II., had been appointed to the government of Baghdád. We referred
particularly also to his conduct towards Alí Páshá, and to the tyranny
and oppression he had exercised at Scutari. In the neighbourhood of
Brúsa, whither he had gone after leaving, or rather after he was
obliged to leave Scutari, he committed the same kind of shameless
excesses he had been guilty of in other places. Complaints against his
cruelty and tyranny having been laid before the emperor, a bostánjí
báshí was forthwith dispatched with orders to cut him off, but who
was so overawed by the páshá that he had not the resolution to fulfil
his mission. The grand vezír, because he did not obey the order of
government, removed the bostánjí báshí from his office, and appointed
Dervísh Aghá, ketkhodá of the bostánjís, in his stead. This is the same
Dervísh Aghá who afterwards obtained a near access to the emperor’s
ear, and was made páshá for the important services he had rendered
to the state. But to proceed. Kásim Páshá not only escaped the snare
which had been laid for him, and the death he ought to have suffered,
but was actually appointed to the government of Kutahia. Here he also
manifested a spirit of carelessness and indifference, which eventually
entailed upon him the punishment which had formerly been meditated
against him. In order, however, to make sure of this, it was considered
wise to send him a royal letter appointing him to the deputyship of
Constantinople, in room of Háfiz Páshá, and an invitation to him to
return and take possession of that office. Confiding in the royal
letter Kásim returned to Constantinople, and was hardly one day in
office, when he received three royal communications on important
affairs, which, at once, had the effect of clearing away all doubt from
his mind as to his being firmly fixed in the deputyship. This being
the case, as he believed, he that very day appointed his predecessor
Háfiz Páshá, third vezír. Ibrahím Aghá he made master of the horse,
and Mím Ibrahím his remembrancer. About supper-time Chobán Soleimán,
chief of the royal messengers, waited upon the new deputy, and informed
him that on the following morning a council was to be held in the
royal presence; and also that the emperor’s chaplain, the mufti, the
vezírs, and other magnates of the state, had all been invited to
attend. Accordingly, at daybreak next morning Kásim Páshá proceeded
to the diván with great pomp and ceremony. On entering into the royal
presence, and before all who were present, he advanced towards the
emperor and did obeisance. The emperor, without any sort of preamble,
began immediately to question him with respect to his conduct in
neglecting to obey his royal mandates on more occasions than one. Kásim
was confounded, and could find nothing to say in reply: to vindicate
himself was impossible. The emperor then turned to the high-priest
and consulted with him as to the nature of the guilt and crime with
which Kásim stood chargeable, and from which he could in no way clear
himself, when the reverend prelate gave it forth as his verdict,
that Kásim should be put to death. This sentence had scarcely been
pronounced, when, on a signal having been given, in rushed a number of
bostánjís, who instantly severed Kásim Páshá’s head from his body. His
carcass, by imperial orders, was carried in a dray and thrown into a
ditch before the gates of Adrianople. Thus ended the eventful life of
this ambitious and turbulent páshá.
_Sárukjí Mustafa Páshá is made deputy of Constantinople.—Other
promotions take place._
Immediately after Kásim Páshá was dispatched, as we have just now
related, the emperor of sublime dignity and glory turned to Sárukjí
Mustafa Páshá, and appointed him to the deputyship or káímakámship of
Constantinople, saying, in the presence of the whole council, that
if he should be found guilty of any maladministration, he should deal
with him as he had done to him that was lying before him—pointing to
the body of Kásim Páshá—and thus warned him of his danger. After this
solemn address to the new deputy the council broke up, and every one
went to his own house.
The new deputy, Sárukjí Mustafa Páshá, began his administration by
effecting various changes in the different departments of the palace.
Gúrjí Mohammed Páshá, chief eunuch in the royal harem, he raised to
the dignity of third vezír; who, in consequence of this promotion, had
it in his power to advance and befriend his own friends. Dávud Páshá,
chief of the kapújís, and Mustafa Aghá, grand master of the horse,
were, in about a week or two afterwards, exalted to the dignity of
vezírs, and were married to two of Sultán Mohammed Khán’s daughters.
Nukásh Hasan Aghá, who had been deposed from the command of the
janissaries for his pusillanimity, came to Islambol, where his friends
had interested themselves in his favour. He was created beglerbeg
of Romeili, and soon afterwards was raised to the dignity of vezír.
This deputy, amongst his other acts of administration, secured above
a million of money to the royal treasury; and, in fact, every person
wondered at the changes and alterations he had effected.
Towards the end of Jemadi II. a messenger arrived from Egypt, bringing
to the court of Constantinople the sad intelligence that the Egyptian
troops had murdered Hájí Ibrahím Páshá. The eunuch, Gúrjí Mohammed
Páshá, who had lately been raised to the rank of _third_ vezír, was
appointed válí of Egypt in the room of the deceased. The galley in
which the new válí had embarked reached the port of Alexandria in one
week’s time; and after having entered upon the government of Egypt, he
put to death every individual of those who had been in any way involved
in the tumult in which his predecessor had perished. By force of arms
he established peace throughout the whole of his jurisdiction, attended
to the state of the finances, and inspired all ranks with terror.
On the 25th of Rajab the válí of Romeili, Hasan Páshá, was advanced
to the rank of fourth vezír; Hasan Aghá, the brother of Tarnákjí
Páshá, was, in the same month, made commander of the janissaries. The
government of Algiers was conferred on Mustafa Aghá, who had been chief
of the eunuchs in the days of Selím II.
_Sárukjí Mustafa Páshá is murdered.—Súfí Sinán succeeds him._
It was not very long after Sárukjí Mustafa Páshá had entered on the
duties of his office as deputy of Constantinople, when some violence
began to be manifested by the troops on account of the pay which was
due to them. Whilst the lord high treasurer, Mohammed Páshá, son of
Músá Chelebí, was straining every nerve to meet the demands of the
military, some of his enemies had an interview with the emperor’s
chaplain, who lodged accusations with his excellency the deputy against
him. The deputy, not perceiving the evil that was soon to happen to
himself, deposed him and appointed one Háfiz Mahmúd to succeed him; a
man who was every way unfit for so high and important a situation as
that of chief treasurer, and one, too, whom the emperor abhorred. The
deputy’s infatuation did not stop here; he endeavoured, with all his
might, to get Siná-allah Effendí, the reverend mufti, removed from
his spiritual jurisdiction, and to place Mohammed Effendí, the eldest
son of Khojeh, in his stead. The reverend mufti no sooner received
intelligence of the deputy’s manœuvres, than he immediately entered,
with the emperor’s chaplain, into a conspiracy against the life of
Sárukjí Páshá. They used every means they could think of to blacken
his character in the opinion of the emperor, and succeeded but too
well in exciting his displeasure against him. One day, as he went on
some business connected with his office to the royal palace, he was
desired to wait on his majesty; but on his retiring he was seized, an
executioner was called, and in an instant his head was cut off. His
body was thrown into a well in the court of the diván,[14] and Súfí
Sinán Páshá was appointed káímakám in his stead.
Gúzelcheh Mahmúd Páshá, who had been restored to favour and was raised
to a vezírship, again fell under his majesty’s displeasure, and was
degraded. This took place on the 12th of the _first_ Rabia, and Nesúh
Páshá, who had been removed from the government of Aleppo, was
appointed to succeed him in the vezírship, and also to the command
of the army employed in Anatolia in quelling the rebellion in that
quarter. On the 2d of Dhu’l kadah, Nukásh Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of
Romeili, reached the rank and dignity of vezír, and Tarú Hasan Páshá
was confirmed in the above government.
_The emperor goes to hunt.—Sultán Osmán Khán is born._
The emperor, who was exceedingly fond of the chace, went out with his
friends and great men on the 11th of Jemadi II., _i.e._ on the 24th of
Teshrín evel (a Syro-macedonian month, October), to enjoy the pleasures
of the chace in the country round about the gardens of Romeili, in the
vicinity of Constantinople.
During the time the grand sultán was enjoying the pleasures which the
chace afforded him, the ághá of the royal house arrived and announced
to his majesty the joyful intelligence of the birth of a son, which
filled every heart with the sincerest joy. When the young prince
was afterwards named Sultán Osmán, seven days and seven nights were
dedicated, by an imperial firmán, to rejoicings. On the 17th of Shevál,
which was the 26th of Shubat (a Syro-macedonian month corresponding to
February), Sultán Mohammed was also born to him.
_The grand vezír, Lálá Mohammed Páshá, returns to Constantinople._
We lately left Lálá Mohammed Páshá, the reader will remember, at
Belgrade. From this frontier city he was suddenly recalled to court,
and reached the Sublime Porte on the 20th of Ramazán, when his majesty
condescended to show him very many expressions of kindness and respect.
On the 20th of Shabán, Káfzádeh Feizallah Effendí was translated from
the jurisdiction of Anatolia and made military judge of Romeili, being
succeeded in Anatolia by Yehiá Effendí of Constantinople. About the end
of the month of Dhu’l hijja Káfzádeh Effendí, at the request of the
grand vezír, was degraded, and Yehiá Effendí was made military judge
in his room. Kemál Effendí succeeded to the jurisdiction of Anatolia.
Fatimah, the daughter of Sultán Murád Khán, and the widow of Khalíl
Páshá, was contracted in marriage to vezír Murád Páshá, who commanded
on the banks of the Danube, and who was recalled to Constantinople.
_Continuation of the affairs in the East._
The state of matters in the eastern provinces became every day more
desperate. Kalander Oghlí and Karah Seyed, two notorious rebels, laid
waste the whole of the country round Aïdín and Sarúkhán, perpetrating
every excess and committing every evil they were able against the
followers of Mohammed. In one quarter Túyel Khalíl, and one Sachlí
in another, created, by their cruelties, alarm and terror in almost
every district throughout Anatolia. In consequence of these very awful
disasters, inflicted by bands of ruthless barbarians, letters from
all quarters flowed into the government, beseeching it for aid and
protection against these lawless and merciless hordes. The káímakám,
Súfí Sinán Páshá, taking the matter into earnest consideration,
waited one day on his imperial majesty, and insisted with him, in
the most urgent manner, that one of the vezírs should be appointed
commander-in-chief of the army in Anatolia. His majesty, in the
presence of the whole of his nobles, appointed Dávud Páshá, and
urged him to make no delay. Dávud Páshá, however, excused himself,
but afterwards began to make preparations. In the meantime Kejdehán
Alí Páshá, beglerbeg of Anatolia, was ordered to proceed with the
whole of the provincial army of Anatolia, and join Jeghala Zádeh, the
commander-in-chief in the east. He was further ordered to unite in his
march with Nesúh Páshá, who protected the frontiers; and both were
ordered to march together with their respective armies, and overthrow
the rebels, whose excesses were become altogether without limits.
Kejdehán Alí Páshá proceeded according to orders; attached his troops
to those of Nesúh Páshá, and marched together to meet the rebels under
Túyel, who had conquered the greater part of Caramania and Anatolia.
This rebel army they met in the plains of Bolawadin; but the result of
the meeting of these two hostile armies we must defer relating till we
enter on the affairs of the following year, which we shall immediately
commence.
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1014, II.
It having been considered of the last importance to ascertain the
actual state of the Hungarian frontiers, Mohammed Páshá was granted
full power over the troops, and to employ them in any way he thought
proper. It was also the emperor’s declared determination and wish that
Osterghún should be reconquered from the enemy if possible. With this
view Hasan Aghá, Tarnákjí’s brother, and ághá of the janissaries, was
appointed to proceed with a large body of janissaries to Belgrade,
and afterwards join the commander-in-chief at Buda. This body of
troops left Constantinople on the 27th of Dhu’l hijja, and halted at
Dávud Páshá for the purpose of making some further arrangements for
the journey. Abdul Bákí Effendí was appointed treasurer to the army;
Etmekjí Zádeh had been sent to Romeili to collect the taxes; Súfí Sinán
Páshá having been in full power, and deputy of the Sublime Porte, sent
Dávud Páshá to command the garrison of Kostamúní; and Nesúh Páshá
was made commander in Anatolia, and appointed to protect the Ottoman
boundaries in that quarter.
Hasan Aghá, after having remained a week at Dávud Páshá, recommenced
his march towards Belgrade, which place he reached about the latter
end of the month Sefer. Having refreshed his troops and attended to
the other necessary preparations for prosecuting his march to Buda, he
left Belgrade and passed the plains of Zimún for that fortress on the
4th of Rabia II. The whole army assembled at Usk, where a council of
war was held. The commander-in-chief proposed for the consultation of
the counsellors, what measure ought first to be adopted for securing
the desired success? The borderers and several of the chiefs of the
army thought it was by all means most advisable to proceed directly
to Buda and Alba Julia, and check the progress of the enemy in those
quarters, or at least protect them against any assault which the enemy
might threaten. Information had already arrived, they said, which
fully announced the threatening aspect the enemy was assuming with
regard to both these places. The enemy, they were aware, was making
every preparation in Komran for renewing hostilities, and already had
acquired some success. It was their imperative duty, continued the
speakers, to march immediately to Buda and Alba Julia, and protect
these places against the enemy of their country and of their faith.
Such were the arguments employed on one side of the question. Others,
however, opposed them, and argued differently. They, in the weakness
of their judgment, maintained that Buda and Alba Julia were places
of strength, and well furnished with the means of self-defence; so
much so, indeed, they said, that the enemy had given up all hope of
succeeding against them. These two places, the objects of so much
concern and anxiety, therefore, might very well, and without any
danger, they maintained, be left to their own resources. But there is
Mekamúriah, said these trifling advocates. It presented a fine field
for enriching the army: the inhabitants were in a state of quietness,
and no way in a capacity to offer resistance: they were rich. Let,
therefore, the army, reiterated these orators, march into Mekamúriah
without delay.
This motion was vigorously opposed by the opposite party, and many
arguments were adduced to show the danger that would arise if adopted
and acted upon: but the majority of the council was in favour of it;
and for no other reason, but that it promised to satisfy their thirst
for wealth. The commander-in-chief yielded to the majority, ordered the
janissaries to proceed towards Kaniza, not very distant from which lay
the country of Mekamúriah, and resolved on following them, on the next
day, with the body of the grand army acting under his command.
Having given his orders he waited on the venerable cazí who accompanied
the camp, Ahmed Effendí, and informed him of the resolution the council
had adopted, and requested him to give his opinion. The reverend
prelate expressed, in no unmeasured terms, his entire disapprobation of
that resolution. “It is no mark of sound judgment,” said the venerable
man, “to adopt a method which leaves in our rear the enemy watching our
movements, whilst we are pursuing an uncertain object from motives of
ambition. Moreover, it is entirely contrary to the will of the emperor,
who expressly declared that it was his utmost wish that we should, in
the first instance, attempt the reduction of Osterghún. Having had,
therefore, the emperor’s mind on the subject, it is as clear as day
that nothing could be more improper than to pursue the plan which has
been adopted, and, in part, acted upon. If, in prosecuting your present
plan, so much as one village belonging to the Ottoman empire should
fall into the hands of the enemy, you will find yourself at a loss to
give any satisfactory answer when you happen to be interrogated on that
point. I would observe, moreover, that only about eighty days remain
for continuing this campaign, and that should you, in pursuance of the
resolution of the council, follow the course which promises to enrich
the soldiery, no less than twenty or thirty days will be necessary for
this purpose. The soldiery, bent on acquiring spoil, will pay no regard
to your commands when once they are let loose after plunder. They will
become disunited and scattered; neither can you expect that this year
you will ever induce them again to act as a regular military force.
If, in these circumstances, the enemy should commence their hostile
movements, with whom, let me ask you, will you march to meet them? What
preparations can you effect? What aid can you command? Now, however,
that you have time and troops at command, turn your thoughts towards
Osterghún, and endeavour at least to fulfil the emperor’s express
desire. If you attend to this advice, though you should even fail in
the attempt, you are sure to escape reproach.” The clear and cogent
mode of the worthy prelate’s reasoning made a very deep impression
on the mind of the commanding general; in short, he was like one
awakened from sleep. The arguments of the priest carried irresistible
conviction, and the general was no longer in doubt as to the line of
conduct he ought to pursue. He immediately resolved on proceeding to
Buda, countermanded the march of the janissaries, who by that time had
marched a stage on their way towards Kaniza, and made arrangements for
laying siege to Osterghún.
The reverend priest acted in the transactions we have alluded to
without the least fear of blame or reproach. His open and manly
conduct, so utterly void of any thing like hypocrisy, was such as
threw a glory and dignity around his sacred office and character, and
secured him the high approbation of the vezír himself, and all others.
Petcheví relates this account somewhat differently, and Káteb Chelebí,
in his Fezliké, confirms his view of the matter, but it is of no
importance to show wherein the two accounts differ.
The commanding general having resolved, as we have seen, on laying
siege to Osterghún, the army commenced its march towards that place.
The beglerbeg of Bosnia, with the troops under his command, was ordered
forward to Buda. Twenty-five pieces of artillery, thirty thousand
balls, ten thousand talents of gunpowder and other ammunition were
transported in boats towards the place which was soon destined to
become the scene of action and of blood. The spáhís and janissaries,
on reaching the plains of Mehaj, were all furnished with the weapons
peculiar to each, and about the middle of Rabia II. the Moslem camp
was pitched in the vicinity of Osterghún. On the same day, also, on
which they had pitched their tents every disposition for commencing
hostilities was quickly and promptly attended to. On one side of
Osterghún was a high hill whereon stood a considerable castle; and
it being probable that a secret way from it to the city might be
discovered, by which much mischief to the besiegers might be avoided,
Mustafa Páshá, beglerbeg of Buda, was ordered, with a body of troops,
to assault this fortress or castle, called Dipadilin, which he did on
all sides. Jegirdilin, another fortress or castle, in connection with
Osterghún, and with which the Moslems had become well acquainted in a
former siege, was also subjected to the operations of war. Vishégrade,
situate somewhere on the Danube between Osterghún and Wáj, and which
could easily prevent provisions or stores being transported by water
to the aid of the Moslem army, was, after a short siege, allowed to
capitulate. Khádem Khosrú Páshá, the beglerbeg of Bosnia, who commanded
at the siege of Vishégrade, found the garrison was composed of those
Franks whom the Pope had sent in aid of the Germans, as formerly
mentioned, and who had been distributed into the different forts in the
hands of the Austrians. Like their brethren, the Franks at Alba Julia,
they entered voluntarily, and on similar terms, the service of the
grand sultán. At the commencement of the siege their number amounted to
more than a thousand, but most of them perished before they had agreed
to capitulate.
We now return to Dipadilin. Vishégrade having been disposed of in
the way now related, part of Khosrú Páshá’s troops, and the Franks
above-mentioned, were sent to join the troops employed under the
beglerbeg of Buda against Dipadilin. This augmentation of force so
terrified the besieged that they became discouraged; but the hearts
and hands of the Moslems were so mightily strengthened by it, that on
the 6th of Jemadi II., the sixth day of the siege, after the hour of
morning devotions, they fired off three large guns, and all at once
rushed forward to a general assault. It so happened, by the providence
of God, that the morning was very dark and hazy; so much so, indeed,
that objects could hardly be seen at the shortest distance; and thus
the Moslems entered the place before they were discovered. Not only
this place, but, in short, every other between it and Osterghún, in
the short space of this one day, fell into the hands of the Moslem
conquerors. Not one of the infidels in any of these different places
escaped with his life: more than four thousand, it was said, perished.
The count, who commanded in Osterghún, came forth to stimulate and
encourage the infidels to oppose the Moslems, but he never returned:
his body was found among the slain. A number of troops, and a quantity
of provisions and other stores, which had been advancing by the Danube
to the aid of the Moslems, but which, on account of the infidels in
Vishégrade, were hindered from reaching their destination, were at
once, by the fall of that place, allowed to proceed. The troops on
board, having received intimation from the commander who carried on the
siege of Vishégrade, disembarked, took up their quarters in a small
island, attacked those of the enemy who had been employed in menacing
them whenever they offered to sail forward, and slew about two hundred
of them. These and the other troops now joined their brethren who
were set down before Osterghún itself, the downfall of which was the
principal object in the Moslem army’s taking the field this year.
_Osterghún set fire to._
The janissaries having extended their trenches, on one side, to
within a small distance of the city or suburbs, and as the cannon
placed on the hill Dipadilin were kept constantly firing on the city
and fortress, the commanding general, in pressing the siege, ordered
the palanka of the city or suburbs to be set fire to. When the
besieged perceived this palanka on fire many of them rushed forth and
endeavoured to extinguish it, but not one of those who did so ever
returned again.
_The city and fortress taken._
On the 16th of Jemadi II. three successive general assaults were made,
in the last of which the city was taken, and two thousand infidels that
were found in it were immediately dispatched to the flames of hell.
Mustafa Páshá, who had vanquished Dipadilin, was sent to reduce a tower
called the Water Tower; which he did completely. On the 10th day, after
taking possession of the city or suburbs, another assault was announced
to the troops, who prepared for the onset. The enemy’s troops within
the fortress perceiving with what determined perseverance the besiegers
were animated, and fully convinced they should not be able to resist
an assault, if it were attempted, but which they had every reason to
anticipate, they, in this hopeless condition, offered to capitulate.
When this proposal of the besieged was announced to the commanding
general, he sent his confidant Petcheví Ibrahím Effendí,[15] the
person who first informed him of the proposal of the enemy, to settle
the articles of capitulation. These he settled in conformity to
ancient custom. On the 21st of the month, five thousand four hundred
miserable-looking wretches issued forth from the citadel, loaded with
what private property they were able to carry—which they had been
allowed to take with them—were put on board transports, and sent off
to their own infidel country. One of their chief captains, however,
embraced the Moslem religion, and was much caressed and befriended by
the commanding general. All the Franks in Osterghún who followed the
example of their brethren, who had lately entered the service of the
grand sultán, shared the same immunities as those formerly mentioned.
The injuries which Osterghún and Dipadilin had sustained in the siege
were ordered to be forthwith repaired. The noble temple of Osterghún,
which had been desecrated ever since the enemy had entered the city,
and filled with their abominations, was also ordered to be purified;
divine service according to Mohammedan usage was performed in it. A
sufficient garrison was appointed: Petcheví Ibrahím Effendí and two
other officers were sent off for Constantinople with intelligence of
the splendid victory gained over the infidels; and in consideration
of which, each spáhí received two, and each foot soldier one piece
of money. The commanding general, after this distribution of money
among his troops had taken place, directed his course towards Buda and
Belgrade.
There can be no doubt that the fall of Osterghún contributed very
much to induce the court of Vienna to submit, or rather to offer the
conditions which they not long afterwards forwarded to the court of
Constantinople.
_Progress of Botchkai._