had taken. He repented most sincerely that he had remained at Wán, but
his repentance was too late to avail him. After deeply considering what
method he should take to save his own life, he resolved on trying to
make his escape to Erzerúm. He accordingly took ship at Wán, and landed
at a place called Adaljuwaz. Losing no time at this place, he hastened
with all the speed he could make towards Erzerúm, having been furnished
with horses for his journey by Emír Sháh, the governor and other
officers at Adaljuwaz. On arriving within a short distance of Erzerúm,
the beglerbeg of Erzerúm, Gusah Sefer Páshá, went out to meet him,
taking along with him an equipage more suitable to the dignity of the
commander-in-chief than that with which he had travelled from Adaljuwaz.
The sháh, even after he had heard of the sudden departure of the
serdár, ceased not in his endeavours to reduce the city and fortress of
Wán for the space of forty days, but was at last obliged to raise the
siege, and then marched towards Tabríz and Nakhcheván. On this march,
however, he surrounded an Osmánlí place of strength called Makú; but
all he gained by laying siege to this fortress was only disgrace.
Before concluding this long section it is necessary to observe, in
connection with what we have related with regard to Jeghala Zádeh
Sinán Páshá, the commander-in-chief, that at the time the command of
the forces in the east devolved upon him, or at least not long after
it, Ja’fer Páshá was appointed lord high admiral in room of Jeghala;
and that he sailed for the Mediterranean with sixty galleys. In some
histories it is said, that it was the admiral Kehyah Páshá Zádeh
Mustafa Páshá who was appointed to the deputyship of Constantinople at
the time Alí Páshá and Jeghala Zádeh were made commanders-in-chief.
_Lálá Mohammed Páshá succeeds Alí Páshá in all his offices._
After the death of the grand vezír, Alí Páshá, which event had taken
place at Belgrade almost immediately after his arrival there, as we
have already noticed, a kapújí báshí of the name of Kúrd Mustafa
Páshá, brought accounts, in a sealed packet, to the government of
Constantinople that Alí Páshá was no more. The officer presented them
to the káímakám, Háfiz Páshá, who, however, declined receiving them.
Hereupon the emperor’s chaplain called the officer to the royal palace,
in order that it might be ascertained to whom it belonged to receive
the packet. He complained that Háfiz Páshá refused to have any thing
to do with the packet, though he knew it was an official despatch,
whilst at the same time it was evident that the forces employed against
the Hungarians were in the utmost need of having a commanding general
appointed over them. It would appear, however, that before the accounts
referred to had arrived, Lálá Mohammed Páshá had been raised by royal
appointment to the chief command of the army, but that the commission
had not reached him in sufficient time. He was now raised to the
dignity of grand vezír.
Lálá Mohammed Páshá no sooner found himself raised to the highest
offices which could be conferred on him, than he began with all
imaginable speed to make arrangements for renewing hostilities,
succeeded in taking several Hungarian towns, and afterwards returned
with the body of his army to Buda.
Having formed the design of recovering Osterghún, in order to secure
success as much as possible, he conferred on Bektásh Páshá, of Usk, the
jurisdiction of Buda, appointed him to the advanced guard, which was
composed of three thousand chosen men, and ordered him to march towards
the last-mentioned place.
_The infidels abandon Pest._
A report having been circulated that Lálá Mohammed Páshá, the
celebrated commander of the Moslem army, was advancing on his march
from Belgrade, the infidels who garrisoned Pest, which they had wrested
from the Moslems in consequence of the weakness and pusillanimity of
Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, the former commander-in-chief, fled in the utmost
precipitation, leaving, in fact, the whole of their arms of all kinds
behind them. Such was the panic into which they were thrown by the fame
of Lálá Mohammed Páshá, of whose heroism they had some knowledge. Their
flight was a sufficient proof of the estimation in which they held his
military talents.
When the new serdár, Lálá Mohammed Páshá, heard that the enemy had
abandoned Pest, he crossed the Danube and took possession of it.
The hateful infidels, with the view of totally destroying it, it is
necessary to observe, had left the place exposed to the destructive
effect of several mines which they had prepared for that purpose, and
which, had they not been discovered in sufficient time, would certainly
have buried the whole place, and all that was in it, in ruins.
Fortunately for the inhabitants, as well as for the Moslem troops who
had entered it, a sick soldier, who had been left behind in Pest, had
given a hint to the conquerors of the mines referred to, which were
almost on the point of ignition at the moment they were discovered.
This very remarkable deliverance from so very terrible and inevitable
a ruin was properly and religiously improved by the orthodox faithful
from the highest to the lowest.
The commander-in-chief made arrangements for repairing and fortifying
Pest; also for rebuilding the tower of Ján Kúrturán, and supplied both
places with a sufficient number of troops and a proper quantity of
provisions. The victorious troops of Lálá Mohammed Páshá entered Buda a
little after the commencement of Rabia II., and immediately afterwards
the bridge which had extended between Pest and Buda, but which had
been cut down by the hatchets of the infidels, was again ordered to be
rebuilt according to its former model.
The Moslem veterans were also agreeably surprised to learn that a
similar terror with that which had seized the infidels at Pest, had
also overtaken the infidels at Khutván, and had produced a similar
result. The injuries which the houses of the faithful had sustained
in both places, either by burning or otherwise, were ordered to be
repaired.
_The fortress of Wáj conquered._
The celebrated serdár, Lálá Mohammed Páshá, now proceeded to reduce
Wáj, which for the space of two years had been under the complete sway
of the infidels, and encamped at Eskí Buda (Old Buda), immediately
opposite to Wáj. By means of boats he conveyed across the Danube
his troops, and on the 21st of Jemadi II. Wáj was besieged on all
sides. The infidels in this fortress thinking, however, that they
were about to be visited by retributive justice, put on an appearance
of fortitude, though, as will appear, they were totally overcome by
terror. On the very first night of the siege they contrived secretly
to set fire to a tower and a palanka in the island opposite to Wáj,
took to their boats, and set off, about the middle of the night, for
Osterghún. The Moslems, of course, took possession of Wáj.
_Osterghún is laid siege to._
The victorious Moslems, the terror of whose arms spread dismay among
the infidels, marched upon Osterghún, and on the 23d of Jemadi II.
formed the siege of that place. Every gun and musket throughout the
whole army were put in requisition, and every arrangement was made for
commencing hostilities; but, alas, the constant fall of snow and rain,
the winter season having commenced, rendered it impracticable for the
troops to make any use of trenches, or at least they found it difficult
to stand in them. The truth seems to be, that too much time had been
taken up in repairing and attending to the lately retaken fortresses,
Pest, Khutwán, and Wáj, and also with the rebuilding of the bridge
formerly mentioned, to be able, at so late a period of the year, to
carry on the siege of Osterghún with any great prospect of success.
In consequence of the length of time the Moslems spent unnecessarily
with the fortresses they had retaken, as just observed, the infidels
found ample opportunity to erect tabúrs or fortifications on the
opposite bank of the river, and to extend a bridge from Osterghún
to these fortifications. The whole line of these tabúrs were also
protected by a range of field-pieces, and every thing, in fact,
presented a most formidable appearance. For several successive nights
the enemy rushed forth upon the Moslems, attacked them with the utmost
celerity, and succeeded in killing many of their bravest heroes.
When it was resolved to augment the number of Moslems who were
actually engaged in endeavouring to reduce Osterghún (_i.e._ those
who were immediately engaged in active operations against it), the
janissaries refused to comply, and urgently demanded that the siege
should be raised. The commander-in-chief perceiving himself involved
in difficulties of no ordinary kind, ordered Toktamish Gheráí, the son
of his royal highness Ghází Gheráí, who had that year joined the royal
camp instead of his royal father, to go, with a few thousands of his
Tátárs, along with Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of Romeili, and some of his
troops, and scour the country round about, commit all the damage to the
enemy they could, and take what spoil they could find.
The commander-in-chief, after a period of thirty-one days uselessly
spent in endeavouring to reconquer Osterghún, was obliged to raise
the siege and return to Buda. Having made the necessary arrangements
with regard to the garrisons on the frontiers, for protecting the
Ottoman dominions in that quarter, the commander-in-chief set out for
Belgrade, and arrived there on the 3d of Rajab.
The stipulated period of the old pretorian band in Buda for serving
having expired, one thousand of them were again hired, and divided into
four companies.
We have still to add, by way of appendix, what Petcheví says in
reference to the siege of Osterghún, which we have been describing.
“Nukásh Hasan Páshá acted at the above siege,” he says, “as ághá of
the janissaries, but he was so cowardly that he never once showed his
face where he anticipated danger. For this dereliction of duty and
disgraceful pusillanimity, the commander-in-chief deprived him of his
office, and degraded him. He afterwards, however, sent a petition to
the court of Constantinople, requesting to have the judgment of the
serdár reversed, but his petition was regarded with contempt.”
The same historian observes, “that formerly, when Ibrahím Páshá was
commander-in-chief, the Tátárs, emírs, and other great men under his
command, had proposed to exchange Osterghún for Agria; because the
latter was much more distant from Buda than the former, and therefore
not of such importance to the Ottomans.” When Mohammed Ketkhodá, vezír
Murád Páshá, Ahmed Aghá, the khán’s vezír, and Hábel Effendí, the
cazí of Buda, went to the enemy’s camp, as the reader may remember,
with the view of endeavouring to negotiate a peace between the two
belligerent powers, the proposals above-mentioned were the principal
subjects submitted to the consideration of the negotiators; but no
settlement of any kind at that time was agreed to, and things remained
as they had been until this period, when the infidels began to show
a disposition favourable to a cessation of hostilities. Accordingly,
ten counts, ornamented with golden chains, and the great ministers of
state, arrived (probably at Belgrade), and gave their consent to the
propositions above alluded to, and Petcheví Ibrahím Effendí, whose
sentiments we are here quoting, was sent to the Sublime Porte as the
bearer of the propositions for a general pacification. Petcheví, on
arriving at Constantinople, presented his dispatches to the káímakám,
and to the reverend mufti, the venerable Siná-allah Effendí. Siná-allah
Effendí appeared greatly surprised at the nature and import of the
propositions which had been thus submitted; and exclaimed, “that they
were such as could never be agreed to; that they were altogether unfit
to be expressed in words; that they were unworthy of ever having been
thought of,” he therefore rejected them with scorn, and ordered the
officer who had brought them to retrace his steps, and deliver this
answer. The messenger obeyed, and met the commander-in-chief in the
plains of Serim; who having anticipated the result of his mission, and
without allowing him time to tell the message wherewith he was charged,
replied abruptly, “we must bear the disgrace;” and, immediately,
without any further reference to the subject, began to call the
messenger’s attention to the recent appearance of Botchkai, one of the
Transylvanian princes, to whose exploits our attention must now be
turned.
_Concerning Botchkai._
The Germans are of the race of infidels or unbelievers, and a distinct
and peculiar sect of Christians, who are divided among themselves.
The principal chief or head of these different tribes of Christians,
as they may be denominated, has the titles of emperor and Cæsar. The
dukes of Austria and of Hungary are of the race of the emperor. The
Nemcheh, or German nation, having acquired a superiority over the
rest, subverted the whole or most of the fortresses belonging to Ardil
(Transylvania) and Mejár (Hungary), and have all along, ever since,
exercised towards these two tribes every species of oppression and
tyranny. The Hungarian and Transylvanian natives, as well as their
nobles, in consequence of the humiliating and degrading subjection to
which the German tribe had reduced them, were obliged, of course, to
feign submission to their oppressors; but cherished in their minds,
nevertheless, the most unquenchable hatred and enmity. The Germans,
ever since the time they had acquired dominion over these two nations,
manifested the utmost contempt towards them, but especially towards the
former. To the princes and nobles of Mejár (Hungary) they showed less
courtesy and respect than they did to even the vilest and lowest among
themselves, and made them the objects of many indignities and of low
reproach: yet the ancient Hungarians, unlike their degenerate sons,
often repelled the aggressions of their German neighbours with evident
advantages, and maintained many a bloody battle with them.
Things continued much in the same way as we have endeavoured to
describe, till Botchkai, one of the Hungarian princes, a brave and
heroic infidel, called together the branches of his family, to whom
he addressed himself thus: “How long are we patiently to submit to
the reproach, as well as oppression and tyranny, resulting from a
disgraceful subjection to these Germans? Thank God, the Ottoman
emperors have always proved our generous friends. King John took refuge
under the wings of the emperor Soleimán, and the royal dignity was
maintained so long as one of his children and grandchildren remained
to fill the throne of Hungary. Let us follow the heroic example of
our ancestor; and when we are once supported by the strong arm of
the Turks, we shall then be able to take ample vengeance on our
oppressors.” This sentiment Botchkai urged with all the warmth and
zeal he was able to put forth, and his speech had the desired effect.
They unanimously agreed to put themselves under the sheltering power
of the Ottomans; elected Botchkai to the dignity and prerogatives of
a king, and appointed him their commander-in-chief. Immediately, or
at least as soon as they found it convenient, and that was about the
middle of this present year, they wrote letters to the Moslem general,
wherein they made a formal offer to put themselves under the protection
of the Moslem government; that they would be friends to those who
were friendly to it, and enemies to those who were its enemies; that
they agreed to serve the emperor of the Ottomans; and that they were
ready to draw their swords against their German oppressors at his
bidding; and requested, moreover, the serdár, as soon as he knew
their sentiments, to make them known to the Moslem government at
Constantinople.
The court of Constantinople, on being put in possession of the
documents relative to the earnest wishes of the Hungarians, not only
acquiesced in their solicitations, but also sent the most positive
instructions to the commanding general to enter into an immediate
engagement with the petitioners, and to assure them of the aid and
protection of his government. The commanding general lost no time in
communicating to Botchkai and his associates the views of the Sublime
Porte, which had the effect not only of confirming them in their
hatred and enmity towards the Germans, but also of increasing, day
after day, the number of their followers.
_A battle fought between the Germans and the Hungarians._
On the 27th of Jemadi II. these two sorts of infidels (_i.e._ the
Germans and Hungarians) met, and fought a tremendous battle, in which
Botchkai, supported by Ottoman arms, was completely victorious. More
than ten thousand Germans fell on the field of battle, and their heads,
besides a number of prisoners and several standards, he transmitted to
the Moslem royal camp. The Moslem general eulogized the Hungarian hero
for his uncommon bravery, and sent him a sword and a robe of honour as
tokens of his high esteem for him, which, of course, had the effect
of stimulating him in his career to greater deeds of valour. Warad,
which had been wrested from the Hungarians, and which Satúrjí Mohammed
Páshá had endeavoured in vain to reconquer, as before observed, fell
into the hands of Botchkai, who put every infidel German he found in it
to the sword. He dispersed or overcame with immense loss to the enemy
every army the Germans brought to oppose him. He reduced the city and
fortress of Tokay; subdued Wakasha, and took several German provinces;
and in a very short period, the greater portion of Hungary fell under
his dominion. Still bent on further conquest, Botchkai sent a number of
princes he had taken prisoners, and also some splendid presents, to the
Moslem general, accompanied by letters requesting further aid against
the Germans; in compliance with which request, the Moslem commander
ordered four thousand Tátárs under the command of a nephew of Toktamish
Gheráí to accompany Bektásh Páshá, and a portion of the feudatory
troops under him, to his assistance. On the same occasion, or soon
afterwards, a diploma for exercising regal authority over Transylvania,
a robe of honour, some ammunition and standards were also sent him on
the part of the Ottoman government.
The rise and exploits of Botchkai are, however, differently related.
Petcheví says, that the former emír, with whom Botchkai had been
conjoined, was taken prisoner by the infidels, the Germans, but had
made his escape. One day, as he was dressing his garden, Botchkai
began to converse with the ex-emir about the Germans, when the other
replied: “Send me to the Ottoman general, and I promise you I will
bring the whole of the Moslem army to your assistance; and, moreover, I
pledge myself to get you made king of Transylvania.”
The speaker, it may be observed in passing, had himself some thoughts
of throwing off the German yoke some time before this, and it was for a
rumour of this kind which had reached the ear of the emperor of Austria
that he had been imprisoned; but as no sufficient evidence of this his
intention had been produced, he was set at liberty. But to return.
Botchkai replied that the inhabitants of the country were in general
Christians, and would not on that very account humble themselves so
far as to put themselves under the Turks. “Why,” said the ex-emir,
“they did so in the days of Soleimán, and it was well with them. Why
not do it at this time?” After having conversed for some time on this
subject, Botchkai yielded to the advice of his adviser and sent him to
the vezír; who was introduced to his excellency by Mohammed Páshá’s
nephew, at that time interpreter to Bektásh Páshá. He spent a few days
in secret consultation with his excellency, to whom he explained the
object of his mission, and then returned. But it was not till after
three or four such interviews were held and a contract entered into,
that Botchkai unfurled the standard of rebellion against the emperor
of Austria. It was not, moreover, till Botchkai had completely subdued
the whole of the German fortresses on both sides of the river Tise
(Tibiscus), that he came forward to seek that aid from the Muselmans
which, no doubt, had been promised him.
The emperor of Austria was no sooner apprized of Botchkai’s revolt,
than he sent a person of the name of Báshtái Yúrkí with German forces
to chastise the rebel; but the former were totally defeated in the
very first engagement. Botchkai, in the meantime, having received a
reinforcement of Tátár and Temiswar troops from the grand vezír, his
courage was amazingly increased, and he followed up his victory with
rapidity and zeal. Every town and village which owned subjection to
the German despot he exposed to all the horrors of war and rapine, and
returned with immense booty, and joined the Moslem army in the capacity
of a vassal of the Ottoman empire.
The promise which the vezír had made to obtain for him the royalty of
Hungary (not of Transylvania, as before mentioned) he also punctually
fulfilled after he returned to Constantinople, as we shall afterwards
see. Gúzelcheh Mahmúd Páshá, who, in consequence of the part he had
acted in the tumult which had taken place in the affair of Yemishjí
Hasan Páshá, as formerly mentioned, had fled in disguise, and had lived
all this interval in a sort of monastery or cell belonging to some
Súfis, received his majesty’s pardon, was raised to the dignity of his
former vezírship, and afterwards married Ayesha Sultána, the widow
of the late Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, for whom he paid a dowry of four
thousand akchas (pieces of money).
_Concerning the defeat of Kásim Páshá._