and went out to the war. At the taking of Agria in 1005, Jeghala
Zádeh Sinán Páshá was created grand vezír in Ibrahím’s room; but
forty-five days afterwards the latter was made grand vezír a second
time. Khádem Hasan Páshá was created grand vezír in 1006, but was
soon afterwards deposed and murdered. Jeráh Páshá succeeded him in
office. Ibrahím Páshá was called a third time to adorn the office of
premier, and died a short time after the taking of Kaniza. Yemishjí
Hasan Páshá, who had arrived at the lofty preeminence of filling the
offices of grand vezír and commander-in-chief, was, for his obstinacy
and inhumanity, assassinated. Yávuz Alí Páshá, who had been recalled
from the government of Egypt, was, in 1012, raised to the premiership.
Khalíl Páshá was by birth a Bosnian. On his leaving the royal harem
he advanced by degrees to various honours and places of trust, and
at last became grand vezír, and son-in-law to his majesty. He was
succeeded in the deputyship of Constantinople by Ibrahím Páshá, who
was also created second vezír. He died on the 19th of Rajab, and was
buried near Tekelí Tásh, opposite Alí Páshá’s mosque. The eunuch, Háfiz
Ahmed Páshá, was also governor or deputy of Constantinople; and so was
Sáa’tjí Hasan Páshá, but was afterwards degraded. Gúzelcheh Mahmúd
Páshá succeeded to the same high office, but having been implicated in
one of the late tumults, he fled and remained concealed for a while.
He rose again, however, to the dignity of vezír. Hasan Páshá, son of
Sokollí Mohammed Páshá, was shot by a musket-ball at Tokat. He was
válí of Baghdád, and having marched to quell the rebellions which began
to assume a formidable appearance in that quarter, he fell a martyr
by their rebellious hands. The reader may easily recall to his memory
this part of his history as recorded in a former part of this work.
Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, who had conducted the unsuccessful war against
Warad, was assassinated at Belgrade. Mustafa Páshá was the son of
the honourable Rázieh (a lady), and became a vezír of the kubba.[12]
Hájí Ibrahím Páshá having been routed by the rebels in the east, was
deposed, and afterwards died a martyr in Egypt. Tarnákjí Hasan Páshá,
who had been appointed governor of the province of Baghdád, on coming
out from the royal palace after he had paid his respects to the emperor
for the honour he had conferred on him, killed Yemishjí Hasan Páshá,
the late grand vezír.
_Concerning the ulemá, or higher order of ecclesiastics._
Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí Ben Hasanján, tutor or domestic chaplain to the
late emperor, a very reverend judge in all ecclesiastical affairs,
counsellor of state and privy counsellor to his majesty, was raised
to all these high offices during the reign of the late monarch, and
died on the 12th of Rabia II., 1008, whilst employed in celebrating,
in St. Sophia, the service peculiar to his majesty’s nativity. His
remains were conveyed to the mosque erected by Sultán Mohammed, and
were afterwards interred in a select spot in Abúaiyúb. Siná-allah
Effendí performed the funeral ceremony, and his four sons, all of them
ulemá and pillars of religion and of the state, conveyed their father’s
remains to the place of interment. The very reverend Mohammedan father,
Bostán, filled, on two occasions, the office of high priest: he died in
1007. Abdulmomín Mustafa Effendí succeeded Siná-allah Effendí during
the disturbance which had taken place in the affair of Yemishjí Hasan
Páshá, which we have already recorded. He was judge in Anatolia, and
was raised by Yemishjí to the muftiship, but he became afterwards
the cause of his benefactor’s death. Abdulbákí, the famous Turkish
poet, was repeatedly chief judge in Greece, but died whilst out of
office in 1008. Hesám-ud-dín, the son of Karah Chelebí Effendí, was
repeatedly chief judge in Romeili, but died out of office in 1008.
Ahmed-ul-nasárí was descended from Abdullah: he was one of the most
excellent of men. Ibrahím Chelebí has given a very full and complete
exposition of his Multeka al Bahrín.[13] He was more than once chief
judge in Greece; was thence translated into Egypt, and thence again
to the Ka’ba, where he died. Muselleh-ud-dín Bostán Zádeh died after
he had retired from the cazíship of Greece. The very reverend and
learned Bostán Chelebí Zádeh died during his incumbency in Turkey.
The dignified Mustafa Ebn Abú-as-sa’úd-al-omádí was successor to the
last-mentioned, and died in 1008. The respectable Abdul helím died out
of office. Kúsh Yahia Effendí retired from office in 1006, and died the
following year at sea, on his way to Egypt. Many more names might be
added to this list of learned and excellent men, but there would be no
end of them, they are so numerous.
_Of the Mesháiekh, or priests._
Sheikh Muhad ul hamíd wrote a commentary during the time he was
preacher or lecturer in St. Sophia: he was a learned divine. Sheikh
Khezer, the son of a distinguished officer, was a very learned man,
and translated some excellent works. He fell a martyr in the battle of
Agria. Sheikh Shems-ud-dín was a man of such uncommon abstemiousness,
piety, sympathy, and fine feeling, as were not to be imitated. He
exerted himself in the battle of Agria. He translated Imám A’zím’s
system of ethics into Turkish. He is the author of several other
works. Sheikh Mírmírán was very conspicuous for his great temperance
and piety. He was one of those authors who embellished their writings
with drawings. He fell a martyr at the battle of Agria in company with
Beyabáshí Zádeh, and his pure body was not afterwards found. Sheikh
Mahmúd Effendí is noticed in the register of the reign of Murád: he was
a man of great eminence, and was much esteemed by the reigning monarch
in consequence of his political abilities. Sheikh Hasan Effendí was
sheikh in Ibrahím Páshá’s religious establishment: he went on a journey
to Yemen, where he died. Sheikh Váa’z was a man of the first-rate
talents: he was preacher in the mosque of Soleimán; on the days of
assembly he expounded the doctrines of religion to the people, and
immediately after answered and explained difficult questions. He was
strongly opposed to every thing inconsistent with religion, and laid
the severest prohibitions on those who were guilty of transgressing the
precepts of the true faith. Some of the nobles, on account of this very
great strictness, spoke reproachfully of him, and once or twice got him
banished the city; but by the gracious assistance of God he overcame
his enemies, and was again allowed to return to the metropolis.
Sheikh Ismáíl employed himself in the chapel or monastery of Galata
in translating poetry. He left behind him a beautiful paraphrase or
commentary on the Mesnevi, or book of moral doctrines. His seven
published volumes have not escaped the censure of some of the learned;
but it must be acknowledged that he was a man of charming and excellent
qualities. He died in 1012.
Sultán Ahmed Khán ascended the throne of the Ottomans on the 18th of
Rajab, and began his regal authority by a written message to Kásim
Páshá, the káímakám. This written message was folded in a napkin, and
handed to a certain officer, who was desired to deliver it into Kásim’s
own hand. The officer being informed that the message committed to his
charge was a royal one, hastened with all speed, and delivered it to
his excellency the deputy. The deputy, however, found himself unable
to read the communication, and therefore applied to the officer for
information as to the person who sent it. The officer replied that the
ághá of the palace had delivered it to him, and had told him at the
same time it was a royal message. Kásim appeared exceedingly surprised,
and said, the writing wanted the points, and was, therefore, unlike
his majesty’s manner of writing. The letters, continued he, cannot
be deciphered, and of course the meaning cannot be discovered. He
appeared as it were perplexed and confounded at this unaccountable
circumstance, and called Hasan Beg Zádeh to read it to him. Hasan drew
near to the páshá, and read and explained the mysterious document,
which ran thus: “Thou art Kásim Páshá. My father, in the providence
of God, is now no more, and I have ascended the throne of power. You
shall maintain order and good government in the city. If any villany
or wickedness should happen, I shall cut off your head. The conclusion
of the sultán’s words.” Kásim had no sooner heard and understood the
import of the _khati sheríf_, than he became absorbed in grief and
astonishment: so much so, indeed, that many of his friends were led to
think his health was affected; for none, except those in the palace,
knew as yet any thing of the decease of Sultán Mohammed Khán, which
had happened only a few hours before the message had been sent to
Kásim. Kásim, however, thought of a contrivance by which he might know
the utmost of a matter which he had reason to fear presaged no good
to him. Accordingly, he wrote to the ághá of the palace, and stated,
that he, a poor insignificant creature, had just received an imperial
note, the meaning of which, however, he was incapable of discovering.
“Perhaps,” continued the sly and cunning deputy, “it may have been
intended to try us, or it is an intimation that our services are no
longer necessary. In either case, we hope you will have the goodness
to remove our doubts upon the subject.” This note was sent by the same
person who had been the bearer of the imperial edict to himself; and it
was not long before he was called into the chamber of audience, where
he beheld Sultán Ahmed Khán sitting in great splendour on the chair of
state, and who explained to him the meaning of the document which had
alarmed him so much. Kásim Páshá kissed the ground and retired, and the
sultán proceeded to the diván and took his seat on the royal chair. A
messenger was immediately afterwards sent with a note to the mufti,
informing him of what had happened at the palace, and orders were
issued also to the ághá of the artificers to get a royal bier prepared;
the nobles and grandees of the state were invited to assemble. The
servants of the diván, when they saw the preparations that were going
forward, supposed Sultán Mohammed Khán was coming forth, and that all
the arrangements which had been made, and were making, were on his
account. It was no such thing. A throne was erected, but it was not for
him. Their eyes, however, were soon opened to the whole secret. The
mufti, Mustafa Effendí, arrived, and proceeded along under the golden
arch, accompanied by all the vezírs, until he and they reached the foot
of a throne, which had purposely been erected for the occasion. The
young prince, dressed in mourning, advanced towards them and saluted
them; then approached the throne, and desired he might be inaugurated
thereon. The Chávushes immediately raised their voices, and sounded
his praises to the third heaven. Silence being again obtained, the
reverend mufti, the vezírs, and all the other dignitaries, approached
him and congratulated the new emperor. This ceremony ended, the emperor
made his saláms and retired; the throne which had been erected was
removed, and shortly afterwards all the vezírs, ulemá, and great men,
were supplied with black crape for their turbans; but such as were
not furnished with this emblem of sorrow and respect for the deceased
monarch, put black bands on their arms. All now waited without at the
gate of the mansion of felicity for the appearance of the remains of
Sultán Mohammed Khán.
At this time, notwithstanding the delicacy, as well as solemnity, of
the occasion, Kásim Páshá could not hide the ambition which filled his
breast. His eye and heart were on the grand vezírship, and without
incurring the risk of delay, he tried to persuade the reverend mufti to
sound his majesty on this point. The project, however, did not succeed.
The royal remains, after having been put into a coffin, were brought
forth, and the reverend mufti performed the funeral ceremonies,
according to custom. Ahmed, the new emperor, retired within the palace;
and the vezírs and great men accompanied the royal bier to St. Sophia,
where the corpse was interred in the royal sepulchre. Provisions were
distributed amongst the poor and orphans in the city, for the benefit
of the soul of the deceased, and other acts of charity were performed
with the same view.
The ambitious Kásim Páshá sought to ingratiate himself into the favour
of the new emperor, and desired to be called into his presence. His
efforts, however, not only failed, but terminated in a prohibition of
his approaching his sacred majesty on any account whatever. Once more
despair became his companion; he however found courage and confidence
to try his fortune once more. Having neglected or forgotten on the
day of inauguration to show respect to Mustafa Effendí, the emperor’s
spiritual guide, and hearing that he was held in great estimation
by his master, he sent a deputation to him with splendid gifts and
presents, with the view of gaining his good offices in his behalf; but
he was again thwarted. Alí Páshá, _i. e._ Yávuz Alí Páshá, the grand
vezír, who was now in power, and possessed great influence in his
majesty’s counsels, was the person who caused Kásim Páshá’s removal and
banishment from court altogether.
_The arrival of the fleet.—Concerning the grand vezír, Yávuz Alí Páshá._
It so happened that the very day on which his majesty’s inauguration
was performed the royal fleet arrived from the Mediterranean, and the
admiral, Jeghala Zádeh Sinán Páshá, had the honour of kissing the new
emperor’s hand. The admiral, by that imperial command, was decorated
with a robe of honour.
Yávuz Alí Páshá had been recalled from Egypt with the view of being
raised to the premiership; and though the seals of office had been
actually sent to him when it was known that he had arrived in Turkey,
yet he did not reach Constantinople till the 25th of Rajab. On arriving
there he waited on his royal master, and afterwards went to the royal
diván where he took his seat in it. The vezírs and the military
judges also attended, and sat in their respective places. To the new
minister was committed the distribution of the emperor’s munificence
on his exaltation to the throne of his fathers, and he, it must be
observed, brought with him from Egypt two years’ arrears of taxes;
a circumstance, no doubt, which rendered it more easy for him to be
liberal than perhaps he otherwise could have been. Seven hundred
thousand pieces of gold were accordingly taken from the royal treasury,
and sent to the various troops throughout the empire. This fact alone
was a sufficient indication of the wide extent of the pecuniary
resources of the Ottoman government, and may well excite surprise:
but the fact is certain, and Alí Páshá, by whose means this handsome,
but vast sum, was allotted for the use of the military and naval
services, had no sooner made the necessary arrangements respecting its
distribution, than he dressed himself in his ministerial robes, and
went to the palace of Siávush Páshá to hold a council. Hereupon Kásim
Páshá, the káímakám and second vezír, and Kúrd Páshá, third vezír,
by virtue of their offices, entered and took their seats. The result
of the deliberations of the council (at which Alí Páshá, the grand
vezír, presided), was in the passing of some wholesome regulations with
respect to just and equitable government, which materially affected
the iron hand of oppression and tyranny in some quarters. The council,
after having fixed the tariff or tax to be paid to the government, and
settled other points of importance to the due administration of law and
justice, the people were regularly warned to take care not to trespass
on these and similar regulations.
In the beginning of Shabán, the orthodox emperor went in solemn
procession to the tomb of his fathers, and there performed the duty and
showed the respect due to their memory. On the second day of the month
the money which Alí Páshá brought with him from Egypt was transferred
to the imperial treasury. On the same day Mustafa Aghá, the ághá of
the kapú, who was very old and infirm, was removed from office, and
Kor Mohammed Aghá, the ághá of the seraglio, was appointed in his
stead. On the 6th, the mother of the deceased emperor was removed to
the old palace. Abdulrezák Aghá, ághá of the royal palace, was removed
from office, and replaced by Mustafa Aghá. On the 20th his majesty
attended divine service and performed his devotions in the mosque
of Soleimáníyeh; and at night a convivial meeting was held in the
royal palace in honour of the founder of the Moslem faith, with every
demonstration of joy. The same religious ceremony was also observed
throughout other cities. But on the festival day, which soon followed,
the fear of increasing a disorder with which the emperor was afflicted,
prevented his showing himself to the people, a circumstance which
turned their joy into sorrow. He was confined the whole of the day to
his palace, owing to the great pain he suffered, which, however, soon
abated; and he speedily recovered.
_Alí Páshá, grand vezír, is appointed Commander-in-chief over the
troops employed against Hungary, and Jeghala Zádeh is appointed to the
command in the East._
The emperor of Austria continuing to carry on his hostilities in
the north, and Sháh Abbás having unfurled the standard of rebellion
against the Ottoman empire in the east, it was considered absolutely
necessary, in order to support the glory of the empire, to aid in the
most vigorous manner the troops which had been sent to both these
quarters. Accordingly, on the 1st of Ramazán, the grand vezír, Alí
Páshá, was appointed to command the troops employed against the
perverse and wicked Hungarians; and, in three days afterwards, he
relinquished for a while the premiership. The actual kapúdán, or
admiral, Jeghala Zádeh Sinán Páshá, was appointed at the same time to
conduct the Moslem armies against the mixed horde of red-heads (_i.
e._ the Persians). These two military heroes made all due preparations
for their respective expeditions. Jeghala, with the troops appointed
to accompany him from Constantinople, passed over to Scutari on the
15th of Dhu’l hijja. The grand vezír, however, put off his departure
till the commencement of the following year. Hasan Beg Zádeh says
in his history, that it was in a council held in the grand vezír’s
palace that Jeghala Zádeh was appointed to the command of the eastern
troops; but that the grand vezír himself, preferring to remain at the
helm of affairs, wished some one of the other vezírs to be appointed
general against the infidels in the north. He proposed this himself,
and added that he would attend to what was necessary for both armies,
and send them such a supply of men and arms as they might require. This
proposal was not opposed by those who were present on the occasion; but
the mufti hearing of it, declared it to be absolutely necessary that
the grand vezír himself should take the command; and in a subsequent
council, where he was present, maintained that unless the grand vezír
took the command nothing would be done. “Therefore,” said he to his
face, “you must be the person to take the command of the troops in the
north, and setting aside all excuse, you must prepare to set out.” Such
was the bold and intrepid way the mufti addressed him, and at length
persuaded the emperor to issue his firmán accordingly. The grand vezír,
however, tried several methods to rid himself of the appointment; but
finding his efforts unsuccessful, he commenced making arrangements for
the journey which lay before him.
_A variety of changes in the ecclesiastical and military
establishments._
Asa’d Effendí succeeded to the spiritual jurisdiction of Romeili in the
room of the mufti’s son-in-law. On the 22d of Dhu’l hijja, the cazí
of Constantinople, Káfzádeh Feizallah, was degraded, and his office
conferred on Yehiá Effendí. Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of Yemen, was
appointed, towards the end of Rajab, to the government of Egypt; and
his deputy, Sinán Ketkhodá, was made beglerbeg of Yemen in his room.
Kásim Páshá, lately deputy or governor of the Sublime Porte, who,
as we have seen, had been anxious to be made grand vezír, was sadly
disappointed in his views. The grand vezírship had been conferred
by his late majesty on Alí Páshá; and however fit Kásim might have
been for holding that high office, yet it could not, without a breach
of faith and the most palpable injustice, be conferred on him. His
conduct, in fact, showed him, in every point of view to have been
wholly unworthy of the high distinction he so ambitiously and so
perseveringly sought. He was, however, appointed to hold some office
in the city of Baghdád, but neglecting to set off for that city he
awakened the displeasure of the grand vezír, who ordered him forthwith
to set out for Scutari. Here again he loitered away his time, and
it was not till the expiration of several months that he was again
forced to proceed. On reaching Yenísheher, he soon began to oppress
and tyrannize over the inhabitants in the most shameful manner, but
this he expiated with his life. We shall have to advert to this man’s
conduct and death when we come to relate the events of the following
year. About the end of Shevál, Mohammed Páshá, son of Sinán Páshá, who
had been removed from the government of Shám (Syria), but had become a
vezír, was created beglerbeg of Caramania. Hájí Ibrahím Páshá, who had
risen from a defterdár to the rank of beglerbeg, was appointed to the
government of Mesir (Egypt); and Mustafa Páshá, son of Rázieh Khán,
was raised to the government of Shám. Ferhád Páshá, who at first had
been only a bostánjí báshí, but was at this time commandant in Shám,
was raised to the beglerbegship of Haleb (Aleppo), and the válí of
Haleb to that of Sivás. All these appointments were effected by the
instrumentality of Alí Páshá, the grand vezír. Evils resulted from some
of those appointments, and there were not wanting a class of persons
who were much dissatisfied. Murád Páshá, the heroic commander in Buda,
was appointed to a special vezírship; and he, with the vezír Hasan
Páshá, who had been válí of Yemen, were recalled to the Sublime Porte.
Súfí Sinán Páshá, on whom the dignity of vezír had been conferred, but
who had not hitherto had the honour of taking his seat in the diván,
was now called on to do so. On the 6th of Dhu’l Kadah, Khoja Ahmed
Aghá, ághá of the janissaries, was degraded, and the second kapújí
báshí, Nukásh Hasan Aghá, was appointed in his stead.
_Some further account of Delí Hasan (brother of Scrivano)._
To a considerable part of this man’s life and conduct we have already
adverted. We have related how he succeeded to the command of the
insurgents whom his brother, Karah Yázijí (Scrivano, literally the
Black Writer) had headed: how he defeated and slew Hasan Páshá at
Tokat. These things are well known; and it is not to be denied, that
it was only when it was found impracticable to overcome him by arms
that the tempting offer of the government of Bosnia made him at least
feign submission. Many were the enormities which this man committed,
and his success was wonderful. When he went to Belgrade, as observed
in a former section of this work, he sent his lieutenant to Bosna
Serái. This deputy, whose name was Kúrd Ketkhodá, had imbibed the
spirit of his superior; for he perpetrated the most dreadful acts of
tyranny and savage oppression throughout the country of Bosnia. So
terrible and so numerous were the base deeds of this execrable fellow,
that the inhabitants determined on resistance. It was not long ere an
opportunity offered for putting their determination into practice.
Having one day seized on a servant belonging to some tanners he put him
in chains, and this so roused the resentment of the inhabitants that
they all rushed towards his palace and set fire to it. One Khulpil, an
apprentice, slew Kúrd Ketkhodá himself, and the whole of his mansion
perished with him. The people of Banialúka also, with one consent,
drove out of their city such of his creatures as were in it.
As to Delí Hasan himself, he appeared at one time worthy of confidence,
and at another the very reverse. Most of the men who had accompanied
him from Asia perished in the late war, and those of them who returned
with him to Bosnia met with no kind reception there. The inhabitants
could not endure the sight of them, and therefore appointed to
themselves a leader from among their own emírs, whose name was Sefer.
They also wrote to the commander-in-chief, Mohammed Páshá, declaring
they were resolved to oppose the tyrants who had come among them; and
they kept their word; but in their first attack on Delí Hasan and his
barbarians they were worsted. However, gaining experience by their
disaster, they were better prepared for a second attempt, in which they
were completely triumphant. They not only defeated the barbarians, but
seized on the whole of Delí Hasan’s baggage. Delí Hasan escaped with
his life with great difficulty by swimming across the deep river which
passes Izvernik, and sent Sháh-verdí, his acting lieutenant, to the
commander-in-chief at Belgrade with a complaint against the Bosnians.
Sháh-verdí, however, never once thought of returning to tell him what
success he had met with. The commander-in-chief, more generous than
his ambassador, sent him an officer to console him, and afterwards
succeeded in persuading the government of Constantinople to appoint him
to the jurisdiction of Temisvar in lieu of that of Bosnia.
_Continuation of the account of the war carried on against the
heretics.—The Sháh reduces Reván._