before Reván in their first attempts against that city, they at last
prevailed. The sháh having again resumed his operations against Reván,
pressed the besieged exceedingly, and afterwards sent a messenger to
the inhabitants, calling upon them to capitulate. The Revánís, however,
were not so disposed, and in their zeal slew the messenger, in order to
convince the sháh how determined they were. The sháh was exasperated at
this, collected his whole force against their city, and redoubled his
efforts; and in consequence of his having succeeded in destroying the
aqueducts which conveyed water under-ground into the city, he by this
means subjected them to a famine of water, a most dreadful privation.
They, however, managed to collect so much of this necessary element
in wells and ditches within the city, as in some measure to assuage
their thirst, and were thus enabled to maintain their defiance of the
enemy. Finding, however, that continued resistance only augmented
their danger; that their resources were daily becoming less, and
that they were wholly cut off from receiving any succour whatever
from the Moslem army, they became totally dispirited. Exertion and
deaths weakened them so much that the enemy at length, by one vigorous
assault, took the city. Many of the Sunnís were made prisoners by the
conquerors, but the greater part of them perished by their swords. Thus
fell Reván, after a siege of seven weeks. At the commencement of the
siege the number of the inhabitants amounted to five or six thousand.
One thousand five hundred of this number died in defence of their city,
and about five hundred were carried off by death. About one half of the
whole became traitors, so that, in fact, only five hundred, at most,
was the whole strength of Reván when it fell into the hands of the
red-heads.
_The Sháh conquers Shirwán._
According to the celebrated historian, Hasan Beg Zádeh, Ketábjí Omar
Páshá succeeded Khádem Hasan Páshá as governor of Shirwán; but he
having been deposed, the government was conferred on Mahmúd Páshá,
son of Jeghala Zádeh Sinán Páshá. Alája Atlú Hasan Páshá, who had
distinguished himself by his bravery and heroism in the wars in
Hungary, being appointed to the government of Erzerúm, sent thither
one Mustafa Chávush, a relation of his wife, a most extraordinary
man, as his deputy, but this man from the severity of his conduct
excited the people of Erzerúm, proverbial for their ferocity, to acts
of violence. They stoned and banished the poor deputy out of the
city, and grasped the whole of his property. The governor himself, on
hearing of these outrages, went to Shirwán, but the inhabitants were
determined that neither he nor his deputy should enter their city; they
however delivered back the things they had seized. Hasan Páshá had no
alternative left him but to send a representation of the case to the
court of Constantinople, whence he received a letter, appointing him
to the government of Shirwán. This new appointment, it would seem, was
made before Mahmúd Páshá, also a vezír’s son, and governor of Shirwán,
was apprized of his having been superseded by Hasan Páshá. Hasan Páshá,
however, having spent about a month before he thought of proceeding to
his new government, died ere he commenced the journey, and Mahmúd was
confirmed in his superiority of Shirwán. It has been said been said
that his death had been occasioned by a poisonous draught administered
to him at a feast at which he had been present.
The Kuzil báshes at this time advanced on Shumakhai and took it, and
shortly afterwards Shirwán met with the same fate. Mohammed Effendí,
who was academical lecturer of Karah Bágh, relates that Sháh Abbás
spared neither young nor old, but subjected all to a general slaughter
with a recklessness not to be described. Mahmúd Páshá happened to be at
Shumakhai when it was attacked, but made his escape to Greece.
_Kars is besieged.—Other acts of hostility by the red-heads._
Hasan Beg Zádeh relates, that when Sháh Abbás had laid siege to Reván,
or shortly after, Sheríf Mohammed Páshá, having obtained the promise of
personal security, went to wait on the sháh, who in the most cowardly
and barbarous manner slew him. It was during the time the sháh was
engaged in reducing the above-mentioned city, that a division of the
Persian army, under the command of Emír Gunah Khán, was sent to reduce
the fortress of Akcha Kalla. Emír Gunah Khán having succeeded in the
taking of Akcha Kalla without fighting a single battle, drove the whole
of the Armenian peasantry in that quarter to Ispahan. The country
around Reván, having fallen into the hands of the enemy, was conferred
on this heretical chief.
After the sháh had accomplished the reduction of Reván, he led his
forces against Kars, and laid siege to it. The warriors of Kars, and
about four hundred Osmánlís, who had escaped thither from Reván, the
greater part of whom were wounded, were animated by such a spirit of
valour as vigorously to resist the invading host. The perverted sháh
was completely enraged; and sent them word, that when he took the place
he would not spare one of them.
Kurus, another place, but of less note, also fell into the hands of the
enemy, but the poor Musselmans who had escaped were surrounded by Gusah
Sefer Páshá, emír of Erzerúm. About this same time also, the enemy
attempted the taking of Akhiska, at least they manifested a disposition
to do so; but God protected it. Karah Kásh Páshá was, at that time,
hákim or governor of Akhiska, and was present in it when this hostile
disposition was manifested. Three hundred Persians, who had advanced
with full purpose of attacking the above place, took up their quarters
in a large dwelling not far from it, in which they gave themselves up
to most shameful actions. Thither they collected the females belonging
to the Armenian peasantry, and carried on with them the most obscene
courses. Their husbands, of course, were enraged at seeing their wives
thus used; and, therefore, secretly sent word to Sefer Sheríf Páshá;
who, without loss of time, attacked them with the few men who had
escaped from Reván. The mode of attack was rather singular: they made
a hole in the roof of the house wherein these voluptuous wretches had
taken up their quarters, and after they had fairly entered it, they
rose up and slew every one of these drunken revellers, who never once
dreamt of the destruction that awaited them. Their heads were severed
from their bodies and sent to Constantinople.
Sheríf Páshá, and also Karah Kásh Páshá, to whom we have been
referring, perished in a defeat which Jeghala Zádeh afterwards
sustained. It is said in the Fezliké, however, that the sháh, after he
had conquered Reván, shewed very great respect to Sheríf Páshá, and
conferred on him the superintendence of the mosques and other religious
establishments; and also that Sheríf Páshá spent the remainder of his
life at Meshhed. About four hundred families who had accepted of offers
which the sháh had made them, were all sent off to Kurus under the
charge of Mohammed Páshá, son of Khezer Páshá.
About this period, Sáa’tjí Hasan Páshá, the beglerbeg of Erzerúm, and
the commander-in-chief of the Turkish forces in the east, died, and
the troops became dispersed; but before we can attend further to the
relation of the affairs of the east, we have to commence the events of
the following year.
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1013, H.
On the 20th of Moharrem, a tremendous earthquake, which happened at
Bassra, effected the demolition of the greater number of houses, both
inside and outside of the city, and under their ruins many thousand
individuals perished.
_The grand vezír, Alí Páshá, sets put for Belgrade._
We have noticed in a former section of this work the great reluctance
the grand vezír, Alí Páshá, had evinced against going to the Hungarian
wars, and how strenuously he had endeavoured to get his appointment as
commander-in-chief over the forces employed on the Hungarian frontiers
countermanded, but to no purpose. All he could do or say had no effect
in altering the determination of the emperor. He was obliged to
proceed. The Bosnian and Romeilian troops, the ághá of the janissaries,
six legions of spáhís, and other divisions of troops were appointed to
accompany the grand vezír. The lord high treasurer, Etmekjí Zádeh, was
also ordered to join the expedition.
The grand vezír, previous to his departure, appointed Súfí Sinán Páshá
his deputy, in room of Háfiz Ahmed Páshá, whom he intended to send to
the government of Bosnia. Háfiz Ahmed Páshá retired into a garden on
the outside of the city, and there remained five or ten days, under the
pretence of waiting for the arrival of camels and mules to enable him
to commence his journey to Bosnia. When the prime minister learned,
however, that Háfiz Ahmed Páshá delayed in the manner he did, he sent
him the most peremptory orders to set out without any further delay.
He intimated, moreover, in a note which he afterwards sent him, that
his obstinacy would force him to be guilty of shedding blood. “If you
will not obey,” said the haughty premier, “I shall come in person
and terminate your existence upon earth.” This intimation was enough
to convince Háfiz that his life was in actual danger, and he now did
all he could to show that he was earnest in obeying the injunctions
which had been laid upon him, though he secretly, at the same time,
endeavoured to thwart the views of the premier.
The grand vezír, Alí Páshá, at length left Constantinople, and with
great pomp and show proceeded to Dávud Páshá, where his tent had been
erected for him. The grandees and nobles of every rank accompanied
the illustrious commander, and showed him every mark of esteem and
respect; and it is certainly true that no vezír ever met with more
honour from any emperor than did Alí Páshá from the reigning monarch.
On the fifth day of the above month his imperial majesty accompanied
the heroic army as far as Halkalú, where he took a view of them from
his lofty palace, and admired the splendid appearance they presented.
The grand vezír, on this occasion, requested his majesty to order the
funds necessary for conducting his army and carrying on the war to be
sent him; but whilst waiting at the above place for the anticipated
ducats, he received a most threatening royal letter, which intimated
to him in the plainest terms, that, if he wished to keep his head on
his shoulders, he must not delay his march one single day longer.
The grand vezír, compelled to activity, was making arrangements the
following day for complying with the threatening intimation which had
been sent him, when it began to be rumoured that the bostánjí báshí
had been sent by royal orders to call Háfiz Ahmed Páshá to court,
and that he was appointed by royal commission to the káímakámship of
Constantinople. Súfí Sinán Páshá, who had been appointed to this high
office by the grand vezír, as before observed, had actually entered on
the duties of the deputyship, and had done the customary obeisance to
the emperor after his appointment: such, indeed, was the fact. On the
Friday of that week, as Háfiz Ahmed Páshá was performing his devotions,
the royal commission appointing him to the deputyship of Constantinople
reached him. He accordingly without delay repaired to his own palace,
and ordered the diván to meet on the following day. He also sent his
saláms (compliments) to Súfí Sinán Páshá, and with the view of making
him acquainted with the change his majesty had thought proper to
make, desired him likewise to attend. Súfí Sinán, when he saw Háfiz’s
messenger, thought, at first, he was come from Alí Páshá, and asked him
if the grand vezír had sent him. “No,” said the officer, “it was Háfiz
Ahmed Páshá.” “Am I to understand by this message,” asked Súfí Sinán,
with some degree of surprise, “that Háfiz is appointed káímakám?” The
officer answered in the affirmative. Súfí Sinán, on having his doubts
solved, rose up and went to congratulate Háfiz on his appointment, as
if he had been altogether a neutral person, and in no way affected by
the change.
Early next morning, Háfiz Ahmed Páshá went to the diván, where he
caused several propositions to be drawn up in reference to the two holy
cities, Mecca and Medina, which were afterwards read in the presence of
his majesty. Before the members of the diván had dismissed, however,
he caused another paper to be drawn out, wherein he asked permission
to go and see the grand vezír. This paper he folded up with the other
papers relative to Mecca and Medina, and laid them before the throne;
returned to his own palace, he ordered his horse to be in readiness,
as he meant, he said, to set out on a journey to Chatálijeh, a
considerable distance from Constantinople. The distance however, on the
one hand, and the heat of the weather on the other, he considered were
so great that he should be unable to be back in time for the meeting
of the diván on the following day; he therefore gave up all idea of
proceeding, and entering into a secret chamber, commenced talking of
visiting his majesty and the grand vezír. Whilst his domestics were
wondering in themselves what he would next take into his head, an
officer from the emperor’s chaplain arrived, and advised the páshá not
to go to the vezír. “There was no need for it,” he said; “besides the
grand vezír was a furious man, and might offer him some disrespect.”
Such was the import of the officer’s advice, which he had been desired
to communicate by his master to Háfiz. However, Háfiz was successful in
another way, which was this: One Kullili Dilsiz soon afterwards called
on Háfiz, and told him that he was carrying letters to the grand vezír
from the emperor, which had some reference to him, and advised him
to take an opportunity of following him. He did so; had an interview
with the grand vezír at Chatálijeh; and returned in time sufficient to
attend the diván the following morning.
It has been conjectured that the grand vezír (now called the serdár
or commander-in-chief), on his arrival at Adrianople, had removed
Abulmeymín Mustafa Effendí from the office of the high priesthood, and
had appointed Siná allah Effendí in his stead. His removal was entirely
owing to the enmity and preconcerted measures of the late Kásim Páshá,
and the emperor’s chaplain.
Alí Páshá, the serdár or commander-in-chief, continued his march
towards Belgrade; but a disease with which he had been afflicted was
so very much increased by the late unhappy events which had distressed
him, that his health declined considerably. The vexation he endured in
consequence of the instalment of Háfiz Ahmed Páshá into the deputyship,
preyed so much on his spirits that by the time he reached Sophia, he
was unable to take food or nourishment of any kind. He became worse and
worse at every succeeding stage, and had scarcely reached Belgrade,
and saluted Mohammed Páshá, the acting commander-in-chief, when he
gave up the ghost. His death took place on the 28th of the month
Sefer. Such is the history and end of Alí Yávuz Páshá grand vezír and
commander-in-chief.
We must now advert to the history of the other commander-in-chief,
Jeghala Zádeh Sinán Páshá, who was appointed to conduct the Moslem army
against the Persians.
Jeghala Sinán Páshá was the oldest of all the beglerbegs when he
was appointed to the chief command in the east: he was once, for a
short time, grand vezír; afterwards válí of Syria; and lastly lord
high admiral of the Ottoman fleet. This office he held at the moment
when the government had fixed on him for taking the command of the
forces employed against the Persians. He was, therefore, a person who
was acquainted with the art of war, both by sea and land. It was in
consequence of the high reputation which he had acquired, and of the
knowledge which he possessed of the countries of the east, and in which
he himself had served, that the late grand vezír had requested his
appointment.
On the 16th of Dhu’l hijja he passed over to Scutari, as we have
already observed; and on the 17th he commenced his march with such
troops as were there waiting for him, and which were composed of
various kinds. On reaching Nicomedia (in Bythinia) the feudatory troops
which composed his right wing began to represent that they belonged,
properly, to the army of Romeili, and asked if they were to be paid
wages if they continued in conjunction with the army of Anatolia. A
firmán was immediately issued which assured them that they should. On
arriving on the confines of Erzerúm, he was joined by the followers
of the late Delí Hasan, along with their leader Karah Kásh Ahmed, who
all swore fealty to the Ottoman government, pretending at least to
have repented of their misconduct and rebellion. In a few days more
he was joined by several others, particularly by the beglerbeg of
Erzerúm, Gusháh Sefer (a very brave man, and remarkably well skilled
in horsemanship, who was raised to dignity and honour from the humble
situation of serving in the imperial kitchen) with four thousand men,
well armed, whom he had collected in the greatest haste. The active
Ahmed Páshá, beglerbeg of Wán, with three or four thousand veterans,
met the grand army in the plains of Pas. On the 15th of Jemadi II., the
whole of the Moslem army reached Kurus, when they halted for ten days,
in order to give time for other troops to join the royal standard,
and for the return of Karah Kásh Ahmed, who had been sent out on a
depredatory excursion.
Sháh Abbás, when he heard of the advance of the Osmánlís, removed his
troops from Reván and from Akcha Kalla, where they had been posted, and
retreated. This information had no sooner reached the Moslem camp, than
Sefer Páshá addressed the commander-in-chief for permission to advance
with a party of veterans and intercept the sháh in his retreat. “His
army was comparatively small,” said Sefer, “and if you advance with the
grand army in the ordinary way, to my support, I am not without hopes,
if you agree to my proposal, of being able to bring the sháh bound in
fetters before you.” Such was the heroic language of Sefer Páshá, but
the serdár was deaf to all his entreaties. He pretended to be waiting
for the arrival of Karah Kásh; and even when Karah Kásh did arrive, he
was as far as ever from complying with Sefer Páshá’s proposal. Thus,
by delay and hesitation, the enemy was not only allowed to withdraw to
a greater distance, but had time afforded them for preparing to offer
a more formidable resistance; whilst the grand army by this procedure,
was exposed to greater danger, to more difficulties, and to a less
chance of success.
The commander-in-chief was indeed at length roused to some activity;
but it was only when he perceived the season for warlike operations
fast passing away, without his having gained one single advantage,
that he was thus roused. Without paying any regard to the councils of
Sefer Páshá, which might have been attended with glorious results,
had he allowed himself to be swayed by them, he again commenced his
march in pursuit of the retreating enemy, and even sent letters to
the sháh offering him battle, but the wary sháh paid no regard to
his invitations. By the time the grand army reached Nakhcheván, the
sháh and his army had safely got into the jurisdiction of Tabríz.
The commander-in-chief now saw his error, but it was too late to
correct it; and he was destined, in consequence of his own tardiness
and want of skill, to become more pre-eminently the sport of fortune.
The country round Nakhcheván had been, a little before, the theatre
of rebellion and of devastation; and in consequence of this, the
cities and villages were enduring the greatest calamity from famine,
at the time the Moslem army arrived in Nakhcheván. The serdár, when
he perceived the dismal condition he and his army were in, proposed
marching towards Shirván, where his son, Mahmúd Páshá, was beglerbeg.
The chiefs of the army appeared before the serdár, and told him
he might do what he liked, and take what journey he pleased, but
the heretics were not to be overtaken. It was quite impracticable,
they said, to follow them with a large army; nor would it prove any
advantage, they further observed, to march against Tabríz and lay
siege to it. The season for retiring into winter-quarters was just at
hand, and they therefore thought it would be more prudent to return
to their own country. The serdár was totally averse to this proposal,
and endeavoured to dissuade them from urging this measure. He did so
by representing to them how desirable it was to terminate the campaign
honourably; that there still remained a chance of their succeeding;
and that it would be much more wise, under all circumstances, to take
up their winter-quarters in Gunjah and in Karabágh, than to return to
Turkey before they had accomplished something worthy of their name.
This speech had the desired effect: the troops struck their tents, and
marched forward towards Tabríz. After having passed the river Ars,
and accomplished a few stages, they learned that they were within a
stage or two of coming up with the sháh, who was retreating with all
his might before them. Sefer Páshá, Ahmed Páshá, beglerbeg of Sivás,
and Alasha Atlí Hasan Páshá, earnestly implored the commander-in-chief
to be allowed to proceed with a body of light troops and overtake the
sháh, but he again refused to grant them their request, and maintained
his usual obstinacy. On reaching Wán, he distributed his troops into
different cantonments, but he himself remained at Wán for the winter.
The more discerning of the troops, it must be observed, however,
opposed the serdár, and endeavoured to dissuade him from disbanding
his army, but their efforts were all in vain. They represented to him
that the steps he was about to take were altogether inconsistent
with the general safety; and for a commander-in-chief to winter on
the frontiers, without any army, might be very aptly compared, they
said, “to a head without hands or feet.” Moreover, they maintained
that the thing was altogether unprecedented. The serdár, as we have
already observed, continued inflexible; took up his quarters in Wán,
and conferred the government of the country on Ahmed Páshá. Ahmed Páshá
being indisposed when this appointment took place, the serdár sent his
chief physician to perform the duties of the new governor, and finally
conferred the situation on Alí Páshá.
In the meantime, however, the serdár found means to conciliate the
Kúrdistán chiefs, and called them together to the city of Wán, with the
view of consulting them about his affairs and the state of things in
general. But the sháh no sooner learned that the serdár had dispersed
his army than he collected together his detestable and diabolical
heretics, with the intention of attacking Wán. He accordingly
despatched a division of these atheists towards Wán, whilst he himself,
under cover of the night, followed that division with the whole of his
disposable forces, and took up his position before Wán, but at such a
distance that no cannon could reach him. At daylight on the following
morning the unfortunate and infatuated serdár had his eyes opened to
the very critical and hazardous situation into which his obstinacy had
brought him. He tried to make the best of it he could. He assembled
all the Kurds and others that were in Wán together, and deputed one
Rázieh Zádeh Mustafa to take the command of them. Mustafa and his
troops made a sortie, but they found the heretics too numerous for them
and returned. Khundán Aghá and his two sons were unfortunately taken
prisoners by the Kuzil báshes on the above occasion.