Kalander Oghlí sent some of his principal adherents to meet him, and
to assure him that he also had repented, and inviting him to come
and take counsel with him, and proceed together in company. Jánbulát
Oghlí accepted of the invitation and went; but Kalander Oghlí had
changed his tone and said, “Do not you separate from me, and you shall
see me take ample revenge on our opponents: this is the very moment
for accomplishing it.” Jánbulát Oghlí, not relishing the views and
intentions of his entertainer, purposed with himself to escape secretly
from him; and with this view he one night cut a hole in the wall of
the apartment in which he lodged, and getting out, hastened off with
all dispatch towards Constantinople, taking only a few of his nearest
relations along with him. More disaffected fellows, who had accompanied
him to Brúsa, joined themselves, when they found he had absconded, to
the infamous Kalander Oghlí, who, when he first went to that quarter,
found himself surrounded with serious difficulties. Having been thus
strengthened, however, by the levends who had accompanied Jánbulát
Oghlí, he marched on Brúsa, to which he set fire, and robbed and
spoiled several other places besides. This daring robber, however, was
soon obliged to decamp. Nukásh Hasan Páshá, with a body of troops,
was ordered to attack him on one side, and vezír Yúsuf Páshá to do
the same on the other. But he did not wait their arrival. On leaving
Brúsa he set out towards Mikhalij, and continued his route till he was
opposed by the Lake of Ulú-ábád. This lake is surrounded on the south
by very steep rocks, which extend northwards, along the river, to the
Mediterranean Sea. The infamous robber, on approaching this lake,
perceived that it formed the natural boundary between Brúsa and the
countries of Mikhalij, Garem-asta, and Pighala. At the foot of this
lake was an ancient bridge, which was the only passage by which the
rebel could cross. On the opposite side, however, there was a fortified
castle; but how to get across the bridge with safety to himself and
followers, and make his way to a narrow gap which he knew to exist
somewhere in the mountains or range of rocks on the south of the lake
or river, was to him the subject of the utmost concern. He prepared,
however, to take it at all hazard; but finding the castle was in the
hands of the people of Garem-asta, his courage failed him, and without
attempting any farther the execution of his plan, he proceeded to a
place in the neighbourhood called Chatalú, where he remained till the
commencement of the feast which follows the Mohammedan lent: when, as
he thought, he might succeed better. On the arrival of this festival,
the garrison, intent on celebrating it, began to do so on the first
evening, and left the castle exposed and defenceless. The villain
taking advantage of this neglect on the part of the garrison, crossed
the bridge, and entered the country of Garem-asta, where he unfurled
the standard of rebellion, traversed the country, and took possession
of the town of Mikhalij. His pursuers, at least one of them, Nukásh
Hasan Páshá, following hard after him, reached Ulú-ábád, where he
encamped. The rebel and his followers no sooner discovered this to
be the case, than they fell back upon the bridge by which they had
passed in the manner described, and effectually prevented Nukásh from
crossing. The rebels took good care not to disturb any of the towns and
villages in this neighbourhood: they were therefore all quiet, and took
no part against them; and winter coming on, Nukásh, on account of its
severity, was unable to act against them.
In the meantime, a reinforcement under the command of the governor
of Silistria was sent off to join the dispirited Nukásh. The rebels
met this reinforcement at Gunan, where they gave them battle. In this
engagement, Ahmed Páshá, governor of Silistria, fought with such
ardent and daring bravery, that there was not a part of his body which
remained unhurt, and he was, at last, obliged to be carried from
the field of battle, and soon afterwards he expired. The orthodox
Moslems lost the day: and the victorious rebel-chief marched into
the districts of Aydin and Sarúkhán, with fire and sword, and passed
through Caramania, when he was joined by some of his former associates,
who brought him a considerable increase of strength, and thus this
detestable rebel, who but very lately had only a few followers, became
now a most formidable enemy.
On the arrival of spring, the troops, who had been dispersed into
winter-quarters, began to assemble at Aleppo, around their celebrated
chief, Murád Páshá. As it was of the utmost importance that the
treasurer, Etmekjí Zádeh Ahmed Páshá, who was to carry funds for the
use of the army, should, for safety sake, accompany back the Romeilian
troops, he was appointed to take the command of these troops, and
to conduct them to Aleppo. The rebel, Kalander Oghlí, so lately
victorious, was at this time in Caramania; and knowing that Etmekjí
Zádeh was a person unskilled in war, he determined, as soon as he
learned that he was on his way, to intercept him, and, if possible,
seize the money he was carrying to the grand army. Etmekjí Zádeh was
apprized, however, of his intentions, and sent the troops and the money
by the way of Ancora; both of which reached the commander-in-chief in
safety.
_Jánbulát Oghlí meets with a happy reverse of fortune._
Jánbulát Oghlí, whom we lately spoke of as on his way to
Constantinople, after having escaped the snares which the notorious
Kalander Oghlí had laid for him, arrived at Bazarjik on the 9th of
Ramazán. His uncle, Haidar Beg, and his deputy, Hasan, whom he had
sent to the court of Constantinople with letters of submission,
arrived there on the 21st of the same month, and soon afterwards
appeared before the emperor, to whom they expressed themselves thus:
“We are come to confess our misdeeds, and to receive the punishment
due to them. Our lives are in your hand.” Their crimes were forgiven,
and Jánbulát Oghlí’s deputy was sent back to his master with the
emperor’s letter of forbearance and grace; whilst his uncle, Haidar
Beg, was allowed to remain in the metropolis. The bostánjí báshí was
sent back to Nicomedia with the galley in which he had brought Haidar
Beg, to take in Jánbulát Oghlí, and convey him to Constantinople. It
is remarkable that it was at the very time that this galley arrived
at Nicomedia to receive Jánbulát Oghlí, that he had been inveighled
by Kalander Oghlí. The bostánjí báshí, not finding him at Nicomedia,
and being anxious of discharging his duty, ignorant alike of what had
become of him, and of the trap which had been laid for him, he and his
bostánjís set out for Brúsa in search of him, where they met him as
he was fleeing from Kalander Oghlí, from whose snares he had made his
escape in the manner we have already described. His deputy advanced
towards him, put his majesty’s letter of clemency into his hand, when
all of them proceeded to the galley, on board which they embarked, and
reached Constantinople about the end of Ramazán. Jánbulát Oghlí, in
conformity to the promise which had been given to him after he had been
introduced into the royal presence, was again received into favour. He
remained about a whole week in the imperial gardens, and went every
day to converse with his majesty. Not long afterwards he was created
beglerbeg of Temisvar, and sent off to take charge of his government.
After having, for the space of two years, sustained this high rank
and office, he began again to manifest the baseness of his nature.
His innate scorpion-like disposition developed itself in the acts of
tyranny and oppression which he perpetrated on the inhabitants, whom
he robbed and spoiled without mercy. The people seeing themselves thus
subjected to this merciless plunderer, determined on ridding themselves
of him, and raising a tumult, threatened to murder him. Alarmed by
these symptoms of revenge, he fled to Belgrade, where he remained in
prison till the grand vezír, Murád Páshá, returned to Constantinople,
and sent orders to cazí Zádeh Alí Páshá, protector of the frontiers, to
put him to death.
_Some more particulars belonging to this year._
In the month of Sefer, the commandant of Brúsa, Mustafa Páshá, was
called to fill the office of káímakám in the city of Constantinople.
On the 10th of Rabia II. Yemenlí Hasan Páshá was removed from the
government of Egypt, and returned with the fleet which conveyed the
annual taxes. By the same conveyance also, seventeen begs and four
beglerbegs, who had been removed from office by the advice of Mohammed
Páshá, the válí of Egypt, arrived at Constantinople. Hasan Páshá,
however, was again, in Jemadi II., reinstated in his vezírship, and
died on the 9th of Rajab. On the 11th of Shevál Nukásh Hasan Páshá was
appointed commandant of Brúsa (probably when he was sent after the
notorious Kalander Oghlí). On the 28th of this month, after having
received the very distressing and afflicting intelligence of the
progress and success of the insurgents, and of their having nearly
reached Brúsa, a general council of the great men of the state was
summoned for the purpose of consulting what methods ought to be adopted
for stopping the further progress of the rebellion. It was immediately
agreed to fortify Brúsa; and to send vezír Dávud Páshá to Nicomedia,
and Khezer Páshá to Scutari, to see these places fortified also; and
to which they repaired. On the 22d of Shevál, Háfiz Ahmed Aghá, chief
of the falconers, in consequence of the splendid talents he possessed,
both as a man of science and a soldier, arrived at the dignity of
becoming the emperor’s favourite. This led to a vezírship, when he
became lord high admiral, in room of the European, Ja’fer Páshá.
On the 16th of Dhu’l Kadah of this year, the khán of the Crimea,
Ghází Gheráí, departed this life. The messengers who brought this
intelligence to Constantinople informed the Ottoman government, that
Toktamish Gheráí, the khán’s son, had, in virtue of his deceased
father’s will, at least under this pretext, and without waiting for
the sanction of the Turkish government, assumed the regal authority.
This stretch of authority manifested by the presuming youth did not
at all please the emperor, who, it would appear, intended to confer
the khánship on Salámet Gheráí. This Salámet Gheráí was, at one time,
the accomplice of Delí Hasan, of notorious memory, who although he
repented, suffered four years’ imprisonment in the fortress of Romeili.
Out of this condition the emperor raised him, and now conferred on him
the khánship of the Crimea, become vacant by the death of Ghází Gheráí.
His brother, Kalkái Mohammed Gheráí, who had been his fellow-prisoner,
was also raised to a participation in the khánship, and both were sent
off for the Crimea. On the 21st of this same month, after having kissed
the emperor’s hand, they commenced their journey: Salámet went by sea,
and Kalkái by land.
Whilst Toktamish Gheráí was waiting with anxiety for the return of
the messengers from the Sublime Porte, who, he hoped, would bring
him intimations of the emperor’s approbation, his expectations were
suddenly blasted by receiving, through some other channel, the
unexpected news that his uncle, Salámet Gheráí, had been declared
his father’s successor. Thinking to save his own life, he set out
for Turkey, accompanied by his next eldest brother, Sefer Gheráí. On
passing the river Uzí, and arriving at Akkerman, he employed the utmost
precaution to avoid falling in with Kalkái, who was travelling by land:
yet notwithstanding all his watchfulness, he actually did meet with
him, when instantly a combat ensued, in which encounter the followers
of Toktamish were all dispersed. He himself, and his brother, fell into
the hands of Kalkái, and were murdered, but not before they had slain a
host of their antagonists.
Kalkái, pursuing his journey, arrived in the Crimea, and took
possession of the high office assigned him; but soon began to manifest
symptoms of corruption most derogatory to his exalted station; and
for which Salámet Gheráí meditated his death. Kalkái was some way or
other informed of his brother’s intentions, and, to escape what he had
thus reason to fear, set out with his brother, Sháhin Gheráí, to the
Circassian country, where he wandered about as an outlaw, and where
he was afterwards visited by retributive justice for the murder of
Toktamish: but we shall have to return to his history afterwards.
In the meantime, the new khán, Salámet Gheráí, was not allowed to enjoy
his elevation for any length of time, having been carried off by death.
He was succeeded in the khánship by Jánbeg Gheráí.
Hasan Beg Zádeh observes with respect to this portion of history, that
it was no sooner known that Toktamish had usurped the regal dignity,
than the admiral of the Crimean sea, Háfiz Ahmed Páshá, and the son
of the emperor’s tutor or chaplain, represented to his majesty, that
Toktamish Gheráí was not acceptable to the people, and that they wished
Salámet Gheráí to be made their khán. The pure and disinterested mufti,
deceived by Etmekjí Zádeh, spoke to the emperor in favour of Ghází
Gheráí’s son, Toktamish, and assured his majesty, that the Tátárs would
not accept of Salámet Gheráí as their khán. It turned out, however,
that, after Salámet Gheráí, accompanied by a cup-bearer, had arrived
in the Crimea, and succeeded to the possession of the Tátár throne,
without any opposition having been offered, the emperor, hearing of
it, and urged by an imperfect judgment, contrary to every principle of
rectitude, deprived the mufti, Siná-allah Effendí, of his high office,
and gave it to Mohammed Effendí, a son of his own chaplain. This office
continued long afterwards to be occupied by one of his sons.
_An ambassador arrives from Poland.—A former treaty is renewed._
Zighmun (Sigismund), king of Poland, at this time sent an ambassador
to Constantinople, with the view of negotiating a continuance of the
friendly relation which had subsisted betwixt Turkey and Poland since
the last treaty of peace, entered into during the reign of Sultán
Mohammed Khán III. In this treaty it was stipulated, on the part of the
Turkish government, that none of the countries over which Sigismund
reigned should be invaded by either the grand sultán or the khán of
the Crimea: and in like manner it was stipulated by Sigismund, that
none of the princes under him, or any of his rebellious Cossaks, should
ever transgress the Moslem boundaries. In conformity with the above
treaty, it was now stipulated, that the king of Poland, after strict
examination and search, should return all the prisoners who had been
taken during the interval of the peace, and that the Ottoman government
should act in a similar way, by returning such of his infidel captives
as the Ottomans had seized, to officers appointed by the king: that all
traders, whether by sea or land, were to pay the accustomed dues in all
such places as they should happen to visit: that Poland, according to
ancient custom, was to continue to pay to the khán of the Tátárs what
it was in the habit of paying: that when the khán and his Tátárs are
required to join the Ottoman army, they shall not pass through any part
of the dominions of Poland, but take some other way: that in the event
of any foreign enemy attacking Poland, the Tátárs are, in such a case,
to aid the King of Poland if required to do so: that the Walachian and
Moldavian nations shall not make inroads on the frontiers of Poland:
that the inspectors or commanders of ports and the collectors of the
revenue in Silistria and Akkerman shall permit no traders or merchants,
except those trading with both countries, to enter Poland by any
of the above-mentioned places: that should any slave or captive be
found in the possession of any of those traders, whether crossing or
recrossing the frontiers, all such traders shall be deprived of them,
and the captives or slaves shall be sent to the proper quarter: that
all traders or merchants shall pay whatever lawful impost is or may be
fixed on; but no tax shall be laid on the money or specie which they
may have or bring along with them to either country: that though the
dollar, bearing the impression of the lion, which is current in Poland,
be less in weight than the proper standard, it shall still be received,
and the loss arising from this circumstance shall be mutual: that the
royal firmán shall prohibit the receiving of usury within the Ottoman
empire in future, and ordain, moreover, that hereafter the standard
of the dollar, for the purposes and advantage of trade, shall be of
various values: that should any of the Polish merchants choose to set
free any slave or slaves, by ransoming them with money, they may do so;
but no Muselman shall be either bought or sold. All the above articles
having been approved of by the emperor, were signed on the 20th of
Rabia I. of this year.
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1017, H.
_The commander-in-chief, Murád Páshá, pursues Kalander Oghlí._
On the return of spring, about the commencement of Moharrem, the
commander-in-chief caused his tent to be erected outside of Aleppo,
between the two gates called Bankúsa and Kizil, where it remained until
towards the end of the month Sefer, and at which place the various
corps assembled.
In relating the events of the last year we referred particularly to
the turbulent state of Anatolia and Caramania, and we mentioned the
names of the principal insurgent-chiefs who had every where committed
deeds of violence and of oppression in those districts. Some of these
chiefs, we saw, were reduced by the skilful management of Murád, and
by promises of lucrative and honourable situations; some were slain,
and some turned their arms against one another. The most formidable
of these rebel-chiefs was Jánbulát Oghlí, whose history we have
already related. There remained still, however, one or two others who
had escaped the vengeance due to their misdeeds; these were Kalander
Oghlí and Karah Seyed, his associate. Around the standards of these
two rebels the followers of the other chiefs had rallied, and during
the winter season ravaged the neighbourhood of Brúsa and Magnesia,
perpetrating acts of cruelty and oppression wherever they went. We
have before related the burning of Brúsa by Kalander Oghlí, and how he
thought of intercepting Etmekjí Zádeh, who, he supposed, was carrying
funds to the grand army under Murád. The number of infidels that had
collected round him and Karah Seyed amounted to 30,000.
An account of their number and plans having been transmitted to the
commander-in-chief, Murád Páshá, he, without waiting until the whole
of his troops had joined his camp at Aleppo, removed from that place
on the 1st of Rabia I. with the janissary and household troops, and
marched towards Merœsh, where he was joined by the army of Egypt
under the command of Kansú Beg. On arriving at the river Jeihún (Oxus
or Bactrus) he threw some bridges across it, by means of which he
passed over with his army, and afterwards pitched his camp in the
plains of Koksú, where he was again joined by Emír Hasan, son of
Yúsuf, son of Seif, who, besides his own soldiers, brought along with
him the Syrian troops from Tripoli.
When Kalander Oghlí saw that Etmekjí Zádeh had escaped the snares
he had laid for him, and that all hope of capturing the money, the
great object of his heart, had failed, he and thirteen others of his
associate rebel-chiefs, besides Karah Seyed, held a council in order
to consider how they should act. “Without further delay,” said the
principal rebel-chiefs, “let us at once march against Murád Páshá, and
should we happen to be successful in our attack upon him, and defeat
the old man, all the country on this side of Scutari will be ours.”
This proposal, however, did not meet the approbation of Seyed Arab, one
of their number, who said in reply, “The province of Anatolia is very
extensive. If the Osmánlí serdár should come and attack us, it will be
our wisdom to avoid coming in contact with him; for it would be most
hazardous to venture a battle with him.” This counsel of Seyed Arab
was far from meeting with the concurrence of his associates, who were
all bent on encountering the Osmánlí hero, for their cup of pride and
arrogance was now full.
Mesli Chávush, who had been sent with a body of men from Larenda to
oppose the rebels as formerly mentioned, but who had been unsuccessful,
received a letter from Kalander Oghlí, proposing to Mesli Chávush
that he should join him, and that they should unite their respective
forces, and attack the Ottoman general. This letter was couched in the
most friendly terms; but as a specimen of the vanity which the author
of it possessed, we shall transcribe it verbatim. He begins: “The
commencement of my transactions is known to the world. The Ottomans, by
exciting rebellion and breaking treaties, have acquired a superiority,
and therefore their arrogance has attained the very highest pitch.
Inured, as they are, to the practice of open daylight tyranny and
oppression, I have relinquished all connection with them. I despise
their friendship, and have turned away my face from them. Having taken
my measures, I entered into Mekhalij, Aydin, and Sarúkhán; I have
ravaged and laid waste all these places, and am returned with immense
spoil. Our numbers increased daily. When we went to Iconium, the
beglerbeg of Caramania, Zulfekár Páshá, the governor, shut himself up
in the fortress, and permitted the whole country-round to be plundered
and ravaged, without once endeavouring to do any thing to save the
property of the inhabitants. From Iconium we proceeded to Caramania,
where we took up our residence. Had not the Osmánlís cut off all hope,
these excesses had not taken place. After what has happened to Jánbulát
Oghlí there is no submitting to them. By the help of God, I, and the
numerous active and heroic veterans that accompany me, shall soon
finish that old dotard (Murád Páshá). Should fortune declare against
us, however, and he become victorious, why, even then, the fame of our
deeds will sufficiently immortalize our names.” Mesli, by this letter,
was induced to associate his fortunes with this notorious rebel, and
secretly entered into compact with him.
These secret transactions, however, being made known to the
commander-in-chief Murád Páshá, he, in order to prevent the junction
of these two robbers, gave Mesli the government of a sanják on the
condition of his not accompanying him in the war. The emperor also, in
a short time afterwards, sent him a promise of the government of the
province of Caramania.
When Kalander Oghlí had learned that the Osmánlí general had come
half-way from Aleppo on his march against him, he harangued his
rebel-troops thus: “The Osmánlí general has no troops, except the
Pretorian bands. They, too, in consequence of the hardships they have
suffered from hunger and cold at Aleppo, are very much weakened.
Moreover,” continued he, “the whole of his treasures and the archives
are in his train. Be courageous, therefore, and acquit yourselves
like good soldiers, my brave companions. Fall on his camp with heroic
ardour, and your fame will be remembered till the resurrection. By
taking this step of intrepidity and boldness, which I recommend to you,
you will put yourselves in possession of both arms and treasures.” This
speech had the effect intended. The spirit of his rebel army—amounting
to twenty thousand foot and horse—was roused to thirst for the
achievements held out to their view. They accordingly commenced their
movements, traversed the country of Caramania, passed through gardens
and corn-fields, robbed and plundered the Turkmans, and at length
approached the plains of Koksú, where the Osmánlí general was encamped.
Murád Páshá, who had been watching the movements of the rebels, was
informed, by means of his spies, that Kalander Oghlí, with twenty
thousand rebels, had made a considerable advance upon him with the
intention of disputing with him the pass of Koksú, and of checking his
progress. Murád made instant preparation for battle; but as the mouth
of the pass of Koksú, to which the rebels, he was informed, were fast
approaching, was still four stages distant from him; and as it was of
the utmost importance to prevent the enemy from taking possession of
it, he sent a few companies of musketeer janissaries and about thirty
Chorbájís under the command of Delí Pírí Aghá, to take possession of
it before the arrival of the rebels. They accomplished the journey in
three days, and took up their position within the mouth of the pass.
Murád erected his pavilion on a rising ground, whilst his pretorian
bands extended their camp along its declivity: the troops of Egypt
encamped in the plains to the left of the serdár, contiguous to the
hill on which his tent was erected. On this hill also the whole of the
baggage was properly disposed of: ditches, at proper distances, were
cut, and filled with janissary troops; in short, all necessary means
and precautions were taken.