project of negociating a peace was again had recourse to. The serdár
having received letters to this effect, he appointed Murád Páshá,
Mohammed Khetkhodá, and Ahmed Aghá to proceed to the head-quarters of
the enemy and negociate with the Archduke Matthias, the Palfi, and
the Groof. The Moslem commissioners laboured to get Agria exchanged
for Osterghún, but their proposals were received with coldness, and
insurmountable objections started, so that the Moslem commissioners
had to return without accomplishing any thing. Both parties, indeed,
withdrew from the conference, and the enemy retired to Komran.
The commander-in-chief, in a council of the khán’s omerá, determined,
in consequence of the royal firmán for carrying on the war this year
having restricted him to a depredatory mode of warfare, on putting this
method into execution. Accordingly, he sent off a number of warlike
troops along with a Tátár army into the enemy’s territories, to destroy
and seize what they could.
On the 2nd of Rabia II. the army crossed the rivers Abyúl and Warad,
and on the 5th reached the lake of Segmehal, near Uiwar. The predatory
army before-mentioned succeeded in making a number of captives, and
seizing some cattle, but by no means to the extent so powerful an army
was expected to have done. Whilst the serdár remained at Segmehal, the
beglerbegs went to Uiwar, and there learned for certain that the enemy
had retired to Komran.
As the winter was setting in, the ághás of the regiments were put
in mind of this, and instructed to return home. In the Nokhbeh
Tarikh it is said, the grand army returned on the 28th of Rabia II.
to Jegirdilin, passed by Filk and Khutván, and arrived at Pest on
the 6th of Rabia II., when each hired soldier received, in lieu of
provisions, two pieces of gold. On the 14th they reached Buda, when
his royal highness, Ghází Gheráí, khán of the Tátárs of the Crimea,
took his leave, and set out for his own dominions. The exalted
commander-in-chief did all he could to dissuade him, but in vain. His
royal highness was certainly not well pleased, and when he was urged
to remain he replied, that the time for the Tátár army to retire had
arrived; and accordingly he set off. It does not appear that there was
any particular intimacy between the khán and the serdár, though the
latter was not wanting either in politeness or attention. The fact
is (for what reason does not appear), that the khán was never once
pleasant, nor even showed an agreeable countenance. He never once
entered the serdár’s tent, and their intercourse, for the most part,
was on horseback.
The grand army, after passing through Geshgæmida, Sonbúr, and Baj,
arrived on the 22nd at a place opposite to Fúidwar, where they were met
by kapújís from Constantinople, who brought the serdár intelligence of
the death of the learned and reverend prelate, Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí,
and of the appointment of Sinán Effendí in his stead; also that Yúsuf
Páshá, whilst conducting back the boats and vessels to Belgrade, had
been attacked by a party of the enemy, in which struggle Yúsuf Páshá
fell to rise no more. On the 25th the army reached Agria, of deceitful
name,[6] where they halted a few days to thwart any further mischievous
purpose which the enemy might have against their boats. It began to be
reported that the odious Michael had subdued the whole of Transylvania.
On the 29th letters were brought to the serdár which confirmed this
report. On the 3rd of Jemadi II. the serdár crossed the bridge of
Waradin, at which place he caused the household troops to be paid their
wages. On the 7th he reached the plains of Belgrade. Here the ághá of
the janissaries, Tarnákjí Hasan Aghá, took his leave of the serdár and
departed for the metropolis. The troops of Anatolia and the rest of the
army were allowed to go into winter quarters at Belgrade.
By the good providence of God the army, notwithstanding the great
heat and droughts, returned without having sustained any particular
hardships in this campaign.
_The French soldiers stationed at Papa join the Osmánlís._
About three thousand of the French troops who had been sent to assist
the Germans against the Osmánlís, were appointed to garrison the
fortress of Papa. Having been in this fortress for about a whole year,
and having received no wages for the service which they had rendered,
they quarrelled with the Hungarian soldiers of that place, had frequent
sharp skirmishes with them, and at last slew them. On this account
they applied to Mohammed Páshá, beglerbeg of Romeili, who was at Buda,
and offered to deliver up Papa to him if he would agree to pay them
the wages which were due to them. They made a similar application to
Dervísh Páshá, beglerbeg of Bosnia, and who was stationed at Alba
Julia. Mohammed Páshá complied with the request of these Frenchmen,
and sent his lieutenant, Abdí Aghá, with four hundred men, and also
the beg of Alba Julia, Arnáúd Hasan Páshá, with his troops to support
the above renegadoes against all who came against them, and to avenge
the death of their brethren. The Moslem aid which was thus sent them
did it effectually; for they slew all who came to oppose them, carried
away with them all their wives and children, and distributed them for
slaves among those of the troops who had been most active. Three of the
most respectable and most honourable of these captives they sent, under
the charge of Hasan Páshá, to Belgrade. In the meantime a statement of
the amount of wages due to the Frenchmen by the Austrian government,
and which amounted to fifty thousand pieces of gold, and for which
they had stipulated to deliver up Papa to the Osmánlís, was sent
off to Constantinople without any unnecessary delay. The government
readily agreed to the proposal; but before the money could be sent to
them, the Germans surrounded Papa with cannon and soldiers, so that,
in fact, neither the money nor any thing else could be sent to them.
The poor Franks remained more than a month in this besieged condition,
and thinking it hopeless to wait any time longer in this state of
suspense and danger, they, under covert of the night, secretly left the
fortress, and tried to escape to the mountains near Alba Julia, about
six leagues distant. Not being acquainted with the road, they were
soon overtaken by German and Hungarian soldiers, who slew the greater
part of them. Nevertheless, five or six hundred of them, who escaped
falling into the hands of their pursuers, eventually found their way
to Alba Julia in a very weak and wounded condition. Five hundred of
them remained at Alba Julia, and the remainder went or were sent to the
serdár or commander-in-chief. This account of the Frenchmen of Papa is
taken from the Fezliké, but Hasan Beg Zádeh and Abdulkádír relate the
story somewhat differently.
From their account of the fact it appears, that the French who had
garrisoned Papa had written to Dervísh Páshá, proposing to deliver up
that fortress on the condition of receiving a sum equal to what was due
to them by the Austrian government; also of being received into regular
pay, and that pay to be regularly paid to them at the end of every
three months. Their number amounted, they stated, to two thousand,
and they promised to be every way serviceable to their new masters,
provided their offer was accepted. Sixty thousand ducats was the sum
they demanded, which the exalted serdár agreed should be advanced
to them, and immediately sent an account of the whole affair to the
court of Constantinople. The money required, and ten thousand ducats
in addition, for paying travelling expenses, were sent to Dervísh
Páshá, who sent it to the Franks. To the principal or leading man among
these Franks, who was a cardinal, a gold chain was sent along with the
sixty thousand ducats. As soon as the money and the gold chain were
delivered to the Franks, they put the Osmánlís in possession of Papa
and immediately joined Dervísh Páshá. They were afterwards escorted by
one of the ághás to Belgrade, where they entered into the service of
the Turks. The exalted serdár some time afterwards showed them very
great respect in the siege of Kaniza, they being the very first who
entered the trenches on that occasion. The same night on which they
entered into these trenches, the serdár gave them fifty thousand ducats
over and above the pay which was due to them. This race was found most
active and useful in the following campaigns, and were always preferred
to other infidels. Several hundreds of them afterwards accompanied
Sultán Osmán Khán in his wars, and were most serviceable to him whilst
engaged against the northern nations. These French or Franks did not
kill in the ordinary way. Such of the Russians and Cossacks as fell
into the hands of the Moslems were delivered over to these Franks, who
first fixed them alive on spits, and then roasted them before a fire,
turning them round and round till they perished by the process.
_Laudable qualities of Ibrahím Páshá._
Petchoghli says that Ibrahím Páshá, the commander-in-chief, was a man
of exemplary humility, possessing great benignity of nature and extreme
meekness. So great was his compassion and commiseration when any one
was brought before him for any crime, that he not unfrequently betrayed
weakness. On a certain occasion, when some peasants were brought into
his presence for rising up against the cazí of Púzgha and murdering
him, he took the blame to himself, and gave them a certificate which
signified that he had given them permission to perpetrate the crime
of killing the cazí. The reason he alleged for having acted thus was,
that if the peasants of the borders were too strictly dealt with, they
would, to escape the process of examination, go over to the enemy. He
manifested on several occasions similar compassion and forbearance
towards many of the enemy when they were brought before him.
It belongs to this part of our history to observe, that in Rabia II. of
this year, the janissaries of Shám (Syria) having exercised excessive
oppression towards the poor inhabitants of the province of Haleb
under the pretext of raising taxes, the governor, Hájí Ibrahím Páshá,
beglerbeg of Haleb, in order to suppress this mode of oppression,
caused seventeen of these Syrian janissaries to be seized and put to
death. This circumstance, however, gave rise to very serious commotions
afterwards, and was the cause of the shedding of much innocent blood.
The Georgian nation also revolted this year. Simon, the Hákim or
governor of this province, a faithless infidel, raised the standard of
rebellion and suddenly attacked Gúri, which he soon obliged to submit
to him; and afterwards razed part of the city to its foundation. By
the assistance of God, however, the governor-general of Tabríz and
Ván, Ja’fer Páshá, succeeded in getting him into his power, put him in
irons, cut off the head of Alexander, another of the Georgian princes,
seized upon his sons, and sent them along with Simon to Constantinople.
Simon was confined in the Seven Towers, but soon afterwards embraced
the Moslem faith. He died during the reign of Sultán Ahmed Khán.
Among the events which took place during this period, the following
is worthy of being remarked. There lived in Constantinople a certain
Jewess, who by means of an unlawful traffic acquired notoriety, and
was the means of seducing and corrupting several individuals of some
note. Her corrupt practices awakened the displeasure of the spáhís,
who raised a tumult, and prevailed upon the governor of the city,
Khalíl Páshá, to deliver her up, in order that the evil of which they
complained might be removed. The governor, who seemed to have some fear
of this wretch’s wickedness, and thinking it probable the queen-mother
might hear of her, ordered Kazánjí Zádeh, a Chávush báshí, to go and
demolish her dwelling. He did so; and not only caused her children to
be seized, but also hurried them and her away to the governor. They had
no sooner reached the stairs of the senate-house than the spáhís lost
all patience, drew their weapons, and murdered every one of them. Their
odious carcases were thrown out into the Meidán. But the perpetrators
did not stop here. They cut off the Jewess’ hands, the instruments of
bribery and corruption, and nailed them to the door of some of those
who had been involved in her crimes. The emperor, however, was much
offended at the shameless violence which the spáhís had exhibited,
and therefore removed Khalíl Páshá from his office for not having
restrained them. He appointed the eunuch Háfiz Páshá in his stead.
_Concerning Abulhelím._
This person, commonly called Karah Yázijí, or Scrivano, was one of the
principal actors in the rebellion which began to rage in the east.
Whilst the Moslem army was necessarily employed in repelling the
aggressions of the Hungarians and protecting its frontiers from the
inroads of these and other infidels, several insurrections broke out in
the east. Karah Yázijí, known by the name of Abdulhelím, the commander
of a cohort, headed a band of lawless and disaffected peasants, and
unfurled the standard of rebellion in the district of Rohá.
This same Yázijí was formerly beglerbeg of Ethiopia. Towards the close
of 1007, when Hasan Páshá was called on by the court of Constantinople
to give an account of his maladministration in Anatolia, the deputy of
Caramania, Mohammed Chávush, went with a thousand men to chastise him;
and after an hour or two’s fighting, dispersed Yázijí and his band of
rebels. Yázijí fled to Iconium.
When the government of Constantinople heard of these things, it
appointed Mohammed Páshá, the son of Sinán Páshá, and third vezír, to
the office of commander-in-chief of all the Asiatic troops; and he
immediately sailed for Alexandria.
When the new commander-in-chief arrived in the vicinity of Iconium,
he found that Hasan Páshá was two stages in advance of him, and had
joined himself to Karah Yázijí, who had subverted the fortress of
Rohá. Mohammed Páshá soon surrounded Rohá, and was not long in forcing
Yazijí to terms of accommodation. Yázijí was promised permission to
return to his own sanják on condition of his first delivering up Hasan
Páshá, which he accordingly did by letting him down by the wall of the
fortress: thus sacrificing his friend to save himself. Yazijí, without
any further ceremony or security, set off for Amasiah (a city in
Cappadocia), that being the sanják assigned to him.
It has been said of Karah Yazijí, that on finding that all his lead was
expended during the siege, he caused dollars to be melted down and made
into balls; and that it was only after these had been also expended he
was necessitated to sue for peace. Hasan Páshá was carried in chains
to Constantinople, had his hands and feet cut off in the diván, was
afterwards mounted on a beast of burden and exposed through the streets
of the city, and lastly, was empaled at the Woodgate as a public
spectacle.
Karah Yazijí not thinking himself secure, and fearing Mohammed Páshá
might be disposed to take vengeance upon him for his former practices,
again commenced to exercise cruelty and to excite rebellion; and it
was only after Mohammed Páshá’s lieutenant and several other ághás had
perished by his hands, that he was at last overpowered by the serdár,
Mohammed Páshá, himself. He now fled into the district of Sivás, and
fortified himself in the mountains which border on that district. The
winter season having arrived, Mohammed Páshá went into winter-quarters
at Diárbeker, determining that as soon as the winter was over he would
pursue the fugitive into his strong-holds.
In the meantime, however, Mahmúd Páshá, beglerbeg of Sivás, went to
Constantinople, and not only succeeded in obtaining a suspension of
hostilities against the wicked rebel, Karah Yazijí, but was himself, in
consequence of his representation, again received into favour. He made
it appear that his rebellion was owing to Mohammed Páshá’s tyranny,
and that it was on this account he had gone into the mountains. He, in
fact, represented him as a man worthy of important trust. The mufti
and the káímakám were so thoroughly persuaded of the truth of this
representation, that he was not only forgiven, but advanced to the
sanják of Chorum. When Mahmúd returned to Sivás, he and Karah Yazijí
were both employed in quelling the turbulence and insubordination which
existed throughout the country. The commander-in-chief, Mohammed Páshá,
was recalled. Hasan Beg Zádeh says that Chelebí Kází, the son of Siná
allah Effendí’s brother, had received large sums of money from Karah
Yazijí, and that he eagerly laboured by his representations, not only
to procure a pardon for Yazijí, but also obtained the sanják of Chorum
for him. He used his utmost efforts also to get Mohammed Páshá removed
from office.
_The state of Yemen._ (Arabia-felix.)
After the beglerbeg of Yemen, Hasan Páshá, had completely subdued, in
a series of battles, the rebels of that country who had raised the
standard of rebellion against the Ottoman government, the chief amongst
them, who appeared in the name of Imám Mehdí, and several other Arabs,
suffered death by decapitation; and the whole of his followers were
visited by retributive justice. The governor of Kokbán, Mohammed,
and the governor of Haja, Abd ur rahmán, having returned to their
obedience, afforded their aid to Sinán, the deputy, who was there left
to quell all disturbance, and things soon became quiet and settled.
_Ibrahím Páshá’s movements against Kaniza._
About the return of spring, and after the celebration of a religious
fast, which was about that time observed at Belgrade, the exalted
serdár, or commander-in-chief, pitched his camp in the plains of that
city, where he remained for the space of a month, making all the
necessary preparations for commencing a new campaign, and also to
afford time to the other troops to join the royal camp. Tarnákjí Aghá,
the ághá of the janissaries, the ághás of other regiments, and officers
of artillery, left the metropolis for Belgrade, about the commencement
of Dhu’l hijja of the last year, and reached the royal camp towards the
end of the same month. In consequence also of royal letters which had
been transmitted to his highness the khán of the Crimea, he furnished
a considerable supply of Tátár troops; and it was not long before
the serdár was informed that the troops which his royal highness
Ghází Gheráí, khán of the Crimea, had supplied, and which amounted to
several thousands, had arrived, under the command of a sultán, in the
neighbourhood of Belgrade.
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1009, H.
All things being now in readiness, the grand army removed from the
plains of Belgrade, crossed the Save towards the end of Moharrem, and
encamped in the plains of Zimnún; whence boats loaded with provisions
were forthwith sent to Buda. On the grand army’s arrival at the seventh
stage of its journey, it was determined to march upon Usk, with the
view of reducing Osterghún.
It is necessary to observe, that the infidels of Kaniza (Canischa,
in Hungary) were in the habit of perpetrating murders and committing
robberies on both sides of the Drave and of the Danube, and, in short,
had become very proud and exceedingly troublesome. Persons either going
to, or coming from, the mills of Belgrade, were frequently attacked
or carried off. About this time, or a little before it, they burned
down to the ground a palanka called Púrnawar, not far from the bridge
on the Save, by which the Moslem grand army had crossed that river,
and committed some other devastations besides. Tarnákjí Hasan Páshá,
who had been removed from Buda, and who at this time lived at Petcheví,
no sooner heard of these cruelties than he immediately set out with a
party of his followers in pursuit of the incendiaries, and on coming
up to them on the banks of the Drave, they fled across a bridge, and
afterwards destroyed it. This did not save them; for Hasan Páshá and
his men crossed the river on rafts, again pursued the fugitives,
killed some of them, made others of them prisoners, and the remainder
of the vile incendiaries perished in the Drave, and so went to hell.
The páshá and his men, after having performed these praiseworthy
exploits, repaired with flying colours to the camp of the grand army,
carrying their prisoners along with them, and for which service the
serdár immediately granted the páshá his due meed of praise. He made
some enquiry of the captives relative to the condition and strength of
the enemy, to attack which the Moslem army had so far advanced.
The exalted serdár, in a council of his great officers, when the
subject concerning the reduction of Osterghún was adverted to, said:
“Behold, great preparations have been made, many difficulties have
been overcome, and just as we were on the eve of entering the enemy’s
territories, these infidels of Kaniza have destroyed the bridge by
which the Moslem army was to pass on its return. I am much concerned
on this account, and therefore think it of the utmost importance that
Búbofché, which is not far off, should be first reduced. This effected,
we shall be able to command the whole of this quarter by placing a
garrison in it, and, at the same time, keep the road to Buda open.” All
the military chiefs, princes, and ághás approved of this proposal, and
the serdár’s mind was bent on vanquishing Kaniza. Accordingly, Hasan
Páshá, after the above consultation, set his men in order, crossed the
bridge at Usk, and sent his heroes towards Búbofché.
At this juncture of affairs, Dimoo, the odious Michael’s messenger,
arrived in the camp with letters and presents for the court of
Constantinople, (for Michael had submitted himself before this to the
Osmánlís,) and along with the reïs effendí, Hamza Effendí, set out for
that city on the 16th of Sefer, the day on which the army crossed the
bridge of Usk on its way to Shuklúshka, where they took among other
things an eighteen wakáyat cannon.[7] From Shuklúshka, a considerable
number of troops under the command of the beglerbeg of Diárbeker, Murád
Páshá, and Ketkhodá Mohammed, were ordered to advance upon Búbofché
and lay siege to it. On the arrival of the army before Búbofché, the
infidels made some little display of courage, by impetuously rushing
forth upon the Moslems, who had just commenced the siege. In this
sortie, one of the Mohammedan leaders fell a martyr, _viz._ the beg
of Sigetwar, Delí Nasúh Beg. After they were repulsed, the Moslems
commenced filling up the ditch which surrounded it, and in three days
afterwards the serdár appeared with the grand army before Sigetwar.
The contemptible enemy within this fortress, when they heard that the
serdár was coming to attack them, were so powerfully overcome by terror
that they yielded it up without resistance. Mohammed Ketkhodá conducted
them all to Novograde, on the lake Platten. In the meantime, the serdár
passed through Petcheví from Shuklúshka, and halted at Sigetwar. From
each of these fortresses he took some pieces of cannon, and on arriving
before Búbofché he found it occupied by his own troops.