orthodox troops, arrayed themselves before their enemies, they,
singularly enough, never once showed their faces till about mid-day,
though in fact they had made every preparation. Suddenly, however,
about that time of the day, their foot soldiery came pouring forth in
chariots, and after them the iron-cased dragoons, troop after troop,
to the amount in all of fifteen or sixteen thousand, and formed, as it
were, an irresistible barrier. Their field-pieces were placed in the
most excellent order. At every step almost they fired their muskets and
discharged their cannon, and continued advancing on the Moslem army
like a horde of swine, whom even _Rustam_ and _Zál_[5] would hardly
think of resisting. Their columns resembled mountains of iron, and
their lines seemed incapable of being broken. The right wing of the
Moslems gave way, and were thrown into confusion: the left, composed
of the household troops, after making a mighty and heroic resistance,
was overpowered, when the enemy forced their way to the Moslem side of
the marsh. At this moment of vehement struggle and impetuous movement,
the Tátár troops advanced and supported their chief Fateh Gheráí, and
thus checked, in some degree, the progress of the enemy. That part of
the enemy which had succeeded in throwing the right wing into confusion
made a strong effort to reach the royal tent, and was only restrained
for a short time by the Romeilian troops, brought up by Hasan Páshá,
who with the utmost celerity attacked them in the rear, but was again
repulsed by the briskness of the enemy’s fire. The Spáhís, weakened by
the fatigue they had undergone, and hopeless of victory, were obliged
to withdraw. The rest of the troops, perceiving the field thus clear
of their companions in arms, conjectured at once that the emperor had
fled, and therefore immediately turned about, some taking the road to
Belgrade, some to Buda, and thus leaving the enemy complete masters of
the field. The victorious enemy now commenced the work of spoliation:
they entered the Moslem tents and laid their hands on every thing which
came in their way. Five thousand of these wretches came within bow-shot
of the emperor’s sejada, or prayer-carpet, when the most desperate
struggle ensued. Musselman and Káfir, laying aside their muskets,
betook themselves to their swords, and fell to cutting and slashing
each other with the most deadly animosity. The vezírs and nobles
rallied round his majesty’s person, and defended him with the most
heroic bravery; and when some of the execrated wretches endeavoured
to cut the cords of the royal tent, the ághás who were within it
rushed out and slew them. It was a period which might be called an
antetype of the day of the resurrection, wherein these Moslems, a mere
handful, evinced the warm and genuine feelings of their loyal hearts.
The reverend prelate, Sa’d-ud-dín, was not wanting in his duty: he
translated, explained, and enforced the following sentiment: “Victory
is gained by patience, and after difficulty comes prosperity,” which
was calculated both to console and tranquillize the afflicted monarch’s
mind: he augured, also, a happy reverse.
The despicable but now triumphant infidels, thinking themselves
perfectly secure from any further annoyance from the defeated Moslems,
were intent only on acquiring spoil. God did not let them, however,
escape without a mark of his signal vengeance. They dispersed
themselves among the tents of the royal camp in search of booty, and
thus became divided. Their minds were engrossed wholly in this way,
and it so happened, by the providence of God, whilst fearlessly thus
employed, that the grooms, cooks, muleteers, camel-drivers, grooms, and
other servants which remained in the camp, perceiving the scattered
condition of their vile visitors, seized, some on axes, some on knives,
or whatever other weapon fell into their hands, and fell upon these
regardless spoliators, and slew as many of them as they were able. This
unlooked-for retaliation so terrified these robbers that they all fled,
and never halted till they got beyond their own fortifications. The cry
that the infidels were routed was now sounded, and spread like wildfire
every where. The affrighted Moslems returned from their hiding-places
and commenced pursuing the fugitives, and slew immense numbers of
them. According to the most authentic accounts it appears, that in
this pursuit the pursuing army, lately vanquished but now triumphant,
killed no less than 100,000 of these infidels. The victory was most
decisive: the fear of the Moslems so seized upon them that they fled in
all directions. The Moslem pádisháh (emperor) was declared conqueror
in the battle of Mehaj: his righteous cause triumphed, and the fame
of Islamism and that of the Ottoman empire was raised to the highest
renown. Never at any former period did any emperor, by so simple and so
extraordinary a means, acquire so much glory. Some, however, have given
a very different account of this battle.
The Defterdar (treasurer or recorder) Ibrahím Effendí, who himself
was present in this war, relates it thus: On the morning of that day
(_i.e._ on which the Moslems were defeated, but afterwards became
conquerors, as above related), the Moslem army directed their movements
towards the church situated near the lake; but finding the enemy had
retreated within their fortifications they advanced, after having
crossed the ford in that quarter, towards the enemy’s strong-hold,
keeping their cannon in the rear. The enemy, keeping close within their
fortifications, did not venture to show themselves till near mid-day,
when they began to issue forth in multitudes. 1st. The German foot
soldiers, all of them covered with mail and carrying arms. 2d. Another
body of the same race covered with breast-plates of iron, carrying
arms called muskets, which were capable of discharging ten, fifteen,
or twenty drachms weight. 3d. A body of Hungarians, consisting of one
hundred companies, each company amounting to five hundred men, on foot
and carrying fire-arms. 4th. The Hungarian cavalry, whose display of
standards and flags made them resemble a mountain covered with trees.
Besides all these there were also Germans, Bohemians, Poles, and men
of other nations, who were mounted on horses, and carrying some three,
some four, some five Hungarian fire-arms. The whole of this immense
army exceeded fifty divisions.
This immense number of troops is stated in the infidels’ own history
of events belonging to the period referred to. The karals (kings)
and dukes of different nations and states who aided the Emperor of
Austria in this war, caused the number of their respective troops to
be taken down, and the whole put together amounted to more than two
hundred legions, besides another army which they say had not reached
the field of battle. But to continue. The hostile divisions advanced,
maintaining as they did so a constant fire of musketry and other
fire-arms. Murád Páshá and the Bostánjí báshí, Alí Páshá, were sent to
support Sinán Páshá; but the dreadful effect of the musketry was such
that they found it impossible to withstand it, and therefore retraced
their steps across the marsh, when they dispersed themselves through
the fields. The enemy continued to press forward, with drums beating
and the constant roar of cannon and of musketry, directly towards the
royal camp. Hasan Páshá and his Romeilian troops were ordered to take
up their position at the head of the ford on the right, and oppose
them; but this effort proved ineffectual. The showers of musketry which
were poured in amongst them prevented their maintaining their ground
for a moment, and therefore they retired and joined the main body. The
fearless and inconsiderate infidels no sooner reached the royal camp,
though the Moslems were by no means broken and dispersed, than they
recklessly gave themselves over to the work of spoliation and plunder.
Two regiments of them made towards the imperial treasures, dispersed
the Janissaries and Spáhís who had been appointed to guard them, drew
out the coffers from the tent in which they were placed, threw down
their cross-bearing banners, and began to dance for joy; but their joy
was not of long duration.
These disastrous appearances altogether were truly afflicting, and to
none did they appear more so than to Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí. He counselled
his majesty to continue firm and to maintain his position. “Such is the
state of matters at present,” said he to his majesty, “and such they
frequently were in the days of your illustrious progenitors; but depend
upon it,” continued the reverend prelate, “depend upon it, that by a
Mohammedan miracle the Mohammedan people, God willing, will yet obtain
the victory: keep up, therefore, sire, your spirits, and be of good
courage.” It is related that the emperor was informed of the disasters
which befell his army whilst he was sitting on horseback, and the
reverend prelate standing at his stirrup, to whom he dictated a humble
and earnest supplication, which the prelate offered up to God. The
Germans have recorded that this prayer or supplication was heard.
Of the enemy’s entering the royal camp, and of their having given
themselves over to the work of spoliation, we have already spoken. The
enemy were astonished beyond bounds at the sight of the vast riches and
wealth which the Osmánlí camp presented to their view. In fact, their
eyes had never before seen such a quantity of wealth. In their thirst
and greediness to acquire the valuables they every where saw around
them, they forgot, or laid aside the art of war. The repulsed Moslems,
seeing how their enemies were engaged, and watching their every motion,
began to reflect how they might recover their property which their
enemies were busily employed in appropriating to themselves. Just at
this moment, and towards evening, an army raised up by God himself
accomplished the destruction of these wretches. The grooms, cooks, and
other menials who belonged to the camp, and who still remained in it,
were roused to indignation. Some seized on axes, some on spades, or
similar instruments, and fell, with undaunted fury, on the robbers,
and slew many of them. The barbarians, by this circumstance, were
panic-struck, and began to run away. The cry now resounded that the
enemy had fled: the Moslems, who through fear had fled from the field
of battle, returned at this exhilarating sound, fell with exasperated
rage on the fugitives, and killed every one they were able to overtake.
Not a few even of those of them who wore chains perished from fear
and palpitation of heart. It may be affirmed, without incurring the
charge of overstepping the bounds of truth, that fifty thousand of
these hateful wretches fell by the edge of the sword. Very many of
them stuck in the mud, and were there beheaded. Twenty thousand of
their cavalry perished in one short hour on the right of the camp,
by the heroic bravery of Sinán Páshá and his men. Vast numbers of
them were drowned in the marsh. To complete their ruin, Fateh Gheráí,
with his Tátár troops, pursued them even to their own fortifications,
where they attempted to offer resistance, but again their courage
failed them. They left all, and escaped only with their heads to the
surrounding mountains. Ten thousand ducats, ninety-seven pieces of
ordnance, with the whole of their magazines of powder, their mortars,
their light guns, and in short, the whole of their arsenal fell into
the conquerors’ hands. Thus did these wretches meet with retributive
justice. To have slain so many in so short a period, it has been
observed, could not have been the work of mere mortals. Those who were
eye-witnesses, and who related these other facts, declared, that there
was no comparison between the number who died in actual battle to the
number that perished otherwise.
This victory was gained on the 5th of Rabia II., 1005 of the Hejirah.
_The Premiership conferred on Jaghaleh Zádeh Sinán Páshá._
After having finally defeated and put to flight the enemy, as above
related, Jaghaleh happened to reach the emperor before the grand vezír,
Ibrahím Páshá, had time to do so, and said to him: “Sire, your slave
has been the means of obtaining this glorious victory;” and boasted of
himself at no allowance. The reverend prelate, and Ghaznafer Aghá, who
witnessed his vanity, or who at least heard him tell of his exploits,
thought it would be but justice to confer the seals of office on him,
and therefore induced the emperor to promise to send them to him.
Being now, as he thought, firmly established in the office of prime
minister, he caused himself to be congratulated as such, and to have
his hand kissed. It was not long, however, before it began to be
rumoured that Jaghaleh was the very first who had taken flight. In the
meantime, the grand vezír also arrived and confirmed the joyful tidings
which had just a little before been communicated to the emperor; but
this had not the least effect in making him alter the resolution he had
come to with respect to the seals of office: neither did he give any
hint of it to the grand vezír himself, who, soon afterwards, returned
to his tent and devoted himself to the duty of conferring gifts and
presents on those who had signalized themselves with him in the battle,
not knowing that he was deposed. He also sent off couriers to recall
such of the Moslem fugitives as had not returned to their duty.
The following day, as Ibrahím was on the eve of accompanying Jeráh
Mohammed Páshá and Ja’fer Páshá to the field of battle, and examining
the ground lately occupied by the enemy’s camp, as well as all the
tents and other furniture which they had been under the necessity
of abandoning, the reverend prelate hastened to the royal tents to
enquire of Ghaznafer whether Ibrahím still retained the seals or not,
and wondered much whether his majesty was sincere in what he yesterday
proposed: “it would have been better,” he added, “if his majesty had
rejected Jaghaleh’s request.” The other replied, he did not know what
the emperor had done with respect to the seals. The prelate observed
that the change might occasion, at some future period, a disagreeable
tumult and uproar. Ghaznafer Aghá, the emperor’s chamberlain, said
he was afraid to say any thing further about the matter to his royal
master, but that he was a witness of his royal master’s attachment to
Ibrahím.
In the midst of this conversation between the emperor’s spiritual guide
and his chamberlain, the grand master of the horse went boldly into
his majesty’s presence, and related to him the whole of the prelate’s
conduct in this affair, and asked what evil he had seen in Ibrahím that
he should be so summarily dismissed. “As for this Ghaznafer,” said he,
“he is a Frank by birth, and of the same race with Jaghaleh, the son of
Sinán Páshá. It is right and proper therefore,” continued this grand
master of the stables, “to make enquiry into Ibrahím’s conduct. Let him
be called into your own presence, hear his account, and you will then
be convinced that the insinuations which have been made are false.”
Whilst this officer went out to order a horse for his majesty, that he
might go forth and examine matters on the field in person, the reverend
prelate renewed his efforts in favour of Jaghaleh; and the result was,
that the emperor, after a few moments of reflection, ordered an officer
of the Kapújís to proceed and take the seals from Ibrahím and give
them to Jaghaleh. This latter officer hastened to Ibrahím’s tent to
fulfil his commission; but not finding him there, he proceeded towards
the field of battle whither Ibrahím had gone, and met him returning to
the Moslem camp. He told him the purport of his mission, received the
seals, and went and delivered them to Jaghaleh.
The late victory and glory acquired by the Moslem army having been
acquired under the auspices of Ibrahím Páshá, it may easily be
conjectured that Jaghaleh did not much enjoy his promotion. His
imprudence and mismanagement, in short, his whole conduct created him
many enemies; but we shall hear of him afterwards.
_The Fugitives punished._
After Jaghaleh was confirmed in the premiership, he commenced an
inquiry with respect to those of the Moslems who had fled in the day
of battle, which inquiry continued for the space of three successive
days. The result of this inquiry was, that 30,000 were discovered to
have deserted their colours, and were therefore not only cut off
from receiving pay and provisions, but permission was given to slay
them wherever any of them might be found. Those who did return, in
consequence of the late grand vezír’s invitation, were miserably and
cruelly put to death. Yúnus Aghá, in whose tent the emperor took refuge
during the action, the Aghá of a regiment and many other worthies, he
caused to be beheaded. This Yúnus was master of the horse to the grand
vezír, Sinán Páshá, and was honoured by his majesty’s entering his tent
on the day of battle, as already related. Much innocent blood was made
to flow by the instrumentality of the new vezír, which roused a spirit
of general murmuring against him. By his imprudent and violent conduct
in trying to rectify the evil, he not only gave greater prominency
to it in the sight of the enemy, but confirmed those Muselman troops
who fell into the hands of the enemy in their terror of him, and
inclined them to stay where they were, or caused them to seek refuge
in their provinces. He executed all those who fell into his hands, and
confiscated their property. When he returned to Belgrade he degraded
Sohráb Páshá of Egypt, a man of great rank and office, and made him
wear old and tattered garments.
So great indeed was the consternation into which his intolerable
government plunged every one of the military, that very many of them
fled to Anatolia, which so roused the inhabitants of that country
that they were constrained to rise in their behalf, and thus caused
a rebellion which only terminated with his downfall. Among the many
instances of his maladministration, the following was by no means
the least: He removed Ghází Gheráí Khán, Khán of the Tátárs, from
holding the supreme authority, and placed Fateh Gheráí in his room, a
circumstance which caused great disorder and tumult among the Tátárs,
and finally led to the murder of the latter.
_The conquering Moslems return to Agria._
After the contemptible enemy had been defeated and routed, as before
related, the drums were kept beating and rejoicings celebrated
till supper-time that night. Next day a diván was summoned, and
congratulations offered on account of the success which the Muselmans
had achieved. They remained three days in the valley of Mehaj after
the troops were all gathered together. The command of the Janissaries
was conferred on Tarnákjí Aghá. The ninety-seven pieces of ordnance
taken from the enemy were transported to the fortress of Solnuk,
or distributed among the Beglerbegs and Begs of Sanjaks, and other
divisions of the army. On the 11th of Rabia II., the whole army
returned to Agria. About the middle of the same month, Alí Aghá, Aghá
of the household troops, was sent to Constantinople to announce the
success of the Moslem arms. One thousand Kúl Oghlí and one thousand
Agria Janissaries were registered and left as a garrison at Agria: and
Tarnákjí Aghá, and three thousand Janissaries were left there also as
an army of observation. The Beglerbeg of Romeili, Válí Páshá, and one
thousand Janissaries were appointed to garrison Buda.
_The Emperor returns to Constantinople._
Towards the end of Rabia II., the emperor, the asylum of the world,
left Agria, and passing through Solnuk, Segdin, and Waradin, arrived at
Belgrade, where he rested two days, appointed the fourth vezír, Hasan
Páshá, commander-in-chief of the army, and afterwards set out for the
metropolis.
_Jaghaleh, the grand vezír, deposed.—Ibrahím is re-appointed._
Jaghaleh Zádeh Sinán Páshá’s maladministration secured him, as might
easily have been prognosticated, the hatred and aversion of all
ranks, high and low, prince and people. As soon as the emperor had
reached the place called Khurmán, near Adrianople, he dispatched Omar
Aghá, secretary to the Chávush Báshí, to receive back the seals from
Jaghaleh, and to deliver them to Ibrahím Páshá, his predecessor in
office. Jaghaleh himself was exiled to Aksheher, beyond the Hellespont,
where he was doomed to spend his days in obscurity and inactivity.
Ibrahím Páshá was no sooner reinstated in the premiership than he
waited on his majesty, and paid him all due acknowledgment for the
honour conferred on him. On returning to the camp, he banished Mohammed
Aghá, master of the horse, the writer of this account; besides several
other favourites of the late grand vezír, whom he turned out of office.
Ghází Gheráí, the ex-khán, was reinstated in the regal dignity over
the Tátárs of the Crimea. Hasan Páshá, the son of Mohammed Páshá, who
was lately made commander-in-chief, was deposed, and Satúrjí Mohammed
Páshá appointed in his stead. Thus did Ibrahím Páshá compensate his
own friends for the injuries they had sustained in consequence of
his deposition. Even the reverend prelate Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí was
not allowed to escape without feeling the effects of the new vezír’s
displeasure. He was deposed from his high office, and to prevent him
from carrying on intrigue and fraud with the learned body of which he
was a member, he was obliged to live a recluse life, even that of a
hermit.
The services and heroism of Jaghaleh Zádeh we have already
contemplated. We have seen how he attributed the victory gained over
the infidels at Mehaj to his own bravery and proper management;
how he endeavoured to throw the services of Ibrahím Páshá into the
shade, and, in short, how he succeeded by fraud and artifice to get
himself created grand vezír. It is said that the emperor, when he
first petitioned to be made prime minister, demurred; and that it was
only after he represented the great interest he possessed among the
troops, who doubtless would create a tumult in his favour, if he was
not raised to the dignity of the premiership, that his majesty at last
agreed to confer the seals on him. In fact, he did not scruple even to
assert that there were not wanting signs of this disposition in the
soldiery at the very time he was speaking to the emperor, and thus
urged him to a compliance with his wishes. Jaghaleh was a man of great
intrepidity, but wrathful. His heart was unacquainted with gentleness
and compassion. In consequence of his reckless and horrible cruelties
towards the unfortunate fugitives, and other crimes, the hearts of all
were turned against him, and his downfall was sought. When Ibrahím was
again raised to the grand vezírship, new life seemed to be transfused
throughout all ranks; and all rejoiced at Jaghaleh’s misfortunes. The
chancellor, Alí Chelebí, who wrote a detail of the victories obtained
in the conquest of Agria, and in the battle of Mehaj, wrote it in the
name of Jaghaleh, as if he really were the conqueror, and praised
him in the most extravagant manner. For this he was not only sharply
rebuked, but also deposed. Okjí Zádeh was appointed in his stead.
When his majesty reached Dávud Páshá, on his return, he was there
met by the Káímakám Hasan Páshá, the eunuch, and the mufti, who came
thither with a splendid escort to congratulate his majesty on his
return, and on the successes which had attended the Moslem arms. On
the 6th of Jemadi II. the grandees and nobles preceded the army in
solemn procession to the imperial city, and conducted his majesty to
his royal palace, and for three successive days and nights the whole
exhibited nothing but demonstrations of joy. Núh Páshá was appointed
to the government of Caramania; and as a mortification to the reverend
prelate, so frequently mentioned in the course of this history, and
latterly so very unfortunate, his eldest son, Mohammed Effendí, was
deprived of his office of cazí, in Anatolia, which was given to Kúsh
Yahiah Effendí, who had been deposed from the jurisdiction of Mecca.
Two days after these changes and new appointments had taken place,
the prelate’s son-in-law, the governor of Romeili, Yahiah Effendí,
just mentioned, and the poet, Bákí Effendí, met and consulted together
how they might succeed in again bringing Sa’d-ud-dín into notice and
favour. They got the chancellor, Okjí Zádeh, to draw out a document in
his favour, recommending him to the cazíship of Mecca. But the grand
vezír, the prelate’s enemy, succeeded in getting some of the Aghás
about the queen-mother to hinder this document finding its way to the
royal presence, and kept it back two days.
In the meantime the reverend prelate was made acquainted with what was
going on in his favour, and sent his slaves and other property to the
empress, supposing she would, by her interference, prevent his being
sent to any place distant from the metropolis. He was mistaken: for an
answer to the above document or petition was sent to the petitioner,
which intimated that the reverend prelate, to prevent his exercising
fraud and deceit in future, should retire to a cell, and there pass
the remainder of his life in religious meditation. The learned body of
the Ulemá, however, ventured to oppose the grand vezír, and therefore
entered into consultation with the mufti, Bostán Zádeh, as to the way
they should act.
_Concerning Fateh Gheráí._