pass of Koksú, but found they were too late, it being in possession of
the janissaries under Delí Pírí, and, therefore, without attempting
to dislodge them, they retired. Perceiving, however, the defensive
aspect of the royalists, and their determination to fight, Kalander
Oglí put his troops in order of battle, and prepared for the contest.
Murád’s van-guard acted rather precipitately on this occasion; for,
before he had issued any order for commencing an attack, they, without
waiting for advice, advanced and offered battle to the van-guard of
the enemy, which immediately advanced in their turn to the bank of the
river separating the two armies, where a very warm skirmish took place.
The main body of the royalists remained on the hill or rising-ground
on which they had encamped; and the enemy thinking that the Egyptian
army, with which they were now contending, was the Osmánlí force that
had accompanied the serdár, rushed forth in terrific numbers, and the
assault became general. Murád putting his right and left wings into
motion, gave the word of command, and, like the rushing of a mighty
torrent, descended from the hill into the field of battle. The right
wing entered into close combat with the division under Karah Seyed, and
the left with that under Kalander Oghlí himself. The battle now became
general; they fought fiercely. The serdár’s right wing, composed of
the valiant spáhís, and headed by the chief of Malatieh, Karah Kásh
Ahmed Páshá, and the serdár’s own deputy, Omar Ketkhodá, suceeded in
completely routing the accursed wretches under Karah Seyed. The left
wing composed of salihdárs and the troops from Tripoli, commanded by
Mír Hasan, son of Seif, and the Egyptian troops, commanded by Kansú
Beg, fought the rebels under Kalander Oghlí with such unparalleled
bravery as made the very heavens reverberate with approbation and
applause.
The ever-watchful commander-in-chief, perceiving that a detachment
of the enemy had formed the design of seizing on his baggage, very
opportunely sent a party of janissaries to the brow of the hill where
it was stationed, who successfully repelled every attempt on that
quarter. The enemy’s squadrons, becoming desperate and furious with
rage, exerted their utmost skill and force to cut down the Moslems
who opposed them, but without much success. The commanding general
now advanced a few paces, riding on his swift chestnut, and brought
the whole of his disposable force to bear on these hateful devils;
and calling to his assistance those troops he had sent to guard the
baggage, in a short time the whole of the rebels were put to flight.
Their defeat was most decisive. It has been said that a voice was
heard in the rebel army which said, “for whom are you fighting? Murád
Páshá has laid a stratagem for you. Zulfekár Páshá, with the army of
Caramania has come by the way of the hills, and has seized on your
camp.” This report had the effect of hastening the flight, and served
to give the Moslem army the superiority.
On the second day after the battle, the commanding general took up
his position in that part of the field which had been the enemy’s
camp. Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of Aleppo, was appointed to pursue the
fugitive rebels with a detachment of troops. Mír Hasan Ebn Seif, with
his Malatian soldiers, Karah Kásh Ahmed Páshá, with the troops of
Tripoli, and several other principal officers; besides ten thousand
horse, composed chiefly of Turcomans and Syrian troops, made up the
detachment which was sent in pursuit of the rebels. The scattered and
dispersed infidels, however, were now roaming about in the fields in
the wildest disorder and distress of soul, terrifying and murdering
the peasants wherever they met any. The pursuing Osmánlís followed
hard after them, cutting and slashing all they overtook, and at last,
closed up in a corner, as it were, such of the rebels as had had the
good fortune to escape the general slaughter, were necessitated to
make one last effort of resistance in self-defence. This effort was
not only feeble but vain; and they were again forced to flee. Throwing
away the provisions they had with them, they struggled hard to escape
with their lives. Many of them having been on foot, were obliged to
throw away their arms and accoutrements; and those of them who actually
did escape the sword of vengeance, made their way through the province
of Erzerúm to Ardehán, experiencing the most dreadful privations.
Notwithstanding the hot pursuit after these wretched fugitives, in
which so very many of them perished, some few of them, besides those
who had made their way to Ardehán, escaped to Emír Gunah Khán. Their
arrival, and their requesting the sháh’s protection, were no sooner
made known than they were cordially received; but when they were
afterwards questioned as to the motive they had in rebelling against
their lawful sovereign, and when, at the same time, they were told that
their unfortunate coming into the sháh’s dominions might, eventually,
be the means of bringing foreign troops into his country, they seemed
quite at a loss, and said some few incoherent things in justification
of their conduct. A representation of their circumstances, and of their
wicked rebellion against the Ottoman government was laid before the
sháh, but they, after having their clothes altered after the Persian
fashion, and agreeing to become kizil báshes (red heads), were promised
the protection they sought for. The apostates cheerfully embraced
the alternative offered them, looking upon it as a real favour, and
instantly became incorporated with the kizil báshes. They were, in
all, two thousand in number, and were sent off by one hundred and two
hundreds to a country of misfortune, where they were dispersed, and
left to experience the evil effects of their own misconduct.
His excellency the commander-in-chief, after having defeated and routed
the rebel-army, as before described, marched towards the country of
Cæsarea and Sivás, and encamped at a place called Chubuk Awásí, where
he waited ten days for the return of the detachment which had gone in
pursuit of the rebels. Whilst remaining at Chubuk Awásí messengers
from Baghdád brought him letters which informed him that Jeghala Zádeh
Mohammed Páshá had fully succeeded in vanquishing the rebel called
Mustafa Ben Túyel. This account has been recorded by one of the poets
of that time, who enumerated the achievements of Murád Páshá both in
the east and west.
_His Excellency Murád Páshá hastens after the brother of Túyel Mahmúd._
His excellency, the commander-in-chief, removed his camp from Chubuk
Awásí and went to Sivás, where, after a halt of ten days, he learned
that the infamous Meymún, brother to Túyel Mahmúd, who had conquered
Baghdád and vanquished his ketkhodá, Hasan, had, with six thousand
rebels, desolated the country round Kúr Sheher; but that after having
heard of the defeat of Kalander Oghlí they hastily decamped, robbing
and plundering what they could find in the vicinity of that city. They
committed all the mischief they were able in every village and hamlet
through which they passed, pillaging such of the Turcomans as fell in
their way, and prepared to follow Kalander into Persia. Murád Páshá no
sooner received this intelligence than he made all haste to intercept
them if possible. Following this impulse, he left his heavy baggage
and camp in the plains of Sivás, under the charge of the defterdár,
Bákí Páshá, and marched off with about two thousand or more spáhís,
under the command of the ághá of the janissaries, besides some few
others, making all the haste he was able. Each person carried with him
seven days’ provision, a small coverlet in the form of a canopy, or
at least to be used as such, and a carpet to sleep on when necessary.
This precipitate movement took place on the evening of the 17th of
Jemadi II., and was continued, without the least intermission, for the
space of six days and seven nights. His excellency, Murád Páshá, in
his ninetieth year, fell sick on this hurried march, and was sometimes
obliged to descend from his horse, when he lay on the ground, having
the appearance of a corpse. These fits of sickness, however, were not
of any continuance: in a short time he was again enabled to mount and
continue his journey. On the seventh day, the expedition reached Karah
Hisár, where they made enquiry respecting the rebels they were in
search of, and were informed that the rebel force had lodged in that
place on the preceding night; but that they had set out by daybreak
for the narrow pass called the valley or hollow of Karah Hasan, where
they, it would appear, had halted. Two thousand men, under the command
of Píáleh Páshá, formerly of Bassora, were instantly dispatched to
the hiding-place of the rebels. Murád, with the remainder of his
veterans, followed close upon them, and arrived, though not first,
at the valley or hollow where the rebels were hid. On the morning of
the 23d of Jemadi, as these rebels, no way anticipating a visit from
Murád Páshá, were saddling and loading their beasts of burden, they
were suddenly, as if by a thunderbolt from heaven, put into the utmost
consternation by perceiving Píáleh and his men come within their
hiding-place; and who, like a flash of lightning, and before giving
them time to enquire what had come over them, fell upon them at once.
The resistance of the rebels was not of long continuance. Those of
their foot-soldiers that were fortunate enough to escape the sword,
fled out of the hollow, and made to the mountains: and their horsemen,
though they, at one time, made an attempt to maintain their ground,
fled also in the utmost confusion. Orders had been previously given
(_i.e._ before the engagement), that none of the Moslems should lose
any time in gathering up the spoil until the rebels had been completely
vanquished. These orders, however, were neglected by some. The soldiers
who were in front, seeing the property of the rebels lying scattered
around them, were overcome by the temptation: they forgot their duty
by beginning to appropriate to themselves the spoils which the rebels
in their panic had abandoned. The result was, that the rebels found
time to rally again; and, perceiving how their pursuers were employed,
returned to a renewal of the combat with a spirit and vigour far
superior to that which they had shown at the commencement. The struggle
now became hot and doubtful. The governor of Adnah, Mustafa Páshá, and
one or two Chorbájís fell in the contest: the advanced troops gave way,
and began to retreat, but were stopped by Khalíl Aghá, ághá of the
janissaries, who had hurriedly stepped forward with the men under him,
and prevented their flight. At this instant, and not before, did the
commander-in-chief make his appearance; who, with the reinforcement
which he brought with him, completely turned the fate of the day. The
rebels finding themselves utterly unable to resist the force which
was now brought to bear upon them, fell into confusion, and again
retreated. The Moslems followed hard upon them, and drove them entirely
out of the valley or hollow where the engagement had hitherto been
carried on. The rebels, however, on getting into the plains called
Kilwerat, again contrived to rally, and returned to the charge; but
were soon totally broken, and forced to betake themselves to their
usual expedient—flight. All those who had escaped the vengeance of the
sword of the orthodox Muselmans followed the example of Kalander Oghlí.
The whole of their baggage, of whatever kind it was, fell into the
hands of the victors: very many of their men on foot were seized and
brought back into the presence of Murád, who had, on account of the ill
state of his health, remained on the field of battle, and who ordered
them all to be executed without commiseration as they were brought
before him. The dead bodies of the rebels were put into heaps in the
field, and towers were made of their heads.
After these things, information was sent to Sivás of this new victory
which the orthodox Moslems had gained in the valley of Karah Hasan; and
orders, at the same time, were sent to the royal camp to advance to
the place where the commanding general then was. These orders having
been duly obeyed, the victorious and gallant serdár was again, on the
25th of Jemadi I., in motion, and on the 3d of Jemadi II. encamped at
a place called Sadáklú, within a stage of Beybúrd; where, after a day
or two’s rest, he was joined by Bákí Páshá and the troops under his
command. At the expiration of these days he removed his camp to the
valley of Sinvar, in the vicinity of Beybúrd, where he was joined by
such of his troops as had not before returned from the pursuit of the
rebels. The heads of the prisoners they had brought along with them
were severed from their bodies, and made into heaps like mountains.
Robes of honour were conferred on the gallant chiefs who had been
active on this occasion, and presents were made to the heroic troops.
About the middle of the month last mentioned, the válí of Diárbeker,
Nesúh Páshá, with vezír-like pomp, sound of music, and martial display
joined the royal camp. One thousand musketeers wearing fine scarlet
robes; five hundred foot-guards wearing yellow regimentals; and five
hundred more wearing black caps; and five thousand cavalry, was the
display which Nesúh made on this occasion. But of what use was all
this display? He and they ought to have come earlier, and to have
been on the field of battle, to share in the dangers and the glory of
the combat. After making the splendid display above alluded to, he
advanced towards the commanding general, and, when within bow-shot of
him, descended from his horse, proceeded on foot till he approached
the general, who, by this time, had come four paces to meet him, when
he fell on his knees and kissed the general’s foot. The general, in
return, showed him the respect due to his station, kissed his hand,
and conducted him into his pavilion, telling him in a friendly manner
that he was welcome, and calling him _son_. Nesúh Páshá bowed his head
to the ground, and made this reply: “My noble lord will pardon me. My
fault in not having arrived at an earlier period, and taking a share
in the late important events, is great.” “What,” said the general,
“was the reason that you have been so tardy? You have a most splendid
army, thank God. You heard that the troops under my command amount to
no more than the number that wintered with me at Aleppo. The distance
between Diárbeker and Aleppo is not very great: but in reality you
were near. If your not coming to my assistance was intended as a mark
of disrespect to me, it was not disrespect to me, let me tell you,
but disrespect for the emperor. If it had so happened that we had
been discomfited, were you in circumstances to have advanced and met
Kalander Oghlí? What do you think would be the judicial sentence of a
judge on hearing of a Moslem army being too weak to act against a foe,
whilst a powerful Moslem army was at no great distance from it and did
not come to its aid?” Nesúh was absolutely unable to make any reply to
these pointed interrogatories, and held down his head. “Son,” said
the general again, “son, what means this multitude of men? They are
now unnecessary. Sixteen thousand men have been found sufficient to
overcome Jánbulát Oghlí, and his followers have been all dispersed, or
have been made to flee. You are already acquainted with the history of
Kalander Oghlí. It was by no means the wish of the emperor that even
one of these segbáns (foot-guards or soldiers), now with you, should
ever have been in Anatolia; so that when you return to your government
or province you must certainly disband them. If you be obstinate and
disobey, remember the emperor has long hands (meaning great power).
If one of those instruments of power, such as you have seen, be sent
to execute you, you need not be much surprised?” In this way Murád
Páshá conversed with Nesúh, and exhorted him; and afterwards made
him a present of two robes of honour. In the afternoon of the same
day, Nesúh Páshá returned to Murád’s pavilion, bringing along with
him some very splendid and valuable presents for him, dined with him,
and continued in his company till the night was so far advanced that
he required torches when he returned to his own tent. On the 27th of
Jemadi II., Zulfekár Páshá, governor of Caramania, returned to the
royal camp with his troops: so also did Etmekjí Zádeh, válí of Romeili,
with his provincial troops, and brought along with him the money
destined for the army; having marched by the way of Ancora. Though
both of these officers had incurred the displeasure of the commanding
general for the tardiness they had discovered, yet when he reflected
on his own splendid achievements, he forgave them most freely. It is
impossible to relate all the great and important services rendered by
this celebrated, heroic, prudent, and skilful, though aged commander.
Suffice it to say, that he took ample vengeance on the rebels, and
cleared, in a great measure, the countries they infested of their
presence and influence. When an account of the success he had obtained
over Kalander Oghlí was sent to his majesty, his majesty, with feelings
of the purest kindness, called the messenger into his presence, asked
him most particularly as to the state of the war and the success of
his general, showed peculiar marks of respect to the messenger himself
ordered two suits of garments and a richly ornamented sword to be sent
to Murád Páshá, and at the same time a robe of honour for each of the
grandees in Murád’s army, besides some letters expressive of his
best wishes for them all. Murád Páshá, not long afterwards, had it in
his power to announce to the government of Constantinople his success
against the brother of Túyel, whom he completely defeated.
_The commander-in-chief, Murád Páshá, is recalled to court._
Notwithstanding the grace and favour which his excellency, Murád
Páshá, had shown to Etmekjí Zádeh, who had failed to arrive with his
Romeilian troops in sufficient time to assist against the two rebel
chiefs so frequently mentioned, _viz._ Kalander Oghlí and Túyel; and
notwithstanding that, instead of meeting with merited reproach for
his tardiness, he was honoured with special marks of kindness, yet
Etmekjí Zádeh, from an idea that he was not altogether safe from the
influence of any evil designs which Murád Páshá might harbour against
him, wrote to his friends at Constantinople in the most pressing manner
to use their influence to have him recalled. Accordingly, on the 7th of
Rajab, the commander-in-chief received a royal mandate, desiring him
to confer the government of Romeili on whom he would, but by all means
to send back the emperor’s defterdár, Etmekjí Zádeh Ahmed Páshá, to
Constantinople. The royal firmán commanded farther, that Murád Páshá
should march his army to Erzerúm, there winter, and in the spring march
against the Persians. Such was the import of the royal firmán.
The enlightened and skilful general answered as follows: “Sire, you
have been pleased to recall Ahmed Páshá, the válí of Romeili. His
coming or not coming to the assistance of the orthodox army was of
no importance; nor can his staying here yield them any advantage.
As to your slave (Murád himself), you have ordered him to go into
winter-quarters at Erzerúm. Is the province of Anatolia become so
completely defended and guarded as to render it safe for me to winter
in Erzerúm, and in the spring to open a campaign against Persia? Should
the rebels who may still exist assemble themselves together, are the
vezírs of your august court competent to quell or disperse them? In
this affair let the gracious will of the emperor be done. The time
for distributing the troops into winter-quarters is at hand. A kíleh
(a certain measure) of barley sells at five ducats, and the wakáyet
(about 2-1/4 lbs.) of bread has risen to a ghorúsh (a dollar).” So
much for the sentiments of Murád to his sovereign. Immediately on
sending the above he commenced making arrangements for obeying the
imperial firmán; but when his multitudinous troops assembled together,
they declared it impracticable to do so, because of the dearth which
prevailed in Erzerúm. “The emperor,” said they, “is not acquainted
with the state and circumstances of that province: he listens only
to the voice of those flatterers who surround him: they, as well as
the káímakám, have no wish to see the noble general-in-chief return
to Constantinople. They have the whole management of affairs in their
own hands, and they see well, that should the grand vezír (Murád
Páshá) return, the impracticability of the plans they have recommended
would be made to appear. We have been now (continued the military)
two years in the war, and have achieved several important victories.
We shall now return home.” The general, after having given utterance
to these unceremonious sentiments, called the cazí of the camp, and
caused him to write out a statement of the prices of provisions, and
gave a copy of it, as well as a statement of their own sentiments, to
the kapújís who had conveyed the imperial firmán, and forthwith sent
them back to the grand sultán. On the following day his excellency,
the commander-in-chief, appointed Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of Erzerúm,
and a number of begs, with Chukál Oghlí Hasan Aghá, and about thirty
chorbájís, to accompany the imperial messengers. Karah Hisár, in
the east, he conferred on Turkijeh Bilmaz, and the province of Wán
on Tekelí Mohammed Páshá: Zulfekár Páshá was sent back to his own
government in Caramania, and Etmekjí Zádeh and the Romeilian troops he
dismissed to European Turkey. He also allowed Nesúh Páshá to return
to his own government at Diárbeker, and he himself, about the 15th of
Rajab, went to Tokat. He had been scarcely two days at Tokat, when just
as he was in the act of paying his troops, he received another imperial
firmán which was expressed in these terms: “At whatever station our
imperial firmán reaches you, there winter.” This was brief enough; but
the commanding general, by private letters which he had received by the
same conveyance which brought him the above short firmán, was let into
the secret. These letters assured him that several of the influential
and ruling party at court were altogether averse to his returning to
Constantinople; that one of these, Kapúdán Háfiz Ahmed Páshá, was the
emperor’s favourite; that he, as also the káímakám, Mustafa Páshá, the
reverend mufti, Mohammed Effendí, his old enemy, and Mustafa, ághá of
the palace, had, by leaguing together, represented to his majesty that
the rebellion in Anatolia had been altogether crushed, and that instead
of recalling Murád Páshá, he ought to be sent against the sháh of
Persia.
When his excellency, Murád Páshá, was thus informed how matters stood,
he answered the royal firmán in the following terms: “Sire, you have
been pleased to order me to winter at Erzerúm and in the spring to
march against the Persians. What is to be done? It is the will of my
sovereign. Your slave is now a weak old man of ninety years of age;
but I trust I shall fall a martyr in the field of battle. When I
march against the sháh of Persia, the armed rebels, who now lurk in
their hiding-places, will then find an opportunity of again becoming
troublesome. They are waiting for a chance of this kind, especially
Meseli Chávush, Aydin, and Yúsuf of Sarúkhán, besides several others of
the same description. Should what I have now hinted be realized, and
they again commence the work of violence and mischief, will you not, in
that case, have to send hither from Romeili another commander-in-chief?
Leave us, if you please, where we are. The master of the work knows
his own duty best. Do not you follow the counsels of those sycophants
who surround you. Permit us to eradicate the enemies amongst ourselves
first, and then we shall direct our movements against the kingdom of
Persia.” This answer was sent back to the emperor by means of the
persons who had brought him the royal firmán, whilst he himself made
preparations for returning to Constantinople.