and supported by Ottoman forces, nothing withstood him: he was every
where victorious. During the time that the Moslem general was employed
in the reduction of Osterghún, Botchkai formed the design of laying
siege to the fortress of Uivár, and therefore requested to be supplied
with Moslem troops for that purpose. In accordance with this request
Sinán Páshá, the beglerbeg of Agria, the princes of Serim, of Alasha
Hisár, of Semendria, and the prince of Terhalah with a thousand Tátárs
and a body of Circassians, were sent to his assistance. Botchkai
committed the command of his army to an infidel of the name of Humnaí,
a Hungarian prince. Bektásh Páshá, formerly mentioned, was also
engaged in the siege of Uivár. One thousand of the janissaries who
had been engaged in the siege of Osterghún, and a considerable number
of provincial troops, under the Khosrú Páshá, beglerbeg of Bosnia,
were afterwards sent forward to Uivár; over whom, as well as over
those Moslem troops already sent, he was made chief commander. Uivár,
however, though at first it showed some little courage, soon submitted
to Botchkai, who having expressed a desire that it should remain under
his dominion, the commanding general, in conformity with the promise
which had been made to him with regard to making him ruler of Mejár
or Ardil, or both, deputed Teryákí Hasan Páshá to accompany Ahmed
Effendí, the priest of the camp, and formally to install Botchkai in
the possession of Uivár.
About this same period, Teryákí Hasan Páshá was sent with a division
of the Romeilian troops to reduce Besperim and Polatah. The last of
these only he subjected to the Moslem yoke, and afterwards returned
and joined the royal camp in the vicinity of Buda. The beglerbeg of
Buda, Bosniak Mustafa Páshá, in the meantime, was degraded, and his
beglerbegship was conferred on Alí Páshá son of Kází Zádeh, ruler of
Silistria. The jurisdictions or sanjáks of Semendria, of Nicopolis, of
Silistria, of Chormin, and of Wiza, were all put under the guardianship
of the garrison of Buda.
After the fortress, which had been reduced, had been all repaired, the
victorious general made preparations for returning to Belgrade.
_Botchkai pays a visit to the commanding General._
When the grand vezír, Lálá Mohammed Páshá, returned, last year, to
Constantinople, he did not forget to lay before his royal master a
statement of the promise or engagements he, as the organ of the Ottoman
government, had entered into with Botchkai; the result of which was
a splendid crown, valued at three thousand ducats, and, moreover,
richly studded with precious stones, for Botchkai. One Seyed Mohammed
was sent to Botchkai from the commanding general, to inform him of
what was going on in his favour, and to invite him to wait upon him.
The commanding general, who at this time was encamped near Pest, no
sooner heard of the near approach of Botchkai, who, in obedience to
the invitation sent him, was coming to wait on him, than he ordered a
splendid royal pavilion, handsomely adorned with fine curtains, to be
erected for his royal visitor. The whole of the troops were ordered to
stand under arms, and in proper order to receive him. The flooring of
the pavilion was made of precious odoriferous wood or planks; and, in
short, every thing suitable to the dignity of the approaching monarch
was punctually attended to. At length Botchkai, attended by a guard of
ten thousand Hungarians, besides many distinguished princes, arrived
in the Moslem camp, and went immediately to pay his respects to the
commanding general. The splendid and highly valuable crown, above
referred to, was brought forth and placed on his head by the hands of
the general. A richly-ornamented sword was presented him on the same
occasion: and immediately afterwards he was declared to be raised,
by Ottoman imperial munificence, to the sovereignty of Hungary. The
banners and standards, which the Ottoman government condescended to
send him, were presented to him in due form. Botchkai made all due
acknowledgment for the dignity and honour conferred on him, kissed the
commanding general’s hand, and said: “We are now become the emperor’s
servants. Those who are hired with money, serve generally out of fear
of reproach or of punishment; but we, inasmuch as we are favoured
servants, still manifest the most genuine and cheerful obedience.”
Thus, the contract first made with Botchkai was fully ratified and
signed; the field-pieces in the camp were fired in token of joy; great
demonstrations of heartfelt pleasure were every where, throughout
the camp, instituted, and cheerfully observed; and Botchkai, now
created king of Hungary, took leave of his friends and returned to his
newly-acquired dominions.
Botchkai, after he was advanced to the rank and dignity of a sovereign
prince, contributed very much to the welfare of the Moslem religion. So
much so, indeed, that the infidel Germans, who were filled with hatred
against him, when they found it impossible to take him in open battle,
endeavoured by every means they could devise to poison him, which at
last they accomplished.
When tidings of the death of Botchkai reached the Sublime Porte, the
government proceeded to make choice of another of the Transylvanian
princes to succeed him in the sovereignty of Transylvania,[16] and
Batori Ghabor was the one who was elevated to that dignity. The
elevation of Batori Ghabor, as now hinted, had the effect of widening
the breach between Turkey and Austria, but it eventually led to the
latter’s negociating for peace.
The commanding general, who unfortunately became indisposed, remained
a few days in Buda arranging and settling matters with his servants,
appointed the celebrated hero Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of Romeili,
commandant of Buda, and set out for Belgrade. On reaching this city, he
paid off the troops, and allowed them to return to their own provinces;
but he himself spent the winter there, where he enjoyed all the
pleasures of life.
The Moslem army, by the assistance of God, achieved this year the
advantages and triumph which they sought. This one campaign brought
them more glory than any one of the preceding twelve. In fact, the
Moslems accomplished more this year than they had done in all the
others put together: so wonderfully successful had they been. The
wealth they had acquired was altogether unprecedented in the history of
their wars with the northern infidels.
The exalted commanding general, after having gone to Belgrade, as
before mentioned, procured double pay for the troops. Petcheví Ibrahím
Effendí was appointed to see the distribution properly attended to.
_Peace is proposed by the Archduke Mathias._
Botchkai, of whom we have had a great deal to say, vexed and distressed
the Austrians to the very utmost; which at last had the effect of
inducing the Archduke Mathias, who was at that time in Vienna, when he
perceived the danger which threatened to subvert from him the whole of
his dominions, to send an embassy to the Moslem commander-in-chief. He
clearly saw that his troops were not able to resist the superior force
of the Ottomans, or withstand the powerful and vigorous hostility of
Botchkai. His only army in Transylvania also was on the very point of
being surrounded. When made aware of all these alarming circumstances,
he sent the embassy alluded to, and, at the same time, informed the
emperor his brother, who was at Prague, the capital of Bohemia, of what
he had done. He stated in his communications to the emperor, that if a
treaty of peace was not agreed upon he should by degrees be stripped
of all his dominions in Hungary. “Part of them would fall,” he said,
“under the Turks, and the rest would be trampled under the feet of
Transylvanian cavalry.” The emperor, well aware that peace was every
way desirable, expressed his approbation of the steps Mathias had taken
to bring about so very requisite an object.
The emperor, however, in conformity to the principles of his vain
religion, applied to the ungracious Pope of Rome for his advice, who
expressed himself altogether hostile to the measure proposed. This
audacious pope[17] had the hardihood and wickedness to write back to
the emperor, desiring him to get his brother to withdraw the proposals
he had made, or if he refused to do so, to kill him. Such was the
advice of the pope.
The emperor informed his brother of the sentiments which his holiness
had expressed, and urged him in the strongest manner to pay implicit
regard to them: assured him, moreover, that it was of much more
consequence to him to have the prince of religion on his side, than any
relative, however near to him; and therefore conjured him to continue
the war. Mathias replied, that it was of the utmost moment to him to
have peace on any terms; that preliminaries had been entered into, and
that he was determined not to recede.
In the meantime Mathias collected what Hungarian and Transylvanian
forces he was able, who, when united with the troops he had sent to
protect his Transylvanian dominions, formed a very considerable army.
With this army he purposed advancing upon Prague, but the death of the
emperor,[18] which happened at this time, put a stop to this warlike
attempt.
The death of the emperor changed the aspect of affairs in relation
to Mathias altogether, and bound him, in consequence of the law of
succession, to respect the unworthy injunctions of the pope. This pope,
to reproach and mortify Mathias for having offered conditions of peace
to the Turks, raised Maximilian, a younger brother, an infidel, to the
imperial dignity, to the exclusion of the lawful heir. It was that very
same Maximilian, who, with his 70,000 infidels, was defeated before
Agria by the heroic Sultán Ahmed Khán; that same Maximilian who hardly
escaped from the scene of action with his life; who, unable to mount
his horse or gird on his sword, fled away on foot; who, preferring a
monastic life, ran off to the pope and entered into a monastery; it
was that very same Maximilian whom the pope, in the plentitude of his
power, and in the bitterness of his wrath, nominated to fill the throne
of the Roman emperors, and whom he sent into Hungary. Mathias, however,
prepared to dispute his pretensions, and with the army he had led, or
had intended to lead against his deceased brother, he stood ready to
meet this Maximilian. But Maximilian’s courage failed him, and Mathias,
without striking a blow, ascended the throne of the Cæsars. Maximilian
being now unable to promote the pope’s purposes, was appointed to the
government of Vienna, and Mathias repaired to Prague, the imperial
city, and commenced the exercise of his imperial prerogatives.
After Maximilian had gone to Vienna, he, in conformity to an agreement
between him and Mathias, who was bent on promoting a treaty of peace,
sent, the year peace was concluded, two hundred thousand dollars
towards fulfilling the stipulations of that treaty, but he was exempted
for the space of twenty years from any farther demands of this kind;
though during each of the three years in which the negociations were
carried on, he sent presents to the commander-in-chief, accompanied by
letters humbly imploring a speedy termination of all hostilities.
_Concerning Jeghala Zádeh’s operations on the confines of Persia._
Notwithstanding the misfortunes which fell, during the events of the
last year, to the lot of Jeghala Zádeh Sinán Páshá, he was this year,
again in a condition to raise his standard in the province of Erzerúm.
He removed his son, Mohammed Páshá, from Shirwán, and placed him in the
government of Diárbeker, whilst that of the former reverted to Ahmed
Páshá, son of Hasan Páshá.
Having heard that the Persians had concentrated their forces at
Tabríz, he pushed forward his army as far as Salamas. This took place
on the 21st of Rabia II. The perverted sháh came to Khúi, where
the advance-army of both sides met; but the Persians, after having
sustained some loss, were obliged to retreat. At Hamla another of
their divisions was completely routed. On the following day, the sháh
divided his army into three divisions on the lake of Tabríz, on the
banks of which his troops had concentrated themselves on the preceding
day. He himself, from motives of security to his own person, took up
his position on a rising ground in the neighbourhood.
In the meantime, Gusah Sefer Páshá, the válí of Erzerúm,
without counsel or advice, and contrary to the orders of the
commander-in-chief, and followed by Tekelí Páshá, beglerbeg of Tabríz,
Rázieh Zádeh, the válí of Sivás, his brother, Akhúyin Ahmed Páshá,
Haider Páshá Zádeh, Alí Páshá, and others, amounting in all to fifteen
beglerbegs, and more than twenty sanják begs, advanced to attack
the advance-guard of the enemy. The commanding officer, it is to be
observed, had actually cautioned them against being too hasty, and
warned them not to be rash in advancing; but this advice was regarded
with contempt by the persons above-mentioned, who, in other respects,
had acted arrogantly and disrespectfully towards the commander-in
chief, and now rushed forward with their respective troops, attacked
the division under the khán, and fought the heretics till the sun
had passed the meridian. Verily, Sefer Páshá, more like a lion or a
tiger, committed the most dreadful havoc among these infidels and
enemies of the faith. The red-heads, finding it impossible to resist
the impetuosity and heroism of this valiant troop, fell back upon
the division under Zulfekár Khán. The heroic Moslems, however, again
rallied their little band together, and attacked this division also.
The combat was most desperate, and continued till near evening, when,
in the utmost confusion and consternation, they retreated upon the
division which the sháh himself commanded, though not actually in
person. Here they made an attempt to stand, but with no better success.
It was now within half-an-hour of sun-set, and so terrible was the fear
which Sefer Páshá had inspired into these heretics that they fled into
the mountains, leaving their whole baggage, and even their commander,
behind them.
After these singular advantages obtained over the Persians, the sháh,
with those who still adhered to him, endeavoured to make his way up a
mountain, but not thinking himself safe there he retreated about half a
stage, where, on a rising ground, surrounded with a thousand terrors,
he pitched his tent.
It turned out, however, that the Kizilbásh army, supported by the
sháh’s body-guard, resolved on attacking the commanding general’s camp,
which, they supposed, was left without any to defend it. But these
dogs were met by a body of janissaries, salihdárs, and others, who
stood ready to receive them, and who, with their arrows and small arms,
drove them back. The contest, however, was obstinate, and maintained
till sun-set, when the despicable wretches, after seeing many of their
number wounded and perishing on the field of battle, fled back to their
encampments. But Sefer Páshá, who was returning from the scene where
he had performed so many and such wonderful exploits, met this horde
as they were flying from the face of the Moslems, who had opposed
and repulsed them just a little before, and fell upon him and his
heroic followers. He and his party, of course, were much fatigued by
their late exertions, which had been crowned with the most singular
success; whilst the enemy, who thus attacked them, were comparatively
fresh, and consequently it was not to be wondered at if they declined
accepting a battle. This they did not altogether avoid, though a number
of them, among whom was Tekelí Páshá, Jelalí Karah Kásh Páshá, and
Kechkár Páshá, with their respective followers, fled to the camp and
escaped; whilst their companions fought till they fell martyrs on the
field. In this bloody contest, Sefer Páshá, the hero of the party, and
whose weapon nothing could resist, was at last wounded, and shortly
afterwards his horse fell with him. Some of the Kizilbáshes seized him
and several other wounded veterans, and dragged them before the sháh,
who ordered some of them to be killed, and to reserve the others. To
Sefer Páshá he said, “if you will submit to me, and join our sect
(_i.e._ the sect of Alí), I shall confer honour upon you.” The firm
Moslem replied, by wishing “a thousand curses to fall upon him and upon
every heretic of his sect.” The prisoner, who was bound to a stake, and
exhibited to the view of the multitude, loaded the heretical sháh with
every species of reproach and contumely, when immediately some of the
vagabond red-heads rushed upon him and slew him. Thus ended this brave
man. It is true that the commanding officer sent more than once to
dissuade him and his rash companions from their precipitate measures,
but it is also true that Sefer Páshá, though a very brave man, was yet
very obstinate and contumacious. Karah Kásh, and some others of his
desperate followers, disregarding all subordination, resolved on being
revenged on their enemies.
It is remarkable, and indeed it is one of the inscrutable ways of
Providence, that those who fell in these various skirmishes were for
the most part those levends or volunteers who had been very lately
engaged in rebellion against the Ottomans. It rarely happened,
throughout the whole of these struggles, that any of the sworn and
paid troops fell. The Moslem army, generally, suffered no injury. But
these levends, in God’s distribution of justice, were made to expiate
their former crimes and villany by making them wash their filth in this
bloody fountain.—But to return.
The carnage to which we have above alluded was put a stop to by
the return of night, when the contending parties were under the
necessity of retiring. The Kizilbáshes, however, retreated, but the
commander-in-chief maintained his ground, or at least he remained where
he was (for it does not appear that he had any personal share in the
actions which had taken place). During the night season the chiefs
and nobles of Kúrdistán came to wait on the commander-in-chief, with
the view of consulting with him as to the circumstances in which they
were then placed, and of the probable result of their movements and
operations; but they were refused admittance, and were told that the
commanding general was fatigued and could not see them. The chiefs
returned to their own camp; but it soon began to be circulated that
the commanding general had fled, and therefore the Kurds, when they
heard this, struck their tents, and were on the eve of retiring, when
Karah Kásh struck his tents also. The rest of these auxiliary native
troops followed the example set before them, and the whole body of
them set out for Wán. Jánbulát Zádeh Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of Aleppo,
was returning from the field of battle, where he had also been engaged
the day before, when he met these fugitives, who informed him, though
falsely, that the power of the commander-in-chief was completely
broken. Believing that what they had assured him of was true, he
returned; but learning afterwards that he had been deceived by them, he
directed his steps towards the Moslem camp. To prevent, if possible,
these fugitives occasioning any loss to the Moslem army, he from these
disinterested views changed his mind, joined them, and went to Wán
along with them.
The commander-in-chief collected, in the meantime, the whole of the
troops who had remained with him in the camp, gave them all the
cheering encouragement he was able, put them in regular order, and
led them to the outside of the camp. On turning his eye towards the
place which the enemy had occupied the day before, he could perceive
no movement whatever that indicated their presence there. Whilst he
and his army stood in amazement, and wondering what the result of so
unexpected an occurrence might be, they were summoned to activity
by Kechkár Páshá, beglerbeg of Wán, who asked them to what purpose
they were standing and gazing; when immediately the report, that the
Kizilbáshes had come and taken away their cannon, was sounded. Their
consternation increased, and they were unable to look at one another.
Several of them fled. Of the whole of the army which the commander
brought into the field, only two thousand household troops remained to
him. Such of these as were foot-soldiers he mounted on camels, and in a
short time, the commander and his remaining two thousand men were also
on the way to Wán; having left nearly the whole of his camp, guns, and
treasures behind him.
The sháh of Persia, thinking it was very probable, however, that the
Osmánlís by their sudden disappearance, and by the relinquishing
of their camp-ground, had laid a stratagem for him, kept aloof for
two days, and was afraid to enter: but at the end of this period he
received certain intelligence, that the commander had actually fled to
Wán, and he then ventured to visit the place where the Osmánlí camp had
stood. With the exception of a few hired servants and some trifling
articles, which had been left, the sháh found nothing to reward him for
his trouble.
After the commander-in-chief had reached Wán, Jánbulát Zádeh Hasan
Páshá waited upon him and told him how he had acted in keeping the
troops who had fled from his camp together; how he had brought them to
a place of safety, and offered every apology which the circumstance
of the case seemed to have demanded: thinking, no doubt, that the
commander would express his approbation of his conduct. He was much
mistaken. The commander was not made of such material as to be moved by
a flood of tears and expressions of humiliation and contrition. Calling
him, therefore, to account for his dereliction of duty he made him
answer for it with his life.
It has been related of Jánbulát Zádeh that he was advised by his
friends, when he purposed to wait on the commander-in-chief, not to do
so, because of the ill fortune his stars had predicted at his birth,
and which he himself, from his own profound knowledge in the science of
astrology, had clearly demonstrated to them. His friends succeeded, in
the first instance, in preserving him from having any interview with
the short-tailed dragons;[19] but his lofty feeling of pride ruined
him. “If I sleep,” said he, in the pride of his heart, “Jeghala Oghlí
(the commander-in-chief) will not certainly have the courage to watch.”
His pride brought him to his end. His death was the means of awakening
in the minds of the troops, a feeling of great dissatisfaction. Thirty
thousand of his troops or followers returned to Haleb, having chosen
his brother, Alí Beg, and Hezer Beg as their commanders, and who,
in revenge of Hasan Páshá, son of Jánbulát’s, death, desolated that
province, and continued their rebellion till they were overthrown by
the celebrated Murád Páshá at a later period, as we shall relate in its
proper place.
The commander-in-chief, the sport of fortune, left Wán and returned to
Diárbeker on the 21st of Dhu’l hijja, where he died of a fever which
the thoughts of his misfortunes had occasioned. He was a man whose
avarice had no bounds. His constantly causing responsible persons to be
changed from one place to another was productive of the most serious
evils. He conferred the government of Syria on Sinán Páshá Zádeh,
and shortly afterwards on Osmán Páshá. Nesúh Páshá, who was válí of
Aleppo, he removed, and put Hasan Páshá, son of Jánbulát of the sanják
of Kilis, into his place, on the promise of his paying him a certain
rent. And many more are the evils he occasioned, besides those we have
mentioned.
_A battle between Serkosh Ibrahím Páshá and the Croatians._