day, with a splendid retinue and four hundred standards taken from
the rebels, each of which bore, in bright letters, the names of the
rebel-chiefs under whom it had been carried, he passed over to the
metropolis, dressed himself in a double suit of fine robes, put
a turban ornamented with feathers on his head, and went into the
emperor’s presence to do obeisance before him. The emperor was in a
short time convinced of the worth and dignity of his general’s talents
and general conduct, and immediately ordered splendid robes, such as
were suitable to the imperial grandeur to confer, to be given to Murád
Páshá. The public in general, poets and historians, spoke of him in the
most laudatory manner.
It is not to be concealed that, from the day the celebrated Murád Páshá
passed over to Scutari, as commander-in-chief of the eastern forces,
the services which he had rendered to his sovereign and country were
immense. Thirty thousand, at least, of those rebels who had served
under Jánbulát Oghlí, Kalander Oghlí, and Túyel, including those who
had been murdered by the peasantry, perished by his means. What may
have been the number of those who perished otherwise, is not known. In
villages, and in small towns, sometimes from a hundred to a thousand,
and even as many as three thousand of the rebels who had fortified
themselves within them, were all slain with the sword. Forty-eight
principal rebel chiefs and twenty-five thousand rebels are said to have
perished in flight. In the Register of Tokat it is inserted, that by
far the greater part of these numbers, whose heads had been made to
roll on the ground in front of the serdár’s pavilion, had been rooted
out by Murád Páshá’s troops. To these now mentioned may be added about
thirty thousand more who had been seized alive and executed, and the
number of rebels who perished in this war could not have been less than
100,000 souls.
The enemies of the grand vezír and commander-in-chief, Murád Páshá,
when they saw the honours which had been heaped upon him, were not
only exceedingly grieved, but their hatred and malignity increased
and led them, moreover, to employ villainous means to ruin him. They
insinuated, for instance, that Murád had seized on all Jánbulát Oghlí’s
treasures and effects which had remained with his wife and children
at Aleppo; and for the truth of this charge they appealed to some of
Jánbulát Oghlí’s sons, whom Murád Páshá had sent to the royal haram.
They, of course, were his enemies, and had the hardihood to assert that
the treasurer, Bákí Páshá, had spent six whole months in selling and
disposing of their father’s property. This was a vile exaggeration. It
happened, however, that one day, when Bákí Páshá was sitting in the
diván, the ághá of the janissaries received a royal firmán ordering
him to convey Bákí Páshá to the Seven Towers. The ághá, without
Murád Páshá’s knowing any thing of the matter, proceeded to the
diván, seized on Bákí Páshá, and conveyed him in a boat to the prison
above-mentioned. This took place on a Tuesday; and after the vezírs had
entered into the royal audience he addressed them thus: “I have ordered
Bákí Páshá to the Seven Towers; let Ahmed Páshá (_i. e._ Etmekjí Zádeh)
be reinstated into the office of lord high treasurer, and let Bákí
Páshá be examined with respect to Jánbúlát Oghlí’s property, that we
may know what he has done with it: also let the strictest enquiry be
made of Murád Páshá.” “Why,” replied Murád Páshá, “having been anxious
to preserve the most valuable and most precious of Jánbúlát Oghlí’s
effects for your royal majesty, I prevented them from being sold; and
brought them along with me, to be delivered over to your royal majesty.
Let Bákí Páshá answer for the rest.” The new lord high-treasurer, Ahmed
Páshá, on examining his predecessor in office with regard to this
matter, was undauntedly informed that he (_i. e._ Bákí Páshá), with
the exception of the articles which Murád Páshá had claimed for his
royal majesty, had disposed of the rest for the purpose of defraying
the expenses of the war. No more was said about it; and Bákí Páshá,
after having lain forty days in the Seven Towers, was set at liberty.
He passed the winter at Constantinople, and was employed in making
arrangements for commencing a new campaign in the spring.
The lord high-admiral, Háfiz Páshá, after having cruized along the
shores of Romeili, sailed to the port of Alexandria, took in the
taxes which had been gathered in Egypt, and returned to Istámbol. The
government of Syria was conferred on him, and the admiralship on Khalíl
Aghá, ághá of the janissaries. The ágháship of the janissaries was
conferred on Mohammed Aghá, Spáhí Zádeh, of the artillery department.
_Concerning Mohammed Páshá in Egypt._
After the murder of Ibrahím Páshá in Egypt, in the year 1012, the
disturbance in that country became every day more and more serious and
alarming; but by the prudent and efficient measures employed by Gúrjí
Mohammed Páshá, who, in 1016, was sent thither to quell the tumults
which had been raised there, they were to a considerable extent
allayed. He slew a vast number of the insurgents; whilst, at the same
time, he brought the others for the most part, under subjection, at
least to all appearance. But Mohammed Páshá having been succeeded in
office by Hasan Páshá, from Yemen, a man of extraordinary mildness,
the insurgents, subdued though not crushed, were again emboldened to
rise in rebellion, and to commit outrages more terrible than they had
formerly been guilty of.
The origin of the evil just now alluded to seems to have been this.
The válís or governors who had been sent to Egypt, made it a first
principle to press heavy upon the inspectors of taxes, by forcing
them to advance large sums of money, taking from some ten thousand,
from others twenty thousand, and from others forty thousand ducats,
according to circumstances, and only on payment of these enormous sums
were they confirmed in their office. These inspectors and those others
employed in raising the taxes or revenue were, from this circumstance,
necessarily constrained to lay such heavy duties upon the inhabitants,
to enable them to meet the demands of the válí, as were far beyond
what was necessary, or they were well able to pay. The inspectors and
revenue officers too, in order to meet their own extravagance and
dissipation, made the burdens of the people still more intolerable and
grievous. In short, to so high a pitch did they carry this system of
taxation, that the wretched inhabitants, not any longer able to endure
it, rose in rebellion, and determined, at all hazards, to resist an
oppression which they evidently foresaw would utterly ruin them.
This was the state in which the country was involved when Mohammed
Páshá entered upon the government of Egypt. He, very properly, set
himself, at once, to correct abuses and to punish offenders. The
money which came into the hands of the collectors, and which usually
amounted to more than one hundred thousand ducats per annum, he, by
a wise regulation, prevented from being subject to any deductions
whatever. He also made a new regulation, by which the tax-gatherers
were, in future, to be guided. Without the consent and approbation
of the diván of Mesir, they were to impose no tax whatever, nor to
advance, unnecessarily, money to the inspectors. In the third place,
he confirmed in their situations those inspectors and tax-gatherers
who had acted with moderation; but such of these classes as had been
convicted of extortions and injustice, he caused to be seized: some of
them he dismissed with contempt and ignominy, and others he sent out of
the world altogether.
By these methods he soon established confidence in his administration,
and all classes of the people seemed satisfied with the arrangements
which he adopted. The want of confidence, and unhappy tumults, which
the injustice and oppression to which we have adverted had occasioned
in Egypt, were happily, by his means, removed. In short, to so great
a degree were peace and security every where established, that the
weakest and most timorous could travel to and from Grand Cairo with the
greatest safety. By his wisdom and prudence he gained the concurrence
and good will of the chief men among the people, as well as of the
officers belonging to the Chávushes, cavalry and janissaries, as well
as of the city-guards or militia. And, in order to do away with all
grounds of discontent and opposition, he called a general meeting, at
which the whole of the nobles, princes, inspectors, revenue-officers,
and six companies of feudatory troops were present; to whom, in the
most earnest manner, he expressed himself thus: “His majesty is by
no means disposed to permit tyranny and oppression to exist anywhere
within his dominions. Ever since the moment that I, his servant, came
into possession of this government, to which I was preferred, it has
been my study, in obedience to his will, to remove oppression, tyranny,
and injustice; and to afford peace, safety, and happiness to the
people in the different departments in Egypt. This is in accordance
with the express wish of his majesty, who is every way opposed to
injustice and oppression, as well as to every kind of invasion of the
rights and privileges of the people. In confirmation of this, I need
only repeat to you his own words.” Here he produced the emperor’s
commission, which he caused to be read aloud, and which ran thus:
“Behold, we have relieved you from those burdens which the governors,
revenue-officers, and other functionaries, have been in the habit of
imposing on you; it is, therefore, the duty of the people to break off
all friendly intercourse with those persons who have been convicted of
such base practices.” The whole of the assembled multitude, on hearing
the emperor’s sentiments read to them, expressed, in return, their
best wishes for his well-being. Those in this assembly who had been
in the habit of acting corruptly were, for their own sakes, silent
and assumed the appearance of being content; but it was only because
they were unable to effect any opposition. Such, however, was the
general impression made on this occasion on the mind of the people,
particularly by the mildness and meekness manifested by the vezír, that
they remained, for a time, afterwards quiet; but the peace was not of
long duration. The mercenary tribe who had been deprived of the power
of exercising tyranny and injustice on the people, collected together,
and falling on those persons who had succeeded them in the revenue
department, slew them without mercy. Determined on further resistance
to the new arrangements, they entered into a sort of confederacy,
whereby they bound themselves not to desist from their demands until
they had obtained acquiescence in them.
Information of these things having been communicated to the vezír, he
instantly called together his great men, and represented to them the
state of matters with respect to those desperadoes who had just been
guilty of shedding innocent blood, and now had formed themselves into a
confederacy in opposition to the will of the emperor. Therefore, said
he, let the whole of them be collected into the maidán or square, in
order that the thing may be properly investigated. This was accordingly
done. On the same occasion, also, the various troops were brought
into the maidán and formed into companies in front of the fortress
immediately opposite to the refractory multitude. The Páshá intimated
to the latter that whosoever among them wished to be obedient to
the emperor, should pass over to the side where his military stood,
and join himself to one or other of his divisions or companies. The
confederates cried out, that they were not rebels: that they deprecated
the idea of being unfaithful to the emperor. “Our wages,” continued
they, “not having been sufficient to maintain our existence, we could
not have lived, unless we had imposed extra contributions on the
people: our actual poverty was the cause.” The Páshá, not satisfied
with these declarations (altogether foreign to the purpose for which
they had been assembled), and wishing to find out the secret of their
confederacy, as well as a confession of their guilt, thought that if
he permitted them, now that they were fully in his power, to retire
to their own homes, he could not so easily, afterwards, effect his
purpose, nor secure the ringleaders amongst them; he therefore told
them, that though he should keep them all night standing on their feet
where they were, he would not let them move a step till they delivered
up to him their ringleaders. He then ordered the guns on the batteries
to be directed against them, and assured them that their destruction
was inevitable if they did not instantly comply with his wishes. This
method of dealing had the desired effect. After hearing the Páshá’s
speech, wherein he pointedly informed them that unless they gave up
the principal ringleaders, and especially those amongst them who had
been guilty of the late murders, the cannon and musketry would open a
fire upon them without delay; and seeing preparations for carrying his
threat into effect, and that it only awaited the páshá’s command, their
danger became too apparent to admit of disguise. They were astonished
by the situation in which they were placed, and delivered over a
certain number from amongst them to the páshá, and afterwards retired,
but full of rage and fury.
After these different commotions and disturbances, and during this
present year, a certain number of Egyptian troops were ordered to be
sent to the aid of his excellency, the commander-in-chief, Murád Páshá,
in Anatolia. Mohammed Páshá, on receiving the above firmán, selected
the number required from among the most turbulent and disorderly of
the tribe of tax-gatherers[20] we have been speaking of, and sent them
off under the command of Kansú Beg. During the whole of the struggle
carried on with Kalandar Oghlí they manifested the utmost bravery, and
were present in almost every engagement till the end of the war, or at
least till the rebels were all dispersed. At this period they presented
themselves before the commanding-general, and demanded, as the reward
of their services, the office of collecting the revenues of Egypt.
Murád, anxious to satisfy them, gave them a document by which he put
them in possession of the places they wanted, but with no enlargement
of powers or authority beyond what were customary from ancient times.
On the return of these military tax-gatherers to Egypt they presented
the document which Murád Páshá had given to them to Mohammed Páshá,
who told them they should be rewarded for their services according
to circumstances. “Such of them,” he said, “as had no experience or
skill, could not expect the favour they wished. Besides,” continued he,
“your wishes are directly opposed to the declared will of the emperor,
who, by his firmán, has abolished the practice altogether.” When these
ignorant and insolent fellows found themselves thus thwarted in their
views and purposes they became exceedingly enraged, began to form plots
amongst themselves, and communicated their wicked designs to all the
discontented paupers and robbers throughout the country. They craftily
enticed the discontented about Aradel, always famous for disloyalty,
to join them; they likewise gained over some Kurds and some wretched
labourers by promises of money. All these malcontents found means, some
way or other, to assemble together at a place called Khánegáh, within
two stages of Cairo.
The páshá, hearing of their movements, and being fully aware of the
object they had in view, ordered Khoaja Mustafa Beg to advance with a
number of troops of various kinds to oppose them. Yúsuf Beg commanded
his advance-guard, and Kansú Beg, collector of the revenue, with all
those under him, joined the expedition. Mustafa Beg pitched his camp in
the plains of Adeleya, not far from Cairo.
The malcontents by this time had themselves properly and regularly
organized, and had appointed themselves leaders. No sooner did they
hear of an army being sent against them, and of the place where it was
encamped, than they, towards evening, sent two hundred horsemen to
reconnoiter the camp of Mustafa. Mustafa conjectured this party had the
intention of attacking him by night, and not having sufficient force to
sustain an attack, he sent word immediately to Egypt, which however did
not reach that city till about the fifth hour of the night, when the
several public criers announced the danger which threatened Mustafa,
calling, at the same time, on every one, on pain of punishment, to
rally round their commanders. So promptly was this announcement
attended to, that before daylight every military man in Egypt was
on his way to Adeleya. On reaching Adeleya they perceived the danger
which had been announced in Egypt was by no means an imaginary one.
The royalists, in the circumstances in which they found themselves at
this juncture of events, thought it would be most advisable to send the
six-fingered sheikh, Mohammed Effendí, to speak to the insurgents about
the unreasonableness of their conduct; but the rebels turned a deaf
ear to all his exhortations and expostulations. They were too sensible
of their advantages, and too ardent in pursuit of them, to attend to
the worthy priest. He tendered them many good advices, and made them
many fine promises, provided they would follow his counsels; but they
still remained obstinate, and prepared for battle. The commander, after
this fruitless negotiation, removed with his troops to Berkat a l’haj,
where he remained till the following day, when he marched against the
insurgents. They, in their turn, advanced towards him, and soon both
armies stood facing each other. By this time, however, the royalists
were greatly increased in numbers by detachments which had joined them
from other places; and when the insurgents found themselves opposed
by an army far superior to every thing they had anticipated, their
courage failed them. They now began mutually to accuse each other for
the steps they had taken, each one blaming his neighbour; and at length
several of them came to the commander, craving forgiveness. In the most
abject manner, they dismounted from their horses, and threw themselves
on the ground, supplicating for mercy at his hands. The commander,
Mustafa Beg, said he had it not in his power to grant it them, as he
should be obliged to carry them all, bound in chains, to Mohammed
Páshá, whose province it was both to forgive and set them at liberty,
as he pleased. Those who thus submitted, however, met with clemency,
and were incorporated with one or other of the military bodies brought
against them; but such as remained obstinate, and chose rather to try
their strength than submit, met with the fate they deserved: their dead
bodies were made into heaps on the field of battle. About forty of them
escaped into the desert, but of their life or death nothing more was
ever heard. Mustafa Beg now returned to Cairo, bringing with him about
forty or fifty of the principal leaders in chains, and presented them
before the válí, Mohammed Páshá, as trophies of his victory. Mustafa
was highly honoured on account of his success against the insurgents,
and the heads of those whom he brought bound in chains were ordered to
be cut off on the spot. About as many as were thus put to death were
killed by Mustafa himself before he left the scene of action. About
three hundred of the insurgents were shipped off at Suez, and sent into
Arabia, and the rest of them were, through the intervention of the
great men of Egypt, pardoned, and set at liberty, after having promised
in the presence of their intercessors every thing that was required of
them.
After succeeding in crushing the insurgents, as above described,
and establishing good order everywhere, Mohammed Páshá extended his
prudent and capacious mind to every department of government, as well
as to other objects of utility. _One of his measures was_, regulating
the coin of Egypt, which had been very much worn and obliterated,
and which of course had caused much confusion, and even deception in
buying and selling. _Another was_, rectifying the abuses and unlawful
practices carried on between the farmers and the tax-gatherers, which
had occasioned, not unfrequently, a deficiency in the public granaries
and magazines. _A third was_—The janissaries and other troops in Egypt
having no barracks, and being besides unmarried, he erected, within the
fortress, suitable odás for them to live in. By this means the garrison
or fortress was always furnished with troops, whilst the inhabitants,
at the same time, were screened from the violence of the soldiery. _A
fourth was_—He took charge of the golden and silver girdles or hoops
which had been made for defending the pillars of Mecca, and the cistern
of pure gold, all which had been sent to Egypt from Constantinople, and
forwarded them with proper artists to the place of their destination.
These artists not only performed that work without either fee or
reward, but rendered several other important services to that holy
place. For instance, they enlarged and renewed the pulpit, which was
formerly too narrow; they renewed the portico which runs along the
cistern; they beautified and adorned the pillars in the centre of
that noble edifice, and also its walls; the metaf (or the place round
which pilgrims walked in procession) was rendered smooth and equal;
they repaired or built anew the court, and carried away the whole of
the rubbish and dirt which had for years been accumulating in the
vicinity of the sacred temple; they also caused the beds or canals
of the waters of Mecca and Arfat to be repaired. _A fifth was_—The
repairs of the wells of Azlam, a place which was about half-way between
Mecca and Cairo, where the pilgrims and the well-furnished caravans of
Egypt used to meet, which were in a great measure rendered useless by
the rebellious Arabs. It would appear that the válí of Egypt, Sheríf
Páshá, had, in 1004, opened these wells, commonly called the wells
of Ibrahím Páshá, and to prevent their being rendered useless by the
Arabs, he built a fortress in their neighbourhood, and placed some
few troops in it. This, of course, proved a source of great comfort
to pilgrims and other travellers, inasmuch as it served as a place
of refreshment and repose. A very heavy rain afterwards demolished
this fortress, and the Arabs, to the annoyance of pilgrims, rendered
the wells useless. The vezír, whose good deeds we are here recording,
rebuilt the demolished fortress, put a garrison in it, and repaired
the wells. _The sixth was_—A work similar to the one we have last
mentioned, which he caused to be constructed at Adjerú, between Cairo
and Akba. _A seventh was_—The erection of shops in the vicinity of the
great temple in Cairo. _The eighth was_—The erection of a khánegáh
(an edifice for religious purposes), and also of eleemosinary places
for sheíkhs, dervishes, and others. On the annual commemoration of
Mohammed’s nativity he distributed numerous presents amongst those
who read on that occasion. _A ninth was_—The erection of new houses
near the odás which had been built for the janissaries; a huge wall or
mass of rock, forty cubits broad and sixty long, having fallen down
by accident, the space which these ruins had occupied he caused to be
cleared away, erected new houses on it, and filled them with families.
_A tenth was_—The rebuilding of the redoubt or fortress between Cairo
and Shám. This building having been demolished by heavy rains, and
having also become the haunt of worthless Arabs, he ordered it to be
rebuilt, and supplied it with water. _An eleventh was_—The rebuilding
of the fortress or redoubt of Yúnus, which was in a similar condition
to the one last mentioned. He also placed a number of paid soldiers in
it, and ordered a mosque and a bath to be erected in it. _A twelfth
was_—The rebuilding of the fortress of Beít Khaberín, between Gaza and
Balad al Khalíl-rahman; on which also he ordered a mosque and a bath
to be erected, and an aqueduct to be constructed. The painted tiles in
the dome erected by Sultán Soleímán Khán having become mutilated and
loose, he replaced them with new tiles.