Buda, when Hasan Páshá said: “Thank God, Búbofché has been conquered
on very easy terms. It was the key, on this side, to Mekumúriah, and the
places of strength on the sea of Platten. Kaniza is the strong-hold
of the infidels in that quarter. If it can be easily reduced, a
great advantage in such a case will be obtained. Let us, therefore,
whilst the enemy in that quarter has no suspicion of our movements,
advance and take it at once.” The rest of the chiefs concurred in
these sentiments of Hasan: but the serdár again expressed some doubts
respecting the safety of Buda and the country adjacent. The chiefs,
however, were decided. “Let Hasan Páshá,” said they, “be sent to
Buda and attend to its safety: we are determined on marching against
Kaniza.” Hasan Páshá, accordingly, set out that very day for Buda. Lála
Mohammed Páshá, the beglerbeg of Romeili, and who had occupied Buda,
was ordered to join the royal camp with the troops under his command.
Taking five large pieces of cannon from Buda, and a party of those
Frenchmen formerly mentioned, he marched by way of Kopan to join the
grand army. On his way thither, he came upon a palanka, which after
two days’ fighting he took, and destroyed every soul he found within
it: for those who occupied this palanka were peasants who had thrown
off their allegiance to the Ottomans. The palanka called Lawah they
found deserted, took possession of it, and soon afterwards joined the
royal camp, which had now arrived before Kaniza. The serdár, on leaving
Búbofché, and arriving in the plains of the palanka of Perezancha,
issued orders to the Tátár troops to commence their depredatory mode of
warfare, and on the 1st of Rabia II. appeared with his grand army in
the plains of Kaniza, where he was joined by Lála Mohammed Páshá and
his provincials, as before observed.
This Kaniza (or Chanisca) was a very strong place, situate in an
island in the river Brak, which issues from the lake Platten, and
unites itself with the Drave. It was most difficult of access, being
surrounded on two sides by wood and marsh, which reached to both
branches of the river. Cannon could have no effect upon it, on account
of the earthen mounds which served as out-works for its protection:
neither was it found possible to make any impression upon it by the
springing of mines. Nevertheless, the serdár, putting his confidence
of success in God, gave orders to form the siege. Every day four or
five hundred balls were directed against it, but without any advantage
whatever. Seventeen days were spent in battering it at the gate
which opens towards Sigetwar with no better success. At length they
constructed, by means of branches of trees, a path across the river
sufficiently strong and broad to bear a waggon, but it stood only one
day. This temporary path or bridge was called Lassa, and was a second
time renewed.
On the 15th day of the month, about mid-day, the Moslems were put into
a state of consternation and surprize by a most tremendous report,
and the sight of huge pieces of rock and earth, as large as the human
body, flying through the air, and for the space of two hours Kaniza
was enveloped in smoke and dust. After the smoke and dust had cleared
away, they perceived that one of its two mighty towers had been carried
away. It would appear that the preceding evening, when some of the
Moslem prisoners who had been there confined, had been sent to fill
up some breaches which by this time had been effected, they saw the
door of the powder-magazine standing open, when one of them conveyed a
lighted match into this magazine, and so placed it that it might, in
the course of some hours, reach the powder. This then was the cause
of the Moslems’ surprise. More than one thousand kantars[8] were thus
ignited, and produced the explosion described, carrying off by its
irresistible force the tower already mentioned, the prison in which
lay one hundred and seventy Moslem captives, women and children, the
arsenal, and the palace of the prince or governor, and himself along
with it. For several days after this catastrophe no guns were fired
from the fortress, but they continued the use of their musketry.
In their distress and great amazement they sent word to the king (of
Hungary), informing him of what had befallen them, and beseeching him
to render them his aid.
Ferdinand, emperor of Germany, who had collected his troops with the
view of visiting Buda, heard that Hasan Páshá was there, and therefore
came with his whole army, which amounted to forty thousand foot and
horse, to the aid of Kaniza. His advance guard appeared on the 28th,
and the whole army took up its position in the neighbourhood of Kaniza.
The Moslem cavalry, eager to meet these infidels, advanced upon them;
but such was the briskness of the enemy’s musketry, that they were
obliged to retire. The janissaries now left their trenches, though the
Frenchmen remained in theirs, and advanced in their turn, but were soon
forced to retrace their steps and fly. The courage of the Moslem camp
was supported by the unfurled banners of the begs and governors at the
head of their respective troops. The enemy took good care, however,
not to play the same game they had played at Mehaj after the fall of
Agria, _i. e._ by rushing on the Moslem camp. They so placed their
guns as to make them tell more effectually upon the orthodox army; but
fortunately the balls passed over their heads. A whole day was spent in
hard skirmishing, when, towards night, the enemy retired within their
fortifications, and spent the whole of that night in strengthening
their position by means of ditches, mounds, &c. Next morning, the
infidel foot soldiery, with their cannon in front of them, advanced
to the charge. The Moslem commander-in-chief mounted on horseback,
arranged a body of his men behind a marsh: the janissaries and the
beglerbegs with their respective troops stood ready in their places.
The enemy continued to advance. The begs and páshás fell back upon
the janissaries, who also retreated. The standard-bearers and brave
commanders maintained their ground, but afterwards took shelter in the
woods. A fog coming on prevented them from discovering the movement of
the enemy, and they had nearly fallen victims when they returned from
the wood. Night coming on, the sound of drum recalled the enemy to
their fortifications. The following morning, the 1st of Rabia II., the
Moslems determined on a general battle. The beglerbegs mounted their
horses, and the foot and horse soldiers advanced; but the enemy had
placed before daybreak a number of men in various parts of the wood,
who showered so plentifully on the Moslems as they advanced to the
assault, that they were fairly staggered. Many of these orthodox men
fell martyrs on this occasion, and were thus hurled out of time.
When the Moslem army had thus advanced to give battle to these pagans
they supposed the Moslem camp was wholly deserted, and therefore
endeavoured to throw provisions and gunpowder into Kaniza; but they
were completely hindered from doing so by the exalted serdár, who
appeared with a party of cavalry and a body of Janissaries ready
to intercept them. The Janissaries, however, as on the two former
occasions, fled like a flock of sheep put in terror by a wolf, and
hastened back to the camp. The serdár endeavoured to rally them, and
to recall their courage by calling out to them, “My brave fellows,
why do you act thus cowardly?” but all in vain. The serdár, seeing he
could make nothing of his janissaries, turned about with those around
him, and entered into personal engagement with the hateful enemy, whose
sharp-shooters were only hindered from reaching the Moslem camp by a
marsh which intervened. The exalted serdár had only about three or four
hundred spáhís and salihdárs around his person when he entered the
place of general conflict: many of them fell at his side. The serdár
himself went behind a rising ground and stood there. Shortly afterwards
the ághá of the janissaries came running up to him, and letting down
his sword exclaimed, that all was lost. The exalted serdár, without
even looking at him, ordered the beglerbegs of Romeili and Anatolia,
and the commander of the artillery to advance with four divisions and
relieve those troops which had been engaged. The serdár, when he saw
that the greater part of his men were in active operation, and that few
had remained around his own person, was sorely grieved, and actually
became bent with pain. The troops, however, rallied again, and once
more made a vigorous attack on the enemy, in which the horse of the
commander of the artillery fell, but he was soon supplied with another.
The janissaries were very saving of themselves; not above forty or
fifty of them showed their heads beyond their tents. Some of the
cannoneers brought forward five falconets and two large field-pieces,
and commenced firing them in front of the serdár with such effect upon
the enemy as to cause them to draw together, and thus prevented them
from entering into the Moslem camp. The approach of night, however,
warned both armies to retire from the contest. Very many of the enemy
perished in this day’s struggle for conquest. The infidels, it may be
observed, never again ventured from their strong-hold. On the following
day, the 3rd of the month, the Moslem foot and cavalry advanced again
to meet the foe, and attacked them even in their own fortifications:
at night they returned to their camp. On the fourth the Moslems held a
consultation as to making a general assault on the fortifications of
the enemy. Two thousand Tátárs, who had been reserved in the camp,
were sent out to make what reprisals they could, and seized a number
of waggons laden with provisions for the enemy’s camp. When the enemy
saw that their provisions were cut off; that every road to their camp
was watched by these Tátárs; and that they could find no means by
which they might get Kaniza supplied with gunpowder; they on the 5th
abandoned their fortifications altogether, and made off with themselves
about the middle of the night of that date, leaving only a small
quantity of spoil behind them.
_Kaniza taken._
The Moslem army returned to the siege of Kaniza, and continued it seven
days after the enemy’s troops had fled. The besieged, finding that the
army which had purposely come to their assistance had been obliged to
fly in disgrace, as just now related, and being much weakened by the
incessant efforts of the besiegers, as well as by the efforts they were
continually called on to make in their own defence, became discouraged.
Yánush Towán Beg, who had succeeded the late prince that was killed
by the explosion formerly mentioned, went along with one Muklúsh, a
cavalry officer, to a certain place of the fortress, from which they
saw but too clearly that the host which had come to their aid had
fled. “All hope of safety is now gone,” they said: “our gunpowder is
expended, and these Turks will take Kaniza by force if we do not yield
in time. It is far more advisable to deliver it, and save our lives
before they do so, and give us no quarter.” The Hungarian part of the
garrison were willing to adopt this counsel, but the Austrian part of
it continued obstinate for awhile, yet soon afterwards concurred with
the rest. Such was the way they consulted among themselves.
On the evening of the 13th, which was the evening of the Sabbath, a
tremendous rain fell; yet the Moslems continued their hostilities till
daybreak next morning, when it was announced that they were, on the
following day, to commence a general assault. Every preparation for
this mighty effort was made; but when the besieged saw the conquering
Moslems moving on to the assault they hesitated no longer; they
immediately hoisted a flag of truce over their gate, and the sound of
their voices, imploring for mercy, reached the skies. They requested
that Khoja Sinán, of Petcheví, a trustworthy man, should be sent to
them as a pledge of their security. This was accordingly acceded to,
when immediately two or three of their chiefs, German and Hungarian
princes, wearing gold chains about their necks, came forth to meet
the exalted serdár, who presented them with robes, and granted them
passports at their own request. These princes observed, that it was
because they had no gunpowder they had submitted; “otherwise,” said
they, “you would not have reduced Kaniza. But,” added they, “are the
conditions on which you allow us to depart to resemble those promises
you made to us at the taking of Yanuk and Agria, when you sent an army
after us to murder us?” The exalted serdár gave them his solemn oath
that, with the exception of their cannon and other arms, which now
belonged to the emperor of the Ottomans, every thing else they were
at full liberty to take along with them, and to depart in peace. They
again, in consequence of this grace which the serdár had shown to them,
said, “We have two hundred horsemen and one thousand five hundred foot
soldiers in the garrison, besides women and children, who require
the means of conveyance.” The exalted serdár immediately ordered two
hundred camels to be provided for them for the purpose of conveying
their property and wives and children. On the following day they
evacuated Kaniza, delivered over the keys of the city to the serdár,
loaded the camels which the serdár had provided for them with their
families, goods and chattels, even to their geese and hens, plates and
cradles, and set out on their journey; and halted at a small distance.
In the meantime the head of the arsenal, and the commander of the
artillery, Mohammed Ketkhodá, entered into the fortress of Kaniza,
and took possession of it. Fifty-one pieces of large and twenty-five
of small cannon were found in it. The churches were converted into
mosques. The victorious troops entered into a friendly intercourse
with the men who had lately evacuated Kaniza, and made some purchases
of provisions and of such other articles as they had to dispose of.
Mohammed Páshá, governor of Romeili, and Mohammed Ketkhodá conducted
them as far as the fortress of Kapernak, about three days’ journey,
when they were met by a party of their own kind from that fortress,
and who made some splendid presents to the two chiefs, besides giving
cloth to the other officers of the party who conducted them sufficient
for one hundred garments, and as much as would make one for each of the
camel-drivers.
Hasan Beg Zádeh, who was present in this campaign, and who published an
account of it, was appointed to write an account of the victory, and
to send it by couriers to all parts of the empire. By the reduction
of Kaniza, many other districts and towns, besides Kish, Komar, and
Perzencha, were added to the Ottoman dominions, and were properly and
regularly supplied with rulers, judges, and garrisons.
When the secretary of customs, Abdí Effendí, who had been appointed
to carry the news of the victory which had attended the Moslem arms
to Constantinople, arrived there, three days and three nights were
dedicated by appointment to public rejoicings. Orders were also sent
to all the other great cities to follow the example of the metropolis.
A robe, a sash, and a richly-ornamented sword and dagger, a splendid
tent, besides other valuable presents, were ordered to be sent to the
serdár or commander-in-chief, Ibrahím Páshá, along with a royal letter
expressive of his majesty’s approbation. Splendid swords and daggers,
and also robes, were at the same time sent to all the beglerbegs in the
royal camp. To the historian of this campaign, Hasan Beg Zádeh, a robe
and a sword were also sent.
It is but just to observe, what the warriors who were present in
the late wars knew to be true, that the orthodox armies were on two
occasions in very great straits, and had suffered much, _viz._ at Agria
(at Mehaj near Agria) and at Kaniza. On the first of these occasions
the orthodox troops had to contend with an army composed of soldiers
belonging to the seven kings (_i.e._ to all the European powers). The
second was at Kaniza, and which we have endeavoured to describe; but
which was much more disastrous to the orthodox troops, on the whole,
than the former. Seven successive days’ hard fighting, from morning
till evening, and in which the enemy maintained the superiority till
God himself inspired their powerful enemy with terror, when they all
fled, was of itself no easy task. Forty-three days, from first to last,
were also spent in the arduous undertaking of reducing Kaniza, which
was forced to capitulate only in consequence of the misfortune which
had happened to its powder magazine, and which left the place almost
a naked rock in the midst of a marsh. The troops also suffered greatly
from the want of provisions, and which could not be obtained even for
money. A wakáyet of salt could not be had for a dollar: so great was
the scarcity of all sorts of provisions on this memorable occasion.
The janissaries (who certainly do not appear to have deserved any
praise) were on the point of retiring altogether, and would not, most
assuredly, have remained in the camp another day, had not the fortunate
events which we have described above, taken place. Such were the
difficulties which the orthodox Moslem army had to encounter in these
wars.
Kaniza, after having been put into a state of thorough defence, was,
with its dependencies, put under the command of the beg of Kústandil,
Alája Eili Hasan Páshá, and its spiritual jurisdiction was conferred
on Kádurí Effendí. Twenty odás, with their officers, under the command
of Sefer Aghá, a Segbán báshí, were left to garrison it; besides three
thousand more who were to act in the capacity of spáhís. Sigetwar,
Petcheví, Shuklúsh, Usk, and Kaniza, were all put under the supreme
jurisdiction of the above-mentioned Hasan Páshá. To each of the plebian
troops two pieces of money were given, and they were all registered
among the troops of Buda and Agria. The serdár, on his return from
Kaniza, halted near Perzencha, where he ordered a new apalanka to be
erected. Having crossed the Drave near Yakúah, he passed on towards
Usk, where he permitted his army to disperse. The beglerbeg of Romeili,
with his provincials, was sent into winter-quarters at Perizrin; and
the beglerbeg of Anatolia, with his troops, were sent for a similar
purpose to Banialúka. The ághá of the janissaries was allowed to return
to Constantinople, and the victorious serdár himself returned to
Belgrade.
_Hájí Ibrahím Páshá defeated by Kara Yazijí_ (Scrivano).
We have already had occasion to notice the conduct of the notorious
rebel, Kara Yazijí, and how in consequence of intrigue and false
representation, he was appointed to the sanják of Chorum. In
consequence of this odious rebel’s having returned to his former
doings, Ibrahím Páshá was sent from Constantinople with communications
to Hájí Ibrahím Páshá, a vezír of the sixth rank, who was to
conduct an army against the rebel, and who also had been appointed
commander-in-chief in room of Hasan Páshá, who had been removed from
the government of Baghdád. In the event of Hasan Páshá’s prolonging
his stay at Baghdád, he was further instructed to proceed with the
Anatolian troops, and endeavour by every effort he could employ to
get the above-mentioned rebel and his brother, Delí Husein, into his
power. Hájí Ibrahím Páshá, accordingly, went with his army in search
of these men, and fell in with them at Cæsarea, at the head of twenty
thousand insurgents, where he offered them battle, and which they did
not decline accepting. The contest was severe and bloody, and Ibrahím
was finally obliged to seek his safety in retreat. The victorious
insurgents pursued him with an ardour worthy of a better cause, slew
fifteen officers, and more than one thousand janissaries in the
pursuit. It was with much difficulty that Ibrahím escaped into Cæsarea,
and those of his followers who had not been so successful, fell victims
to the fury of the insurgent army.
This event which we have here recorded is said, in some histories, to
have occurred in 1008 of the Hijrah; but most of them place it among
the events of the year we are now noticing, _i.e._ 1009. Besides, the
orders which government had issued respecting this infidel, and which
were sent to the inhabitants of Cæsarea, are dated on one of the first
ten days of Rabia II., 1009 of Hijrah.
The story concerning Gira, the Jewess and her children, before noticed,
is mentioned in the Fezliké of Hájí Khalífeh as having taken place last
year, but the author of the history we have followed in relating the
account, and Kara Chelebí Zádeh Azíz Effendí, place it where we have
placed it. One of the sons of this infamous Gira, however, embraced the
Moslem faith, and thus escaped the death which the whole of the rest
of his family suffered. He went under the name of Iksák (lame) Mustafa
Chávush. He died in the khán or inn of Devlet Sultání Ibrahím. The
whole of the effects of Gira were confiscated by the government, and it
is said they amounted to a very great sum. Her wares, independent of
her jewels and estates, were sold for more than five hundred _yúks_ of
money.
The káímakám, or governor of Constantinople, Khalíl Páshá, on account
of some connivance he had with the Jewess whose tragic end we have
related, met with strong opposition from the spáhí tribe, and was
therefore removed from his high office, and was succeeded in it by
Khádem Háfiz Páshá, in the month of Shevál of this year; but who ten
days after was succeeded by Yemishjí Hasan Páshá. The reason for this
last change must now be explained.
During the time the Moslem army lay before Kaniza, Dimoo, the messenger
of the odious Michael, arrived at the Moslem camp with proposals to the
Ottoman government respecting the fortresses of Yanwah and Lipovah,
and was forwarded by the commander-in-chief to Constantinople; the
reïs-effendí was also sent along with him, bearing communications from
the commander in-chief.
The káímakám, Khádem Háfiz Páshá, remembering the stratagem which
Michael had practised on Háfiz Ahmed Páshá at Nicopolis, by means of
this said Dimoo, as before related, the anger of the Páshá was raised
to a high degree when he saw this messenger of deceit, and consulted
the mufti concerning him. The mufti gave it as his judgment that no
proposals whatever ought to be received from the odious Michael, nor
any agreement entered into with so infamous a wretch, who, along with
his deceitful ambassador, ought to suffer death. The káímakám, after
hearing the judgment of the high priest, and without further ceremony,
took summary vengeance on this satellite of mischief, by binding him to
a tree and punishing him according to the nature of his crimes. Besides
this act of summary justice exercised upon the person of Michael’s
messenger, and which was construed into an act of contempt manifested
towards the grand vezír and commander-in-chief, Ibrahím Páshá, who
had forwarded Dimoo to Constantinople, the káímakám, at the very time
Ibrahím was carrying on the siege of Kaniza, sent off a chávush with
orders to make inquiry about matters on the frontiers, without once
manifesting any regard to the authority of the commander-in-chief,
to whom all these affairs properly belonged. This instance of open
contempt awakened the displeasure of the grand vezír, which, no doubt,
was heightened by the conduct of the káímakám towards Dimoo, whom he
had sent to court, led him to seek revenge. The chávush he confined in
prison at Belgrade, and immediately wrote to the queen-mother, and to
the ághá of the sublime court, a statement of the káímakám’s conduct,
pointing out to them the evils that would result from the plan
pursued by Khádem Háfiz Páshá, both as it respected themselves and the
enemy. No messenger, he maintained, if such a method as the one above
described was to be pursued, would either come from the enemy to them,
or go from them to the enemy. In short, no consultation whatever, he
insisted, could be entered into, if the persons of messengers were not
to be respected. It was as much as to say, at least in the instance
adverted to, that no confidence whatever was to be placed in either
the sayings or doings of the commander-in-chief, or any trust in his
majesty’s minister-and much more to the same purpose. His statement was
laid before the throne, when immediately Khádem Háfiz Páshá was turned
out of office, and Yemishjí Hasan Páshá appointed in his stead.
The new káímakám was no sooner installed in office, than a royal
letter, no less fitted to embalm the heart than it was to console the
mind, was sent to the exalted serdár, Ibrahím Páshá, in return.
_The odious Michael’s troops defeated._