The people of Tabríz were thrown into a state of great rage and

indignation at this conduct, and determined on making Ghází Beg and

his followers to feel it. They accordingly resolved on calling to

their aid the people of Nakhcheván, a city not far from Tabríz, in

the view of bringing the people of Silmás to an account for their

infidelity and heresy. This mission was committed to the care of the

válí of the province of Tabríz, Alí Páshá, who, along with others who

had accompanied him, no sooner reached Nakhcheván, than they made

known to the citizens the purport of their embassy. Adherence to the

emperor of the Muselmans, on the one hand, and the chastisement of the

apostate sháh, on the other, was the burden of their message and the

subject of consultation. The enlightened vezír, Sheríf Páshá, válí

of Reván (Erivan), in the view of suppressing the rising rebellion

and corruption, wrote to all quarters, exhorting every one to lend

his aid to this good work; but without any good effect. Finding his

exhortations had not been attended to, he ordered his deputy, Osmán

Aghá, to march with a general army against the heretics; but carefully

warned them to show the heretics, in the first instance, forbearance

and compassion. “If they,” said the mild páshá, “abjure their heresy

and return to the bosom of Islamism again, well; if not, then you

must commence a regular war against them.” The troops from Nakhcheván

and those of Tabríz met at a place which had been previously fixed

on; but before proceeding to extremities they, in conformity to the

orders received from the páshá, first despatched a messenger to

recall the heretics in question to their ancient faith. The proud

and haughty apostates, however, were not to be gained over in that

way. They had taken refuge in the fortress called Karní Yáruk, and

from their batteries answered the Moslem messenger with the sound of

cannon and musketry, as a token of defiance. This was enough: the

means of recalling them to the true faith had been employed, but

were contemptuously rejected; it was therefore proper to attempt

their reduction by force. The Moslem and orthodox army accordingly

advanced and environed Karní Yáruk with the view of laying siege to

it, notwithstanding its immense elevation and great strength. With the

utmost care, and avoiding, as well as possible, the showers of bullets

and arrows which were discharged from the ramparts of the garrison,

they succeeded in mounting so far as to place their standard on its

walls. After employing a whole week in scattering fire and death

among the besieged, the author of the evil began to perceive that all

further resistance would be vain, and, therefore, leaving his wife

and child, threw himself over the wall of the garrison, and made the

best of his way to the sháh. His sons and followers maintained their

resistance for a day or two longer, and then proposed to capitulate.

The orthodox permitted them to retire to any place they chose, and

to take the whole of their property along with them; every Osmánlí

having been prohibited, in the strongest manner, laying a finger on

them, or on their goods, which they were allowed to take along with

them. After this fortress and a few others had been reduced under the

Ottoman power, the troops of Nakhcheván and of Tabríz returned to their

respective homes.

_The Sháh of Persia marches upon Tabríz._

After the Kúrd, Ghází Beg, had made his escape from Karní Yáruk, as

above related, he made his way to the court of Persia, at Ispahan,

where he related the dangers he had undergone and escaped, the success

of the Osmánlís, and earnestly and vehemently urged the Persian

monarch to instant and open hostility against the Turks. He represented

the country of the fire-worshippers, especially the principal city in

it, Tabríz, as abounding with wealth, and that the treasury of it at

that moment was full of money. He said, moreover, that the troops were

very few, if any, and that that was a proper time for pillaging it.

This representation of the Kúrd was all that was necessary for

awakening the cupidity of the perverted sháh, who at once resolved

on reducing the whole of that country under his own authority. This

avaricious sháh, regardless of treaty and common faith, thought of

nothing else but how he might succeed in the attempt. Two or three

thousand of his best troops, Mamlúks, were pushed forward from Ispahan

to Tabríz, by means of caravans, a journey of twenty days, but which

these caravans accomplished in nine, such was the mighty haste they had

made. On the 19th of Rabia II. they erected the standard of hostility

in the plains of Tabríz.

A day or two after the appearance of these invaders the treacherous

Zulfekár Khán, and a number of other rebels, to the number of fifteen

thousand, collected together at a village belonging to some súfís, with

the view of intercepting the Tabrízian army returning from Nakhcheván;

and there they proposed to give them battle as soon as they arrived.

The Tabrízian warriors, after having parted with the Nakhchevánís,

began to retrace their steps homewards, and had reached within a

short distance of the very place where their enemies lay encamped,

with the view of intercepting them and cutting them off. Their

commander-in-chief, Alí Páshá, was made aware by letters of the state

of matters, and of the defection which the presence of the Mamlúks had

occasioned. These letters were sent him from some of the emírs on the

frontiers; but to prevent discouragement arising in the minds of the

Tabrízian warriors, and in order to keep them together, he kept the

information he had received to himself, determined to meet the Persian

heretics with his little orthodox band, only fifteen hundred, whatever

might be the number that should oppose him.

On the morning of the 22d of the month last-mentioned, at sun-rise,

the enemy presented themselves in battle array, their unfurled

banners streaming in the air; and such was the majestic but terrific

appearance which this host of heretics showed, that it completely awed

the little band of Tabrízian troops into something like terror. The

sháh of the _red heads_ (_i.e._ of the Persians) put his host, numerous

as ants, into order, and his trumpets began to be sounded. This sight

increased the terror of the Moslems; but they were determined to meet

them, whatever might be the result. They did so, and fought the infidel

host with a bravery altogether unparalleled; the skill and management

they manifested was extraordinary. They scattered death and fury amidst

the odious heretics. By their immense ardour, their hearts burning

bright with the purest zeal, they successfully repulsed the successive

assaults of the cold-hearted heretics, and fairly despoiled them of

their vain-glorious appearance of valour. A noted rebel of the name of

Gholám Alí Oghlí, who had acted in the capacity of a cherkají báshí to

the enemy, and who had manifested great bravery among the heretics,

fell by the hands of the heroic Karah Hasan. When this circumstance

happened, the cowardly and heartless heretics began to give way; they

were evidently disheartened. It so happened, however, that at this time

one Timúrjí Oghlí, a well-known person, but whose principles were more

detestable than even those of the heretics, though he pretended every

thing valorous, went over, nevertheless, to the enemy with a hundred

of his followers; a circumstance, it must be acknowledged, which had a

powerful effect in depressing the hearts of the faithful few.

But soon a fire broke out within them, which not only destroyed every

thorn of doubt, but also burned up all the rubbish of their suspicious

speculations, with regard to the point to be gained, when again,

with redoubled valour, they set their faces firmly to the contest,

and fought with such desperate courage as can hardly be described.

The contest, however, was most unequal: a few hundreds against many

thousands; but yet a most bloody one. Many a sultán’s head remained

bonnetless on the field of battle; many a khán’s family was left

unprotected in this most desperate struggle, which lasted from sun-rise

till mid-day. True it is that the Tabrízians are a most bold, fierce,

and heroic tribe; and yet, notwithstanding these qualities which shone

in them so conspicuously on the above occasion, their caution and

acuteness was such, that only ten or fifteen of them tasted the cup of

martyrdom, a circumstance which seems truly wonderful. It is recorded,

that a man of immense strength, belonging to the Tabrízians, vanquished

by his sword about sixty of the enemy, the greater part of whom he made

thorns and briars for the fire of hell.

The result of the bloody contest we have to record was fatal to the

Tabrízians. The hateful heretics, like a multitude of ants, ran upon

their antagonists and overcame them by dint of numbers. On that

lamentable day, Mohammed Páshá, who had formerly been governor of

Nakhcheván, and the beglerbeg of Akhiska, Khalíl Páshá, after having

blotted out of the book of life many of the red heads, fell martyrs on

the field. Alí Páshá, himself a Tabrízian, the válí of the province,

performed, on the above day, the most incredible acts of bravery

recorded in history. The sháh himself could not help admiring the

heroism which inspired Alí Páshá, and spoke with approbation of the

wonderful feats he performed before him. In short, the sháh himself

declared that had there not been treachery somewhere, the victory would

not have been so easily won. Such of the brave Tabrízians as had not

the good fortune of falling in battle contending with these hateful

heretics were, of course, subjected to a fate which they esteem truly

vile and abject. They were made prisoners.

The city and fortress of Tabríz, about the middle of the first Jemadi,

after a siege of twenty-two days, yielded, on the conditions of their

persons and property being respected. These the heretics promised,

but failed most shamefully in fulfilling them. As soon as they got

possession of Tabríz, they began to plunder and rob the inhabitants

without mercy, made their persons slaves, and furthermore began to

annoy them with the delirium of their heresy. The cazí effendí of

the city, not choosing to submit to heretics, fled the city, and

endeavoured to make his way to Wán, but he was pursued by some of the

red heads, who cruelly murdered him on the road.

The heretical sháh, in addition to all the other enormities he and

his despicable soldiery committed, violated also the chastity of the

females of Tabríz, without ceremony and without compunction.

After Tabríz had fallen into the hands of these heretics, its

inhabitants robbed and made slaves, and the women ravished, the sháh

turned his thoughts towards vanquishing other cities, and accordingly

sent off troops in all directions. The sháh himself determined on the

reduction of Nakhcheván, and therefore made every preparation for

the attempt. Two days were spent in the plains of Tabríz in making

them, during which time the heretics enjoyed themselves in eating and

drinking.

One of those detachments sent out by the sháh was headed by a vile

person of the name of Kesáb Hájí, a noted heretic of Urdúbád, his

native city, and famous from ancient times for its heresy and atheism.

When the Osmánlís first conquered this city, for it was at the time we

are speaking of under the Ottoman dominion, it was wonderfully raised

and exalted by means of the self-evident and convincing doctrines of

the Koran, which were introduced amongst its inhabitants; but the

wicked people, notwithstanding, turned again to their beloved heresy.

Kesáb Hájí, with the troops committed to his charge, marched upon this

city. His thorough acquaintance with the people, and his knowledge of

the country round about, pointed him out as the most fit person for

the undertaking. When this corrupted fellow, and his no less corrupted

soldiery had crossed the river near Urdúbád, and appeared before the

walls of the city, the hypocritical and disaffected inhabitants came

forth to meet them with demonstrations of joy, and hastened to show

them all the honour and respect they were able. As a proof of the

sincerity of their joy they garnished their houses and streets, shaved

their under-beard, and changed the make of their garments. In this way,

and by these means, the city of Urdúbád, or otherwise called Sawed

Kallah, was taken.

For a day or two the Ottoman garrison in the fortress showed some

disposition to maintain the place and respect the honour of the sultán;

but the inhabitants of the country came forward to the aid of the

invaders, and with their assistance the walls were thrown down, the

arms of the garrison and also their property, whatever it was, the

conquerors distributed among themselves, and afterwards gave themselves

up to eating and drinking.

Another, of the name of Cherak Sultán, commanded a second of those

companies or cohorts sent out by the heretical sháh, and was ordered to

attack a village called Gelha, which, with the aid of its inhabitants,

he took without opposition. Mustafa Aghá, who had been sent thither by

the court of Constantinople for the purpose of collecting and managing

grain and fruit, with difficulty escaped with his head.

Several other places were subjected in a similar manner, and the

heretics spared no means whatever in accomplishing their purposes

against the Osmánlís. Information reached Nakhcheván of the success

which had attended the enemy every where, and of the tyranny and

oppression they exercised over the lives and fortunes of those who

had been so unhappy as to fall into their hands. The Nakhchevánís

were greatly distressed, and fear seized them. However, a reverse of

fortune seemed to be awaiting the orthodox believers. Kesáb Hájí,

who had subdued Urdúbád, remained in it as governor and commander in

the name of the sháh of Persia, but his exaltation was not of long

duration. The válí of Reván, Sheríf Páshá, an aged and experienced

general, perceiving the general defection, and that there was no end

to it, was roused to indignation, and determined on endeavouring to

stop the torrent that seemed to threaten the whole of the Osmánlí

dominions in that quarter. He accordingly deputed Mohammed Páshá, son

of Khezer Páshá, to march against Urdúbád with five or six hundred

veterans and surprise its new governor. These veterans, with the speed

of messengers of death, arrived one morning before daylight at the

place of their destination, and, as a visitation from heaven, fell upon

the wretched heretics with such sudden fury and effect, that only a few

of them escaped the edge of the sword. Those of them who did escape

the vengeance of the orthodox Moslems, fled into holes and caves in

the mountains and in the fields and hid themselves. Kesáb Hájí, who

by some means or other had been deprived of his horse, scampered off

from the scene of carnage, and, like a fox, secreted himself in a den,

leaving his associates to struggle the best way they could: but it was

to no purpose; he did not save himself; for one of the veteran Moslems

having perceived him, followed him into his hole, and seized him. His

associate in the government of Urdúbád, one Beyendur, suffered the

death due to his villany and crimes; but Kesáb Hájí himself, though he

was afterwards put to death, had the honour of having a crown of infamy

placed on his head, was dragged by Mohammed Páshá to the residence

of the válí, and along with the whole of the severed heads of the

infidels of Urdúbád, was presented in his presence. The judicious and

experienced válí failed not to pay all due respect to the hero of the

victorious Moslems.

It is worthy of remark, however, that the enemy no sooner came to know

of the movements of the Moslems, in reference to Urdúbád, than they

sent off a considerable force in the view of succouring the heretics in

it, in the event of the Moslems offering to subdue that city. They were

too late, however, to gain their object, and when they heard of its

fate they retraced their steps.

_The capture of Nakhcheván._

The fortress or city of Nakhcheván was a place of no great strength,

having been built of weak materials. Most of its buildings were

made of clay and mortar; its walls low; and ever since the time the

greater part of them were thrown down, provisions have not been very

plentiful in it. But it was near to Reván, and if it happened at any

time to be deprived of the aid of the military, and was in danger from

enemies, Reván formed a near and accessible asylum for their families

and property, and whence they might easily annoy their enemies. Reván

itself was exceedingly strong and well fortified, having abundance of

cannon and provisions within it. A river, like Kokjeh-sú, ran under its

walls, and the country every where around it was fertile. Such at least

was the account of it which its rulers, at that time, sent to the sháh

when they had reason to expect the place was likely to be subjected to

difficulties, and which was conveyed to him by one Mohammed Aghá, an

officer of the páshá.

The heretics, notwithstanding the several checks which they had

received, continued, nevertheless, to make encroachments on the Moslem

frontiers. Nakhcheván fell into their hands, and some other places

also; but though they struggled hard, for three successive days, to

reduce Reván, they were, in the end, obliged to retreat, leaving nearly

two hundred of their number on the field, whilst only six or seven of

the Moslems met their death in the contest.

When the news of the sháh’s perfidious breach of the peace, and of

the disastrous events which followed thereon, reached the court of

Constantinople, the emperor and his ministers were plunged into a

state of the greatest surprise and consternation. The communications

which had announced this unwelcome intelligence were despatched by

Sáa’tjí Hasan Páshá, who had been sent to the government of Erzerúm,

and by Sheríf Páshá, governor of Nakhcheván and Reván. The intelligence

referred to, not only spoke, in particular, of the conquests which the

sháh had gained on the frontiers, and of his having put Alí Páshá,

beglerbeg of Tabríz, in irons; but also depicted, in the strongest and

most explicit manner, that unless a speedy and efficient reinforcement

were afforded the Moslems in Asia, not only Reván but other important

cities would, unquestionably, fall into the hands of the heretics.

Such were the alarming accounts which, at this period, troubled the

Sublime Porte; but they were no sooner received than the káímakám, the

civil and military governor of Constantinople, immediately despatched

an officer to assemble together the mufti, the vezírs and the military

judges, in order to lay these important matters before them. This

council, after having fully considered the various topics which had

been submitted to them, sent a report of their deliberations to his

august majesty, who was pleased to express his approbation of their

resolutions. Sáa’tjí Hasan Páshá was, accordingly, appointed to the

chief command in the east: and whatever number of troops and apparatus

of war he might require for effectually repelling the heretics, were

likewise ordered to be sent to him forthwith. An imperial edict, in

conformity with these resolutions, was immediately issued to the

various commanders in the eastern provinces; but in consequence of the

emperor’s translation to another world, an event which took place soon

after the issuing of the above edict, the preparations in favour of

Sáa’tjí Hasan Páshá were necessarily postponed for awhile.

_Death of Sultán Mohammed Khán, son of Murád Khán._

On the 22d of Jemadi II., as the emperor, Sultán Mohammed Khán, was

returning to his royal palace from some place where he had been, he was

met by an inspired person, at the head of the street which conducted

to his royal mansion, who cried out, that in fifty-six days a very

important event would happen, and then warned his majesty to take care

of himself. This extraordinary and unexpected mode of salutation not

only surprised his august majesty, as well it might, but also the

whole of the citizens. It so happened, that on the 14th of Rajab the

emperor’s constitution became so very much altered and weakened as

altogether to baffle the skill and advice of his medical advisers.

Nothing that they could devise had the least effect in affording him

any relief, and in four days afterwards, on the 18th of the above

month, his triumphant spirit, in the thirty-seventh year and eighth

month of his age, took its flight to the upper world; having reigned

nine years and two months.

Sultán Ahmed Khán, the heir apparent, was declared his father’s

successor, and early on the following morning, the whole of the vezírs,

emírs, and other magnates of the state, assembled in the royal diván to

express their allegiance to the new emperor, and to do him the honours

peculiar on such an occasion. The royal coffin for the deceased monarch

was brought into the court of the palace, where an immense multitude

had collected to hear the funeral service performed by the reverend

mufti, Mustafa Effendí. This ceremony being over, the royal remains

were removed and deposited in a tomb in St. Sophia, near that of Sultán

Selím.

Sultán Mohammed Khán was a prince who possessed rare talents and

acquirements. His manners were grave, and his deportment polite and

dignified, though it had something of severity in it. He was kind,

generous and benevolent, and most attentive to the duties of religion,

but at the same time most strict in the administration of justice. He

uniformly maintained a punctual regard to the appointed or canonical

hours of devotion; and, in short, was a bright example of religion and

piety to the whole of the community. The fame of his virtues, like

those of his exalted progenitors, have all been embalmed in the poetry

of his people.

Of his noble and exalted sons, Sultán Selím entered Paradise on the

3d of Ramazán 1005. The cup of martyrdom was administered to Sultán

Mahmúd on the 27th of Dhúl hijja 1011. _Note._ It has been recorded

that a certain sheikh had announced to Sultán Mohammed Khán, that this

young prince had formed the design of ascending the Ottoman throne,

for which reason his father, as soon as he was made acquainted with

the fact, employed the above sheikh to deprive him of his life. The

prince, however, was innocent of the charge laid against him. He was

buried in the mausoleum allotted to the princes of the blood. Ahmed had

the good fortune of succeeding his father, as we have already noticed,

and Sultán Mustafa chose a retired life, though in the course of his

eventful life he twice became emperor. Sultán Jehángír died in infancy.

_Of learned men._

Ja’fer Effendí died in 982 of the Hijrah; Haider Effendí in 988; Azemí

Effendí in 990; Nováí Effendí in 1003.

_Concerning Grand Vezírs, and other great men._

Sinán Páshá was three times grand vezír, and commander-in-chief of

the troops which had been employed against Yanuk. When returning to

Constantinople he was ordered into exile; and Ferhád Páshá, who was

at that time káímakám, was created grand vezír a second time, and

also commander-in-chief. He was, however, deposed at the time he was

employed in erecting a bridge on the Danube when on his march to

Valachia, and was murdered in 1004. Sinán Páshá was again created grand

vezír in 1003. He went in great haste to chastise the rebel Michael,

but after having surmounted great difficulties in the mud, in which he

was very nearly lost, he returned in disgrace to Rusjuk. Lálá Mohammed

Páshá succeeded Sinán in 1004, but died ten days after his exaltation

to the premiership. Sinán Páshá succeeded a fifth time to the dignity

of grand vezír. It was he who had induced the late emperor to take a

personal share in the war with the infidels of the north. In Shabán

of that same year he took his journey into the eternal world. Sinán

was a native of Arnáúd, or Albania. He was, at the commencement of his

career, a cup-bearer in the court of Selím II., and became successively

military commander in the sanjáks of Malatiyeh, Kostamúní, Gaza, and

Tripoli. He was afterwards made beglerbeg of Erzerúm, then of Haleb,

and then again of Egypt. In consequence of some disturbance which had

taken place in Yemen he was sent thither, though in the seventy-seventh

year of his age, to quell it, which he did most successfully. He was

again sent to Egypt, but was recalled to Constantinople, where he at

once became vezír and head of the admiralty. In 980 he conquered Tunis,

and returned at the time Sultán Murád Khán mounted the throne, and

became one of his vezírs. In his eighty-eighth year he was appointed

to conduct the war against the Persians, and succeeded Ahmed Páshá in

the grand vezírship. In 994 he was governor of Syria. In 997 he was

again in the vezírship. In 999 he was deposed. In 1001 he was a third

time created grand vezír. In 1003-4 he was out, and again in the same

office. He was now very far advanced in age, being beyond ninety, when

he fell ill of a very severe cold he had caught, and died of it on the

5th of Shabán 1004, and was buried near Tevekil Cheshmeh (the fountain

of hope) in his own tomb. He was five times grand vezír and as often

commander-in-chief. One hundred orations were pronounced throughout the

empire in praise of this extraordinary man, who was considered third in

rank to Raslim Páshá and Mohammed Páshá of former days.

Annals of the Turkish Empire, from 1591 to 1659 · 第 24 / 45 段