Tlalmanalco. _Hist. Verdad._, 64. Sahagun, who
is the original authority for the story of ‘Tzioacpupuca’s’
attempt to pass himself off for Montezuma, says that Cortés
was highly indignant at the deception, ‘y luego con afrenta
enviaron á aquel principal y á todos los que con él habian
venido.’ _Hist. Conq._, 19; _Torquemada_, i. 445-6.
[431] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Conq._, 20-1; _Acosta_, _Hist.
Ind._, 519-20; _Torquemada_, i. 447. Solis, the ‘penetrating
historian,’ repeats and improves upon this as an account
taken from ‘autores fidedignos.’ _Hist. Mex._, i. 353. And
with a similar belief it has been given a prominent place
in _West-vnd Ost-Indischer Lustgart_, 131. Gaspar Ens L.,
the author, was one of the editors of the famous set of De
Bry, from which he like so many others borrowed text, if
not engravings. The narrator of several individual European
travels, he also issued the _Indiæ Occidentalis Historia_,
Coloniæ, 1612. The German version, published at Cöllen in
1618 in a small quarto form, under the above title, has
for its guiding principle the appropriate maxim of Horace,
_Omne tulit punctum qui miscuit utile dulci_. The first
part, relating to America in general, is divided into three
sections, for physical and natural geography and Indian
customs, followed by discovery, voyages, and conquests,
and concluding with a review of political history, and an
appendix on missionary progress. This arrangement, however,
is nominal rather than real, and the confusion, extending
into chapters as well as sections, is increased by the
incomplete and undigested form of the material, enlivened,
however, by an admixture of the quaint and wonderful.
[432] ‘Ya estamos para perdernos ... mexicanos somos,
ponernos hemos á lo que viniese por la honra de la
generacion.... Nacidos somos, venga lo que viniere.’
_Sahagun_, _Hist. Conq._, 21.
[433] ‘Este parecer de Cuitlahuac, abraçaron muchos de los
Presentes.’ _Torquemada_, i. 444-5.
[434] With seven towns and over 25,000 families, says
Chimalpain, _Hist. Conq._, 115. Herrera states that at the
foot of the descent from the range felled trees obstructed
the road, and appearances indicated that an ambush had been
intended. _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iii.
[435] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 80-1. Bernal Diaz places this
occurrence at Tlalmanalco, where the chiefs jointly offer
eight female slaves, two packs of robes, and 150 pesos’ worth
of gold. They urge Cortés to remain with them rather than
trust himself within Mexico. This being declined, twenty
chiefs go with him to receive justice from the emperor at
his intercession. _Hist. Verdad._, 63. ‘Se dieron por sus
confederados.’ _Sahagun_, _Hist. Conq._ (ed. 1840), 74.
[436] For map of route see, beside those contained in this
volume, _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, ii. 201, 538,
and _Alaman_, in _Prescott’s Hist. Conq._ (ed. Mex. 1844),
i. 337, 384. The last maps in these books illustrate the
later siege operations round Mexico, and so does Orozco y
Berra’s, in _Ciudad México_, _Noticias_, 233. Prescott’s
route map, in _Mex._, i. p. xxxiii., claims to be based on
Humboldt’s, with corrections from the chroniclers.
[437] ‘Mataron dellos hasta veynte.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._,
98. The chiefs complained in secret of Montezuma. _Tapia_,
_Rel._, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 578.
[438] By touching the ground with the hand and then bearing
it to the lips.
[439] Cortés ‘le dió tres piedras, que se llaman margaritas,
que tienen dentro de si muchas pinturas de diuersas colores.’
_Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 64. A certain vagueness
in the phrase has led some to translate it as a present of
three fine pearls for Cortés.
[440] ‘No les quedaba sino decir que me defenderian el
camino.’ _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 81. ‘Dieron a entender que
les ofenderiã alla, y aun defenderiã el passo y entrada.’
_Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 98.
[441] _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 64. Ixtlilxochitl
contradicts himself about the place of meeting, and makes
Cacama invite Cortés to Tezcuco. _Hist. Chich._, 295; _Id._,
_Relacion_, 411. Torquemada does the same. i. 449.
[442] _Native Races_, ii. 345-6, 575. Cortés mentions
another smaller town in the lake, without land communication.
_Cortés_, _Cartas_, 82.
[443] ‘Pariente del rey de México.’ _Chimalpain_, _Hist.
Conq._, 116. ‘Prince du quartier de Ticic.’ _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 203.
[444] ‘Cortés, ca yua con determinacion de parar alli, y
hazer barcas o fustas ... con miedo no le rompiessen las
calçadas (to Mexico).’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 99.
[445] _Torquemada_, i. 451; _Oviedo_, iii. 500.
[446] For an account of the dispute between Cacama and
Ixtlilxochitl, see _Native Races_, v. 474-7.
[447] Tezcuco was entirely out of Cortés’ route, and the
narratives of the march show that no such detour could have
been made. Torquemada, who contradicts himself about the
visit, describes with some detail the reception at this
capital, where the population kneel to adore the Spaniards
as children of the sun. They are entertained at the palace,
and discover in one of the courtiers, named Tecocoltzin,
a man of as fair a hue as themselves, who became a great
favorite. i. 444. Herrera takes the army from Ayotzinco to
Tezcuco and back to Cuitlahuac. dec. ii. lib. vii. cap.
iv. Impressed perhaps by the peculiarity of this detour,
Vetancurt, after repeating the story, expresses a doubt
whether the visit was really made. _Teatro Mex._, pt. iii.
127-8. But Clavigero brings arguments, based partly upon
vague points in Cortés’ later letters, to prove that it took
place. _Storia Mess._, iii. 74. Solis, ‘the discriminating,’
lets Cacama himself guide Cortés from Ayotzinco to Tezcuco.
_Hist. Mex._, i. 360-1.
[448] ‘Yxtapalapa, que quiere decir Pueblos donde se coge
Sal, ó Yxtatl; y aun hoy tienen este mismo oficio los de
Yxtapalapa.’ _Lorenzana_, in _Cortés_, _Hist. N. Esp._, 56.
[449] Including Matlatzincatzin, lord of Coyuhuacan and
brother of Montezuma; Tochihuitzin of Mexicaltzinco, and
Huitzillatl of Huitzilopochco. _Clavigero_, _Storia Mess._,
iii. 75; _Chimalpain_, _Hist. Conq._, 116; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 205.
[450] _Peter Martyr_, dec. v. cap. ii.; _Gomara_, _Hist.
Mex._, 99; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 82. What with the retreating
waters and the removal of native lords in whose interest
it lay to preserve the gardens and palaces, her glories
are now departed. The evaporation of the lake waters had
been observed before the conquest. After this it increased
rapidly, owing to the thoughtless destruction of forests
in the valley, as Humboldt remarks. In Bernal Diaz’ time
already Iztapalapan lay high and dry, with fields of maize
growing where he had seen the busy traffic of canoes. _Hist.
Verdad._, 65. The fate of the lake region was sealed by
the construction of the Huehuetoca canal, which drained the
big lake to a mere shadow of its former self, leaving far
inland the flourishing towns which once lined its shore, and
shielding the waters, as it were, from further persecution
by an unsightly barrier of desert salt marshes—and all to
save the capital from the inundations to which blundering
locators had exposed her. Humboldt has in his map of the
valley traced the outline of the lake as it appeared to the
conquerors, and although open to criticism it is interesting.
_Essai Pol._, i. 167, 173-5.
[451] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 82. Bernal Diaz reduces it to 2000
pesos. According to Sahagun, Cortés summons the lords of the
district and tells them of his mission. The common people
keep out of the way, fearing a massacre. _Hist. Conq._,
21-2. Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 205-6,
assumes from this that many of the chiefs promised to support
Cortés against the government, which is hardly likely to
have been done in a city ruled by Montezuma’s brother, who
was at heart hostile to the Spaniards. Here again, says
Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. v., Montezuma sought to
dissuade Cortés from entering the capital; _Torquemada_,
i. 449. His envoy being Cacama, adds Ixtlilxochitl, _Hist.
Chich._, 295.
[452] _Hist. Verdad._, 64-5.