his tents on the banks of the Danube, but ordered a boat to be held in
readiness for conveying Michael across when he arrived. Soon after the
deception had thus far succeeded, a number of waggons covered over with
scarlet cloth appeared at some little distance from the Páshá’s camp,
which the fraudulent messenger when interrogated concerning them said
were waggons conveying presents and treasures to the Páshá.
Whilst the Páshá and his men stood contemplating the loaded waggons
as they approached nearer, and suspecting no danger, suddenly a body
of troops made their appearance, and fell upon the astonished gazers
without allowing them a moment’s warning for self-defence. These were
Michael’s troops, and they amounted to more than twenty thousand,
whilst those under the command of Háfiz did not exceed three thousand,
and most of them, at that moment, were without any sort of defensive
weapon whatever. The waggons which were said to have been conveying
treasures and presents to the Páshá, turned out to be cannon which
they carried. The Moslems finding themselves thus miserably duped, and
seeing they were unable to resist such a force, had no alternative left
them but either to perish by the hands of these barbarians, or to seek
their safety in flight. This last appeared the most advisable, and they
endeavoured to accomplish it. The Páshá, in a state of madness, mounted
his horse, and all who were fortunate enough escaped to Maternevi.
Alas, many of the followers of Mohammed fell martyrs on that sad day.
The whole of their property and wealth fell into the hands of Michael
the apostate, and of those wretches who followed him.
The odious Michael, after having gained the advantage in the manner
above described, marched on Nicopolis, and laid siege to it; but he was
at length repelled. The struggle between the besiegers and the besieged
lasted twenty days, but the barbarians were at last obliged to retire
without having effected their purpose, and went towards Bekrish.
The unfortunate Páshá, like the rest of his men, lost all he had. It
has been said that some of Michael’s men brought him the garments and
shash which Háfiz usually wore, and that in derision of the Páshá he
put them on a decrepid old woman, whom he presented, thus dressed,
before his men, telling them, that he had caught the Moslem Páshá, and
thus excited their mirth at the poor Páshá’s expence.
The Páshá, however, made his way to Nicopolis, and repaired the
breaches which had been effected by Michael on that fortress. When on
the point of going into winter-quarters at Hazargrade, he received
information from the court of Constantinople that he was succeeded in
the command on the banks of the Danube by the fourth vezír, Mahmúd
Páshá. He accordingly returned to the metropolis about the middle of
Jemadi II., and was honoured with the dignity and office of fourth
vezír in room of Mahmúd.
_The grand Vezírship conferred a third time on Ibrahím Páshá._
When the want of that success which had attended the late campaign
had been fully considered, and that Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, the
commander-in-chief, had effected no good, or had acquired no advantage
whatever, but, on the contrary, had been the cause of much evil; that
it was owing to his want of military skill that Buda was allowed to be
laid siege to, and in a great measure destroyed; and, in short, that
it was to him and to the grand vezír, Jeráh Páshá’s, mismanagement,
conjointly, the whole of the misfortunes which befell the orthodox
troops during the late campaign were to be attributed, it was
considered wise to remove both from their respective offices. Ibrahím
Páshá, though more than once deposed from the grand vezírship, was yet
considered a man of great talent and strength of mind, fully competent
to fulfil the duties of the premiership, and at the same time those of
commander-in-chief. He was therefore again created grand vezír, and
the seals were accordingly sent to him. This appointment took place on
the 9th of Jemadi II. Jeráh Páshá was sick when this resolution passed,
and did not of course attend the diván on that occasion. He was,
however, carried to the palace of the chancellor, where the accusation
against him was read to him, and he was informed, pro formâ, that he
was deposed.
Four months after Ibrahím’s appointment to the premiership, it was
determined that he should assume the office of commander-in-chief
also, and proceed to Hungary. Kapúdán Khalíl Páshá, the káímakám,
and Jeghala Zádeh, Sinán Páshá, the second kapúdán, attended to the
necessary arrangements for the new army, which the grand vezír and
commander-in-chief was to conduct to Hungary. This new army left
Constantinople on the 27th of Shevál. Tarnákjí Hasan Aghá, ághá of
the Janissaries, commanded six divisions of the household troops:
the victorious banners were unfurled, and a declaration of war was
immediately issued.
Hasan Beg Zádeh informs us in his history that the winter was
so excessively cold when Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, the late
commander-in-chief, commenced his journey back, that it was with great
difficulty he was enabled to reach Constantinople. On his arrival
there, he found Ibrahím Páshá firmly installed in the office of grand
vezír, and busily employed in the discharge of the duties of that
high and important station. It was said, however, that in consequence
of the asylum of the world having hesitated about advancing from the
home treasury the necessary supply of money required for carrying on
the war, the noble commander-in-chief delayed his departure for some
time; and that, as a last resource, he had applied to the emperor’s
spiritual guide in the most earnest manner to get his master to grant
the supply required. The reverend effendí, in the greatest haste, and
under the pretext of calling a council, wrote to all the great men
to meet, and to them he made a representation of the urgency of the
commander-in-chief’s demand. The empress-mother also lent her aid,
and the thing at last was agreed to. Borhán Effendí was appointed
defterdár to the army: Lám Alí Chelebí defterdár to the governor of
Constantinople: Okjí Zádeh was made secretary: and Mudehí Chelebí was
appointed Reïs-ul-ketáb. Other appointments also took place. The all
potent commander-in-chief and the ághá of the Janissaries proceeded on
their march towards the seat of war. On reaching Selivría, Abúlsa’úd
Zádeh Effendí died, and the Muftí Effendí, through the intercession
of the father of the emperor’s principal eunuch, was appointed to the
presidency of Romeili; the grand vezír had, however, appointed before
this Ma’súm Effendí to the same office. Músá Chelebí, son of Mohammed
Effendí, was deposed from the office of high treasurer, and Borhán
was appointed in his stead. The latter, after having provided for the
army as far as Adrianople, returned to the metropolis. The ághá of the
Janissaries, Tarnákjí Hasan Aghá, separated from the grand army at
Chatalija, and marched his troops by way of Kirk Kilis to Belgrade.
_Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá murdered. Etmekjí Zádeh imprisoned._
Ibrahím Páshá, on his journey to Hungary, reached Adrianople in the
space of twelve days after his departure from Constantinople, whither
Etmekjí Zádeh Mohammed Páshá, who had been degraded from the office
of treasurer, which he held during the last war, had also come, but
who kept himself concealed. By means of Ibrahím’s lieutenant, Mohammed
Ketkhodá, he was introduced to the serdár or commander-in-chief, and
by means of large presents he got himself appointed high treasurer
in room of Borhán, whom the serdár contrived to send to Uskúb. But
this, however, was only the affair of a month; for a royal letter
soon arrived which ordered him to be apprehended and the whole of his
property to be confiscated. This order was issued in consequence of a
report which had been sent to his majesty respecting his conduct and
demerit; and the result would have been equally the same some time
before it did take place, had it not been secretly delayed for awhile.
Hasan Beg Zádeh says, that when the serdár had arrived in the plains of
Philippopolis he received some account of some manœuvres carried on
between his royal highness the khán of the Tátárs and his predecessor,
Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá. They had concocted a scheme prejudicial to the
interests of the Ottoman empire; the result of their manœuvring,
however, was fatal to Satúrjí. The serdár passed through Philippopolis
and arrived in the plains of Sofia, where he halted, and sent for the
ághá of the Janissaries, who was a stage or two in advance, and held
a consultation with him relative to some important affairs connected
with the object of the expedition. The ághá afterwards returned to
his troops. The commander-in-chief, it is to be observed, however,
had received injunctions from the court of Constantinople to deprive
Satúrjí of his life, the execution of which was committed to the ághá
above-mentioned, who was also instructed to accomplish this commission
on his arrival at Belgrade, where Satúrjí then was. This said ághá made
all the haste he was able; and on the 12th of Dhu’l hijja, when he
reached Hisárjik, near Belgrade, the serdár, Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá,
sent some of his ághás and other officers with their troops as far as
the plains of Belgrade to meet the ághá; unconscious all the while that
his head was devoted. His friend, the khán, had sent him an invitation
to come to him, and even warned him of his danger, but his mind was
totally indifferent to all danger; in consequence, moreover, of his
having received some friendly letters which had been sent him in the
name of the new serdár, though the serdár neither wrote nor sent them,
he heedlessly confided himself to the very person instructed to take
away his life. The ághá, to accomplish the deed, prepared a feast and
invited Satúrjí and his great men to dine with him at Hisárjik. On
their arrival they were individually presented with a robe, and other
tokens of respect which were conferred on them. Whilst they were thus
cheered and elated by the kindness of their host, and harbouring no
suspicion in their minds, this very host suddenly drew out of his
pocket the royal document or rather death-warrant, and caused his
soldiers, who were in readiness to obey, to slay the whole of his
guests in cold blood. Thus ended the unfortunate and afflicted life
of Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá. The cheerful feast became to him and his
associates the feast of death. His lieutenant, Ibrahím, was sick, and
did not accompany his superior; and when he learned his fate, he went
on board a vessel with Satúrjí’s khatíb, his friend, and put himself
under the protection of his royal highness, Ghází Gheráí, khán of the
Crimea. He so terrified the khán with the horrible stories he related
to him, that he resolved on setting out for his own country, and was
only prevented from doing so by some of his own mirzás, who were not so
easily alarmed.
In the meantime the commander-in-chief continued his march towards
Belgrade; and when he arrived at Batchina a messenger from the ághá met
him and informed him of the fate of Satúrjí. His whole property, and
that of his lieutenant, were seized and registered; at the same time
orders were also given to take possession of Etmekjí Zádeh’s property,
who was still at Belgrade, in order that that, as well as the property
of the other two, might be examined. On the 17th of Dhu’l hijja the
grand vezír and commander-in-chief reached the plains of Belgrade.
Etmekjí Zádeh, who, we have seen, was ordered to be imprisoned and
his property confiscated, lay without hope at this very time in
prison at Belgrade; but some who were well acquainted with the state
of affairs, and the necessities of the army in regard to their being
properly supplied with every thing requisite for their expedition into
the enemy’s country, as well as Etmekjí Zádeh’s fitness for this and
similar objects, obtained his release, and had him reinstated in his
former office. By the vigilance which he manifested in the discharge
of his duty he afforded no ground of uneasiness or discontent to the
Moslem troops, as he had done in the late campaign. He took good care
that the treasury and other departments under his inspection and
management were properly attended to.
The grand vezír remained at Belgrade till about the end of the month
last-mentioned (Dhu’l hijja), and saw that all the magazines and
storehouses were well filled with all sorts of provisions: he also put
a number of boats into a state of preparation.
_Strange conduct of the new Grand Vezír Ibrahím Páshá._
It is related by Alája Mohammed Aghá that he himself, at the time
Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá was killed, was present with Ibrahím Páshá when
on his way to Belgrade. His words are: “I was present in an assembly,
called together by the Páshá, when it was announced that Satúrjí
Mohammed Páshá was murdered. The Páshá fell into a great rage, and
asked furiously who had brought the intelligence. ‘It is false: it is
totally without foundation,’ said he, and then again asked the person
who announced it: ‘whence and from whom have you received this story?’
When the informer was about to say that he had been a witness to the
deed, the commander-in-chief broke out again in a furious rage and
said: ‘behold, this infidel utters falsehood in our presence; by the
head of the emperor, if this story turns out to be false you shall be
punished with death.’ After having thus exhausted his fury upon the
informer, he turned to the persons who composed the assembly, and thus
addressed them: ‘Muselmans, what an unlikely story is this! That an
ághá of the Janissaries should be guilty of the murder of so celebrated
a vezír as Satúrjí, without the emperor’s permission and unknown to
me, is unworthy of a moment’s belief: it is false.’ So great, indeed,
was the rage into which he put himself, that he actually foamed at the
mouth like a rabid animal.” The same historian goes on to say, that at
this time he stood before him, and on the páshá’s beckoning to him to
approach him he obeyed. “Go,” said the grand vezír, “and whereever you
find Etmekjí Zádeh take him to your tent and make him your prisoner.”
The narrator adds: “I immediately went in search of him and found him
in the tent of the ketkhodá. On asking him to accompany me he got up,
and we talked together till we arrived at my tent, when I invited him
to step in. He immediately appeared confused”—for this Alája Mohammed
Aghá was the chief executioner—“and asked the reason of his inviting
him into his tent. On informing him of the nature of the firmán which
had been sent to me regarding him, he instantly sent a person to inform
the ketkhodá of what had happened to him. The ketkhodá got into a
violent passion at the conduct of the ághá, and went directly to the
serdár and complained of him. The serdár swore he knew nothing of the
matter, and said it was false. ‘What is the ághá of a regiment,’ said
he, ‘that he should, without my permission, be so bold as to put a
defterdár into confinement;’ and many more words to the same effect.
He then called the ághá, asked him if he had done so and so, and by
whose authority he had so acted; and turning to the members of his
diván, said: ‘look, ye members of the diván, what times have appeared,
that an ághá of a regiment, without right or necessity, should take
it upon him to imprison a public functionary of so high rank as that
of Etmekjí Zádeh! I will certainly have him slain.’ After having thus
poured contumely on the poor ághá, he looked him in the face, and
exclaimed: ‘you infidel;’ then pressed his thumb in the palm of his
hand, and ordered him to be conveyed to prison: but he soon caused him
to be released again.” The same narrator says, there was no end to
the strange, deceitful, and injurious actions of which this ághá was
guilty. Etmekjí Zádeh found opportunity afterwards, however, of getting
the aforesaid ághá examined; his property, even to his bed, sold, and
himself degraded in the public estimation.
_Some other events of this year._
By some delusion of the devil, a fellow, under the pretext that he was
Sultán Soleimán, son of Selím II., who had been put to death, began
to exercise royal authority in one or two cities and villages in the
neighbourhood of Constantinople; but he was seized, his head cut off,
and his miserable body suspended from a tree.
This year, in the month of Rabia II., five French galleys, laden with
troops and military stores, entered by mistake into the harbour of
the island of Scio, and overpowered the garrison of that place. In
consequence of a strong gale of wind, however, these galleys were
driven from their moorings, and finally out to sea. Four hundred
Frenchmen were thus left upon the island, and these the inhabitants,
after the galleys had disappeared, slew with the edge of the sword.
In the month of Ramazán the emperor of Túrán (Scythia), Abdulkhán, by
means of his superior army took possession of the kingdom of Khorasán,
but was soon afterwards called to visit the world of spirits, when his
son Abdulmo’min reigned in his stead. The Usbek Tátárs not having been
satisfied with his administration, however, murdered him, and called
Núrud-dín Mohammed Khán, surnamed _Telún Khán_, to the government of
Túrán and Khorasán.
This same year also, the sháh of Persia, Sháh Abbás, marched his forces
against him into Khorasán, and slew him at Herat. He subdued also the
whole of that province, which contained twenty-four places of strength.
Under a show of justice, and of fidelity to the Ottoman court, he sent
an embassy to Constantinople, making an offer of them as a present to
the emperor.
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1008. H.
_Account of Ibrahím Páshá’s further operations._
In the beginning of Moharrem (the first month of the Mohammedan year)
the commander-in-chief Ibrahím Páshá, after having given orders
respecting all the boats and vessels at Belgrade, marched forward in
the utmost haste to the plains of Zimnún, where he encamped. On the
18th he reached Usk, where he remained nearly a whole week. On the
24th he crossed the bridge of that place, and reached the plains of
Mehaj on the 27th. Here he was joined by Mohammed Páshá, the beglerbeg
of Romeili, and by Alí Páshá, the beglerbeg of Rika. On the 29th the
serdár reviewed his army.
His royal highness, Ghází Gheráí, khán of the Crimea, having been much
afflicted in consequence of the death of Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, and
having been also very much perplexed on account of the share he had had
in his affairs, did not, on this occasion, join the grand army with his
auxiliary Tátárs. The fear he had entertained on this score, as well
as on account of some other parts of his conduct, strongly inclined
him to retire to his own country, lest he should be incarcerated, and
thus meet a fate similar to that which his late coadjutor, Satúrjí, had
met. In this moment of perplexity and doubt his mind was completely
relieved by the sight of handsome presents, which were brought him by
Ahmed Páshá, of Michaelej, Mohammed Páshá, beglerbeg of Sivás, and by
the ághá of the Salihdárs, who also, with great deference and respect,
invited him to join the grand army.
After a week’s halt at Mehaj, the grand army, on the 7th of Sefer,
moved forward to Banús, and were there met by Bálukjí Zádeh Mustafa,
accompanied by a messenger from Transylvania. On the 11th, the
army encamped at the head of a lake near the banks of the Danube,
where the commander-in-chief was apprized by letters from his royal
highness Ghází Gheráí, that the court of Vienna had sent him proposals
of peace. On the 21st he encamped in the plains of Ján Kúturán.
On this day (about the 19th of August) commenced the season of
autumn. On the fourth day after the above date, his royal highness
reached the opposite shores of the Danube, when his excellency the
commander-in-chief stepped into a boat and crossed over to pay him his
respects. At this stage, two pieces of cannon, which had been abandoned
by the enemy, were brought to the royal camp by the warriors of Alba
Julia. On the 27th, the army encamped with great eclat in the plains of
Kiris Elias, near Buda, and the Tátár army went to Pest, which lies on
the other side of the Danube. The navy which was ordered from Belgrade
also arrived. The inhabitants of Buda were inspired with courage and
joy at the sight of such an army and fleet as those which now presented
themselves before them. The beglerbeg of Buda having also arrived
with provisions from Kupán, orders were issued that same day for
commencing a bridge across the Danube. For accomplishing this object,
a considerable body of men were sent to Kizil-hisár to cut down trees.
Orders were also issued to put the grain and flour which had arrived
into granaries in Buda. The bridge above-mentioned was finished in
four days, and the grand army passed over to Pest. The serdár crossed
over on the 7th of Rabia II., having previously formed the resolution
of attacking the contemptible infidels, who happened to be posted at
Jegirdilin, opposite to Osterghún. On the same day, a beautiful horse,
with rich furniture, a splendidly ornamented dagger, and a number of
other costly presents, were sent to his royal highness, Ghází Gheráí,
khán of the Crimea. On the same day also, Jánbúlád Zádeh Hasan Páshá
joined the royal camp with the troops under his command. On the 10th of
the month, the grand army reached Amrúdlí. But the infidels of Wáj set
fire to this place during the night, and fled. On the 21st, whilst the
grand army remained encamped in the vicinity of Wáj, messengers arrived
from the enemy’s camp, proposing that the Moslem grand army should
postpone any further movement for the space of three days, in order to
bring about, if possible, a pacification. When the third day arrived,
the messenger waited first on the khán, and afterwards on the serdár,
when Murád Páshá, Ahmed Aghá, belonging to his royal highness the
khán, and Mohammed Ketkhodá were appointed commissioners, and ordered
to proceed to the enemy’s camp or tábúr, and negociate a peace. They
returned, however, in two days afterwards without having accomplished
any thing; and the Moslem army, without any further delay, put
themselves again in motion, passed under Novograde, situate on a hill,
without having sustained the least injury from the cannon of that
fortress; and arriving at a new palanka near Waragil, on the banks of
the Danube, opposite Vishégrade, they found it deserted by the enemy’s
troops who had held it in possession. The inhabitants endeavoured to
escape, but were all either killed or made prisoners. This palanka
was surrounded on three sides with a morass: the whole of its cannon
and powder fell into the hands of the Moslems, who set fire to the
place and burned it to the ground. Waragil, on the following day, was
evacuated, in like manner, and burned: nothing but the badness of the
roads saved the infidels of Waragil from experiencing the fate of those
of the palanka.
By this time, the infidel army discovered, as they thought, that the
Moslems meditated an attack on them about the 20th, and conjecturing
they would endeavour to cross by the two bridges which they had erected
below Osterghún, they stationed some of their bravest men in that
quarter, in order to resist them. The serdár, however, pursued the
plan he had first formed, and without a moment of unnecessary delay,
made towards Jegirdilin, where a considerable number of the enemy was
concentrated. Mohammed Khetkhodá thought it would be more advisable
to postpone any attack on the enemy for a day or so, and the khán
was of a similar opinion. The serdár, therefore, delayed; but on the
22nd he entered with his grand army the plains of Jegirdilin, which
so terrified the infidels that they quickly crossed the river and
concentrated themselves somewhere below Jegirdilin, but found that the
two bridges which had been erected there had been cut down. A number of
sick men whom they had left behind were all put to the sword: the grand
army advanced upon Osterghún.