having been, for several years past, disposed to rebellious
out-breakings, and as the injurious and odious Michael had been the
means of fostering and prolonging this spirit of insubordination among
these different nations, it was necessary to try to put a stop to
this mischievous wretch. Accordingly vezír Mahmúd Páshá, who had been
sent to these quarters, and Shabán Páshá, the beglerbeg of Cyprus,
who had been appointed to guard the banks of the Danube with his
galleys, passed over, with their respective men, into the country of
Valachia and repaired the fortress of Yerkok, and rebuilt its bridge
over the Danube. Whilst employed in carrying forward these works,
they sent their troops upon a depredatory excursion into the country
of Valachia, and who not only committed great devastation throughout
the country, but also completely robbed and laid desolate the mansion
and premises which belonged to Michael himself. When the Moslem army
were advancing towards the cities of Bekrish and Terghúshta, Michael,
his vezír, and the commander of his army, the bán of Karah Chewah,
met them with a very considerable force; but the Moslems soon gained
a complete victory over these infidels, and slew the greater part of
them. The heads of his commanders, his gilded banners, his drums and
kettle-drums, were all sent to the royal diván. Michael was defeated
in two other battles; his followers were either killed or dispersed;
all his ammunition and guns were seized, and he himself, despairing of
escaping with his life, perished by his own hands.
In consequence of some confusion which had arisen with respect to
the value of the coin, the new species, prepared by Yemishjí Hasan
Páshá, appeared on the 5th of Rabia II. of this year. The ducat, which
formerly went for two hundred akchas, now circulated for one hundred
and twenty; and the dollar for eighty akchas.
Information reached the capital in the month of Rajab that Ja’fer
Páshá, the governor of Tabríz, had departed this life.
By a prohibition of the emperor, in the month of Shevál, the hidden and
shameful practice of using fermented liquor was suppressed.
Simon, the governor of Georgia, according to the Fezliké, was brought
this year, (not last year, as elsewhere stated,) to Constantinople, and
confined in the Seven Towers.
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1010, H.
_The grand vezír, Ibrahím Páshá’s death.—Yemishjí Hasan Páshá succeeds
him in the premiership._
We now begin to detail the events of another year; but before doing so
we have to mention that the grand vezír and commander-in-chief, Ibrahím
Páshá, having formed the project towards the end of the last year of
concluding a peace with the enemies of his country, deputed Murád Páshá
and Mohammed Ketkhodá to proceed to Osterghún, and there treat with
Ferdinand’s commissioners. A thousand Segbán troops, with coloured
feathers in their bonnets, under the command of the beg of Semendria,
accompanied the embassy.
Towards the end of Dhu’l hijja (the last month of the Mohammedan year),
the commander-in-chief pitched his tent in the plains of Zimrún,
opposite Belgrade, and watched with anxiety for the arrival of Alí
Aghá, brother-in-law to Ghaznafer, who succeeded to the ágháship of the
janissaries. Tarnákjí Hasan Páshá was appointed to the government of
Kaniza. It is said that Murád Páshá and Mohammed Ketkhodá went to Usk.
The Commander-in-chief’s strength was now weakened by disease, and the
signs of his mortality became quite apparent. In this condition he sent
for his uncle’s son, Morteza Páshá, and delivered over to him his most
important earthly concerns; and on the 9th of Moharrem (the first month
of the Mohammedan year) he departed this life, and his soul fled to the
Paradise above. Morteza Páshá and Etmekjí Zádeh, the defterdár, sealed
up the whole of his effects. The beglerbeg of Romeili, Mohammed Páshá,
by this time had left his winter-quarters and had come to Alája Hisár,
where he heard of the death of the commander-in-chief. This message was
brought to him in great haste, because the late serdár had appointed
him to take the command of the army in the event of his death. The
following day, after the usual washings were over, and the funeral
service performed, Mohammed Páshá consigned the remains of Ibrahím to
a tomb adjoining the mosque of Bairám Beg. The account of Ibrahím’s
death, and a statement of the affairs of the borders, were forthwith
dispatched to Constantinople, and laid before the foot of the throne
and before the members of the diván.
In the meantime Murád Páshá and Mohammed Ketkhodá, who had been
appointed to proceed to Osterghún with the view of negotiating a peace,
finished the building of a palanka at one end of the bridge of Usk,
which the late serdár had authorized to erect. They afterwards received
an order of government to remain at this palanka.
Some few days after the decease of the late serdár, the ághá of the
janissaries arrived at Belgrade, and immediately removed the remains of
Ibrahím to Constantinople, where they were interred in the temple of
Sháh Zádeh.
According to one account, the news of Ibrahím’s death first reached
Constantinople about the 20th of Moharrem, when the seals were sent
to the káímakám, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá. After his advancement to the
premiership, he spent twenty days in preparing for his journey to
Belgrade. By some means or other he was allowed the tents, pavilions,
the equipage, the military arms, and, in short, the beasts of burden
which had belonged to his predecessor. He even married his relict, the
princess Ayesha.
The new grand vezír still postponed his journey to Belgrade, and at
length pretended it was too late in the season to proceed to that
quarter. “Nothing of importance,” he said, “could, by the time he
could arrive there, be accomplished.” He maintained, that no warlike
operation was immediately called for in the present circumstances
of the frontiers, or from the aspect presented by the enemy. Lála
Mohammed Páshá, who succeeded in the command after the death of
the late commander-in-chief, he further said, should be confirmed
in the serdárship, proceed, if necessary, with the force under his
command, and open the campaign. Thus did the new grand vezír excuse
his own tardiness, and try to dispense with the necessity of his
own departure. The Sheikh-ul-Islám, Siná-allah Effendí, thought
otherwise. He maintained it to be absolutely requisite that the new
grand vezír should proceed without a moment’s delay to Belgrade, and
urged this sentiment with great warmth even before the emperor. The
new grand vezír had no alternative left him but to proceed: but for
this interference of the high priest the grand vezír never ceased
to employ every stratagem he could against him, and at length had
him deposed. In the military and ecclesiastical departments he made
what changes he pleased: particularly in the first, and that too as
far as Adrianople; though this department properly belonged to the
Sheikh-ul-Islám Effendí. He advanced some, deposed others, as his
fancy directed, and some he degraded. The Sheikh-ul-Islám Effendí,
the high priest of the religion of Mohammed, felt his displeasure, as
well he might have anticipated, after having expressed himself in the
manner he did. Khoja Zádeh Mohammed Effendí was created mufti in the
room of Siná-allah Effendí. Bostán Zádeh Effendí and Shemish Effendí
were succeeded by Abdulhelím Effendí and by Isaád Effendí. The cazí
of Constantinople, Ketkhodá Mustafa Effendí, was replaced by Mustafa
Effendí of Adrianople, who was succeeded by Yahiah Effendí. The seventh
vezír, Khalíl Páshá, was made káímakám, and Háfiz Ahmed Páshá was made
third vezír. Tarnákjí, who had been deprived of his ágháship, but
afterwards appointed to the government of Baghdád, had to resign his
situation to Mohammed Páshá, son of Sinán Páshá, and Hasan Páshá was
made vezír at Constantinople. Hamza Effendí was made chancellor in room
of Okjí Zádeh. All these changes were effected by the new grand vezír.
On the ninth day of the month Sefer, the grand vezír and
commander-in-chief, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, left Constantinople with
great pomp and show, but did not encumber himself with tents or any
heavy baggage. Persons were previously appointed to proceed in advance
and have booths of branches of trees prepared at every station for his
army. By this mode of quick travelling he was enabled to reach Belgrade
by the 27th of the month, when he took possession of his predecessor’s
tents which had been erected in the plains of Zimún by the late grand
vezír himself. This was the first time he had entered a tent from the
day he left Constantinople till his arrival at Zimún.
The new grand vezír lost no time in attending to the duties of his
station and office. Provisions were distributed amongst the troops,
and full fifteen days were spent in arranging matters for commencing
another campaign. Before detailing the events of that campaign, we must
first advert to the success which the enemy had obtained at Alba Julia,
and some other affairs, but which properly belong to the events of the
preceding year.
The fall of Kaniza was a heavy loss to the enemy, and afflicted them
very much and universally.
Towards the end of winter the Duke Mathias, with his Austrian and
Hungarian commanders, came to the plains of Yanuk, where he assembled
an army of forty or fifty thousand men, composed of Germans,
Hungarians, Bohemians, and Polish troops. Twenty pieces of ordnance
and ten sháhí (royal guns) were attached to this mighty host, which
marched upon Alba Julia. Information having reached Belgrade, a short
time after the spring commenced, that the enemy had laid siege to
Alba Julia, the commander sent off, to the aid of the above place,
the beglerbegs of Romeili and Anatolia with the Bosnian army; but
before these auxiliary troops had time to cross the bridge of Usk,
Alba Julia was taken by the enemy, after a siege of nine days. Alba
Julia was no sooner taken than the enemy supplied it with a sufficient
garrison, and afterwards concentrated its whole force at a place in its
neighbourhood.
_Concerning Tarnákjí Hasan Páshá’s going to Kaniza._
Some time after the reduction of Kaniza, Tarnákjí Hasan Páshá having
arranged matters at Buda, left the care of that fortress to the
defterdár, Munker Kúshí Mohammed Effendí, and set out, towards the end
of winter, to Belgrade, to pay a visit to the serdár, Ibrahím Páshá.
This visit was not made in vain; for he succeeded with Ibrahím to have
himself appointed to the government of Kaniza, and the defterdár,
Munker Kúshí, to retain his charge at Buda. After his appointment he
left Belgrade and went to take charge of his new government, but was
not long at Kaniza before he heard of the death of his benefactor,
Ibrahím Páshá. In a state of grief, occasioned by this intelligence, he
left Kaniza and pitched his camp at a place called Ghurizghár, not far
from Sigetwar. A wonderful event happened on the day on which he made
the transition alluded to. It was excessively hot and sultry: suddenly,
in a moment, an unusual loud sound was heard in the air, and so
terrible as to frighten the horses. Everywhere they perceived immense
companies of crows in the air, above the tents, fighting with each
other, and which, after having fought their battle, as described, set
out directly towards Kaniza. About an hour after this wonderful scene
another of equal wonder presented itself. A host of eagles, similar to
that of the crows, made their appearance above the tents, performed the
same sort of manœuvres as their predecessors had done, and followed
the same direction which they had taken. Those who witnessed these
strange phenomena were, as may well be imagined, awfully surprised and
confounded: but Hasan Páshá was a man of great prudence and caution.
“It is a warning and a sign from God,” said he, in a solemn tone of
voice; “it is an intimation of two engagements with the enemies of our
religion.” After having repeated these words he called his deputy,
who, at that time, was Iskender Páshá, and desired him to proceed
to Belgrade and send him word who had been, or was to be, appointed
commander-in-chief; and also to request him, whoever he might be, to
send a reinforcement of troops to Kaniza. After having dispatched
this messenger, he himself returned to Kaniza, and paid all due care
and attention to put it into a state of defence and security. He sent
persons, also, to the sanjáks of Sigetwar, Petcheví, and Púzgha, to
collect provisions for the garrison; also others to spy out the
condition and strength of the enemy. These latter messengers brought
him the intelligence that the enemy had assembled an immense army at
Yanuk, and that eighty thousand Franks were expected to join them from
Frangistan. The páshá sent out other spies, and waited with anxiety for
their return.
_The enemy return to lay siege to Kaniza._
It is to be observed that before this, an augmentation of troops,
amounting to sixty thousand, foot and horse, supplied by Austria,
Spain, and France, had been shipped at a port belonging to Venice, and
disembarked on the shores of Croatia. The brother of the Roman pontiff
commanded the Italian troops (the troops supplied by Spain, probably).
Zerín Oghlí Majar, the beglerbegs of Aslobin, of the Black Herzog, with
King Ferdinand at their head, met the above-mentioned European troops
at Warashdin, in the country of Mekomúriah, and brought forty pieces of
large ordnance along with them.
In a council of war held on this occasion at Warashdin, they were all
nearly unanimous in thinking it most advantageous to lay siege to
Kaniza. Zerín Oghlí replied, in opposition to general opinion, that
first of all, the fortresses of Perzencha and of Búbofché should be
reduced; the ruined fortress of Sekish rebuilt and garrisoned: then to
go and take the fortress of Kushwar, which would have the effect of
dispersing the inhabitants of Koban and of its vicinity, _viz._ those
of Barcan. “That appears to me,” said he, “to be the plan we ought to
adopt. After we have accomplished these, let us support the German and
Hungarian army stationed near Alba Julia. If the Moslem serdár should
venture to attack them, we shall, in such a case, be ready to assist
them; if he should attack us, then they will be ready to come to our
assistance.” This counsel of Zerín Oghlí was rejected and the first
opinion adhered to. They determined on reducing Kaniza.
All this various information was carried to Hasan Páshá by his spies,
and he was immediately induced, without divulging a syllable of what
he had heard to any one, to issue orders to his begs and commanders
to prepare for entering the country of Mekomúriah on a depredatory
excursion on the shortest notice; and to have their arms and provisions
in readiness. These begs and commanders throughout his government
obeyed, and assembled with their troops in the fortress of Sigetwar.
This order to his begs and commanders was given under the pretext that
the enemy was marching towards Buda.
In the meantime the enemy’s troops advanced within one stage of Kaniza,
where they halted three days for the arrival of their artillery. They
thought, from the movements which they had perceived among Hasan
Páshá’s troops, that they had actually gone towards Buda, and that,
therefore, Kaniza would be obliged to yield without much resistance.
“Never mind; let the Turks go to Buda,” said they among themselves; “we
shall see what state Kaniza is in.” Thus saying, they sent out some
spies, who when they returned confirmed them in their blindness. “The
Turks,” said the spies, “have not the least idea of our approach; but
Hasan Páshá, the governor of Kaniza, says, our army has marched on to
Buda; and that he is therefore preparing to enter into the country of
Mekomúriah on a predatory excursion.” Such was the import of the report
of the spies; and it had the effect of filling the infidels with joy.
After considering all these appearances, apparently in their favour,
they advanced to the siege.
_The grand vezír and commander-in-chief, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, marches
against the enemy._
After the grand vezír had reached Belgrade he learned that Alba Julia
was besieged by the enemy’s troops, and therefore sent off a body
of men to its assistance. This auxiliary army had scarcely reached
the bridge of Usk, when information reached him that Alba Julia was
taken by the enemy. Immediately after this the news of Kaniza’s being
besieged was also communicated to him.
The experienced páshás at Usk entered into consultations as to the
plan they ought to adopt in the present circumstances. Some of them
proposed to go to Kaniza; others of them thought this unnecessary.
Every one had his own opinion: they were fairly divided. After much and
long disputation, it was at length observed, that if they should go to
Kaniza, it was more than probable the enemy’s army at Alba Julia would
pursue them. They would thus be exposed to two armies at once, each of
which was very powerful. In this case (said the speaker), it would not
be an easy thing to give an answer. Better that we march to Alba Julia;
and after we have defeated our enemies there, continued the speaker,
we, on our return, will march to the aid of Kaniza.
This counsel was agreed to; and, accordingly, letters were issued,
giving information of the resolution the páshás had come to. They
commenced their march towards Alba Julia, and on reaching Jankúterán
they were joined by the division which the grand vezír had formerly
sent forward to the aid of the Alba Julians, and also Munker Kúshí
Mohammed Páshá with the troops of Buda. In another council held at this
place they unanimously agreed to attack the enemy at once and with
vigour. Having taken eight badalooshkas and four large cannon from
Buda, they advanced in the greatest haste, and reached the plains of
Alba Julia on the first of Rabia II.
The enemy lay between two mountains, and had an immense ditch in front.
The Moslem army advanced, threw a bridge over the river which issued
from a lake, crossed this river on the following day, and attacked
the enemy in their tabúr or fortifications. The great and small guns
were put into immediate requisition. On the following morning, at
daybreak, the combatants on both sides were in motion, and the work of
destruction was again renewed and carried on till the darkness of the
night made it necessary for both parties to retire.
According to Hasan Beg Zádeh’s account of this battle, it would appear
that the janissaries, on the last of the days above-mentioned, when led
on to the attack by the commander, had fled before the opposing foe,
and were on the very point of making the commander their prisoner. God
protected him.
Petcheví says, that Mohammed Ketkhodá having secured an advantageous
position, slew immense numbers of the enemy. The enemy now advanced in
four columns, each column five hundred strong, and drove the Moslem
cavalry off the field. The salihdárs were ordered to advance to oppose
their progress, but were unable to effect any thing: night, however,
came on, when both parties retired from the conflict for a few hours,
but it was soon after renewed with double fury. In this day’s work of
death, towards evening, Mohammed Ketkhodá and Mohammed Munker Kúshí
Páshá, the governor of Buda, whilst advancing with their divisions to
an attack, fell in the field of battle.
According to Hasan Beg Zádeh and Abdulkádír’s accounts of this battle,
it appears that the Romeilian troops had been ordered to support the
attack in which the two chiefs now mentioned met their death, but that,
in consequence of some rancour which their commander, Mohammed Páshá,
entertained against Khetkhodá, they had failed: neither did any of
the other troops, they say, offer to do it. Petcheví says, however,
that he himself was present and an eye-witness: his words are, “I was
standing beside the páshá and looking at the contest. The páshá (_i.e._
the beglerbeg of Romeili) was not aware when this attack was made, and
therefore could not have rendered them any aid. After the return of the
divisions which they had led on to the attack, the martyrdom of these
heroes was announced to him, and he was excessively grieved that they
had advanced to that attack without having given him notice of it. Any
account of the matter differing from this is false.”
On the night of the last battle the enemy altered their position; for
when the Moslems, next day, moved slowly to meet their antagonists,
they found them closely concentrated in a narrow pass in the road
which led to the fortress of Polatah. Finding them thus situated, and
seeing they had succeeded, during the night, in casting a deep trench,
the Moslem army did not again offer to attack them. Under pretence of
winter having set in they retired altogether from the scene of contest
and battle.
The government of Buda was conferred on the beglerbeg of Romeili,
Mohammed Páshá. Four thousand janissaries, under the command of a
túrnají báshí, were ordered to accompany Mohammed Páshá to Buda. On
their return to that fortress they passed through the country of
Segdin. Winter having come on, preparations for assisting Kaniza were
immediately commenced.
_Kaniza is besieged._
We have already mentioned the manœuvre practised by Hasan Páshá,
governor of Kaniza, and the arrival of the infidel army within a stage
or one day’s journey of the above city and fortress.
On the 8th of Rabia II., five thousand of the above army appeared in
the vicinity of Kaniza, on the road which led to Vienna. The governor
gave the strictest orders to the head of the artillery not to fire on
them, and forbade any of the cavalry to venture out: for the object of
this hostile party, he observed, was to seize prisoners where and how
they could. Let the foot soldiers, continued he, meet them with their
fire-arms and contend with them; and he immediately placed a number
of effective men at each of the gates. The order of the governor was
obeyed. The heroes who went to dispute the progress of the enemy,
manfully maintained the bloody contest till mid-day, when the enemy
retired to their tábúr, leaving many of their men, as well as of their
horses, on the field of battle. Ferdinand was informed of the result;
but, it would seem, knew nothing of the attempt they had made, and
strongly reproved them for it.
Next day (the 9th), Ferdinand himself called one of his princes,
ordered him to advance with a party, and by all means endeavour to
seize some prisoners. This was the very object the party, the day
before, had in view. This second party advanced till they were under
the very guns of the fortress, and contended with the heroes formerly
mentioned till the hour of afternoon prayers, when they, instead
of retiring as on the previous day, stopped and cried out: “by the
religion of Mohammed, if you have only one gun fire it.” The heroes,
in compliance with the instructions of their governor, replied, that
though they might have such, yet that they had till then refrained
from using them, and had spared their lives. The enemy believed this,
and rejoicingly went and told it to Ferdinand the king. The king
immediately called a council of his great men, and communicated this
intelligence to them. On the following day (the 10th), he sent forth a
party a third time, who fought more desperately than on either of the
preceding days. On this occasion they again requested the Moslems to
fire a gun, that their king might hear its report in his camp or tábúr.
The former answer was returned to them, with this addition: “We are
here but for a few days, like strangers. Would a man live in a desolate
island-like place as this? Our emperor has many thousand palankas like
this Kaniza.”