Mehaj, when Jeghala Zádeh Sínán Páshá was raised to the premiership,
as recorded in former sections of this work, he, in his imprudence,
caused Ghází Gheráí Khán to be removed from holding the khánship of
the Crimea, and put his brother, Fateh Gheráí, in his place; alleging
that Fateh Gheráí had rendered very great and important services in the
late war, and therefore ought, as his reward, to ascend the throne of
the Tátár kháns. Fateh Gheráí, more virtuous than the prime minister,
strongly dissuaded the premier from his purpose, urging as a powerful
reason, that were he to accede to the proposal, he would thereby be
invading the rights of his brother; of one who had been to him, he
said, not only a kind brother, but a father also. The grand vezír’s
solicitations, however, were too powerful to be long resisted, and
therefore he consented to be made khán. The new vezír, Ibrahím Páshá,
however, reversed this arrangement, for he was no sooner reinstated in
the premiership, than he meditated the re-installing of Ghází Gheráí
in his former dignities. He therefore called a council of the vezírs
and the other magnates of the state, and laid this subject as a matter
of discussion before them. This council prepared papers, which stated
that Ghází Gheráí had filled the Tátár throne with dignity, that he had
the esteem and good will of his tribe, and that the whole of the tribe
had paid a cheerful obedience to his sway; whereas, the papers went
on to say, that if Fateh Gheráí were allowed to usurp his authority
and place, a rebellion would doubtless be the consequence: besides, it
was further stated, that to place Fateh Gheráí on the throne of the
Tátárs would be to deprive the other, the lawful sovereign, of his just
rights and titles without his own consent, or even without any shadow
of reason whatever, and thus make him appear unworthy of holding the
office of khán.
Accordingly, letters were prepared in the name of both these princes
and committed to one Khundán Aghá, a Circassian, with instructions to
act according to circumstances. He was instructed, for instance, that
if he perceived, on his arrival in the Crimea, that the Tátárs still
adhered to Ghází Gheráí, he was to deliver to him the letter addressed
to him; and on the contrary, if he saw that they were in subjection to
Fateh Gheráí, he was in this case to deliver to him the one addressed
to him, and invite Ghází Gheráí to come to Turkey.
Khundán Aghá set out with these two royal letters and landed at Kafa,
in the Crimea, but found on his arrival there that Ghází Gheráí had
already embarked for the imperial dominions, though he had not yet
sailed. The officer, forgetting his instructions, attached himself
exclusively to the interests of the ex-khán, and without further
inquiry delivered the packet addressed to him, and exercised, besides,
other unwarrantable liberties. The ex-khán, on receipt of the above
packet, disembarked and returned to Kafa, took advantage of the frauds
exercised by the officer, showed the documents from Constantinople of
which the officer was the bearer, and, lastly, announced himself as
recalled by these documents to the exercise of the khánship.
When Fateh Gheráí perceived what was going on to his prejudice, as now
mentioned, he bestirred himself in order to thwart the purposes and
endeavours of the ex-khán. He, too, produced a royal mandate, which he
said had been sent to him, and which confirmed him in the khánship.
Hence arose a very serious dispute between these two royal brothers
respecting the khánship: the Tátárs became divided. Abdur-rahmán
Effendí maintained, that as Fateh Gheráí’s document was more recent,
it ought to be regarded as the only one which had any claim, and as
dispossessing Ghází Gheráí for ever of the throne of the Tátárs. The
mufti of Kafa thought otherwise. He said that all the imperial commands
which had been received acknowledged Ghází Gheráí as the legitimate
sovereign of the Crimea; that they confirmed him in the exercise of
regal authority; and that the document which Fateh Gheráí had presented
was altogether doubtful, if not an artifice to impose upon them. One
single paper, letter, or written document, he further maintained, was
not sufficient of itself for them to act upon; and to do so would be
both injudicious and imprudent. There can be no doubt, continued the
mufti, that to disobey or disregard the imperial authority, as vested
in the person of Ghází Gheráí, will be considered as obstinacy and
rebellion. After having delivered this speech he gave forth judgment
in favour of Ghází Gheráí, rejecting Fateh Gheráí’s pretensions
altogether as spurious. The whole of the tribe followed the high
priest, and declared in favour of Ghází Gheráí, leaving Fateh Gheráí
the victim of astonishment and surprise. Some forward persons, more
zealous than prudent, insisted that he, Fateh Gheráí, should do homage
to his elder brother and make an apology to him. The simple-hearted
prince, influenced by the arguments which were employed to incline
him to do so, went to his brother and did as he was required; but it
proved fatal to him. On coming out from his brother’s presence he was
met by a body of mirzás, adherents of the former, who fell upon him and
murdered him, cutting him to pieces. Not satisfied with this, they also
extirpated the whole of his family, leaving neither root nor branch.
Ghází Gheráí having been reinstated in the regal authority, the Mirzás
and Tátárs yielded obedience to his firmáns, and all rancour and
dispute was at an end. Fateh Gheráí, it must be acknowledged, was an
excellent man, a great hero, and well qualified to fill a throne. By
Jeghala’s uncalled-for interference in his favour he eventually lost
his life, and his whole family were rooted out from the face of the
earth.
Ghází Gheráí, now absolute and supreme, commanded a fortress to
be erected in the heart of Circassia, which was afterwards fully
completed. Khundán Aghá returned with great joy to Constantinople, and
related the success of his mission to the Crimea; but the emperor was
so very much displeased with him for the conduct he had pursued, that
his case was deferred for future consideration.
_New appearances of hostilities._
The loss of Yanuk on a former occasion, the conquest of Agria, and
the immense loss sustained in the valley of Mehaj this year, were
disasters, no doubt, which must have sensibly affected the Emperor of
Austria. He soon showed that this was really the case; for the grand
sultán had scarcely returned to his metropolis, when the Austrian
emperor again assembled another vast army, which was ordered to march
on Yanuk. Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, who was appointed commander-in-chief,
wrote a statement of the ill condition of the troops under his command
to the grand vezír, who again laid it before his majesty. Accordingly,
stores of all kinds and ten thousand ducats from the imperial coffers
were immediately voted for his use. The grand vezír himself made a
present of his own horses and beasts of burden, and the other vezírs
followed his example. Five regiments or legions and ten thousand
Janissaries, under the command of Alí Aghá, the deputy of the ághá of
the Janissaries, were appointed to take the field. Ahmed Effendí, son
of Etmekjí, was appointed military treasurer, and one thousand yúks
of money were put under his charge for the purpose of defraying the
expense of the war. The troops of Romeili, of Anatolia, of Caramania,
of Sivás, of Diárbeker, of Merœsh, and of Ruka, were all ordered on
this expedition. Letters were also issued to the Tátár Khán, ordering
him to be present with his troops.
The serdár or commander-in-chief, after the above arrangements were
fully attended to, commenced his march to Adrianople, reached Sofia on
the 7th of Dhu’l hijja, and the plains of Belgrade on the 29th of the
same, which concluded the year.
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1006 H.
On the 2nd day of the new year, _i.e._ the 2nd of the month Moharrem,
the commander-in-chief entered Belgrade with his army, and there they
rested for the space of twenty days, during which time provisions and
other necessaries were distributed among the various troops.
The beglerbeg of Anatolia, Mohammed Páshá, joined the grand army with
his provincial troops on the 8th of the month, on which day the whole
camp moved forward, crossed the Save, and marched towards Serim. The
Serdár followed on the 23rd, and joined his camp in the plains of the
last-mentioned place. The beglerbeg of Bosnia, Háfiz Ahmed Páshá,
joined himself and his provincials to the grand army at Zemún, and
Murád Páshá, the válí of Diárbeker, at Usk. The beglerbeg of Romeili,
Válí Páshá, and the beglerbeg of Buda, Mikaeljelí Ahmed Páshá, met the
grand army at the head of the lake, near Buda.
Information having been given that the enemy had laid siege to Yanuk,
it was determined, in a council of war, to march to the relief of that
fortress. Ten pieces of ordnance, small and great, taken from the
fortress of Buda, were put under the charge of the troops under Válí
Páshá and Ahmed Páshá. The grand army reached the plains of Dál on the
20th of the month, where it encamped; and here also it was joined by
the beglerbegs of Sivás and Ruka, with their respective troops. Here
also they received information confirming the intelligence they had
formerly obtained respecting the siege of Yanuk. By some prisoners
which were brought in they were assured that Maximillian, with forty
or fifty thousand troops, was busily engaged in the reduction of that
place. This information induced the Moslem army to go over to the
little island called Komran.
In the meantime, however, the veterans of Yanuk having a favourable
opportunity offered to them did not let it slip. They impetuously
rushed out of their strong-hold, seized about one thousand prisoners,
and slew twice that number.
As soon as the pieces of ordnance were brought forward, the Moslems
removed to Tata, placed their guns against it, and commenced firing
them on the 26th of the month Sefer. This fortress had undergone the
same fate with Yanuk, and was now in the hands of the enemy. It was
therefore considered of importance to attempt its reduction.
Towards the end of the month, the household troops were divided into
two divisions. One division was stationed near Osterghún, and the
other near Komran, as armies of observation. Mines were laid with the
utmost diligence; but to enter the breaches which had been effected
was found too difficult a task, owing to the steepness of the place.
When the attempt was made, the veterans who did so were driven back by
the bursting of shells, and by the stones which were hurled at them.
But though they did not succeed in entering the breaches, they did not
fail to distress the besieged by their field-pieces and mines. Such,
in fact, was the effect this mode of operation had on the minds of the
besieged, that they supposed that if they continued to hold out one day
longer, they would fall victims to their own temerity and obstinacy;
and, therefore, under cover of night, they left the fortress, fled
through the rushes and long grass, which grew in abundance about the
place, and made their way towards the fortress of Komran. Mohammed
Páshá, the beglerbeg of Anatolia, having that night the charge of the
watch, perceived their motions, pursued them with vigour, slew a number
of them, and made others of them prisoners. But it is necessary to
observe, that in consequence of the abundance of rushes and long grass
which grew along the sides of the lakes and in the channel between it
and Komran, many of these heathens escaped by hiding themselves among
them.
The place was taken on the 1st of Rabia II. after the enemy had
abandoned it, and those of the enemy who besieged Yanuk also fled.
The breaches made in the fortress of Yanuk were repaired in about
eight days, and afterwards about a thousand measures or bags of flour
were deposited in it. The garrison who had charge of it, and who
were hired to keep possession of it, came with their officers to the
commander-in-chief, and told him they had fulfilled their engagements,
demanded their stipulated hire, and, at the same time, to have their
names enrolled as worthy of promotion. They were continued in the
garrison for another year, and their case was represented to court.
On the 8th, the grand army was joined, whilst encamped at the head of
the lake, by Núh Páshá, the beglerbeg of Caramania, and on the 10th the
whole camp removed to Old Buda.
_A Council held.—The army marches on Wáj._
In the meantime the inhabitants of Buda sent in a representation to the
Serdár of the danger in which they considered themselves. They stated,
that ever since the reduction of Osterghún, Buda became, by that event,
a frontier city, and was, therefore, more in danger from the enemy.
They insisted that that was the only time for recovering so important a
place. “The summer,” they said, “is nearly at an end, and the enemy are
not so numerous as on former occasions. God willing,” they added, “the
vanquishing of it will not be difficult. If, on the other hand,” the
Budians still speaking, “you will not attempt what we think you should
attempt, we will in such a case send letters of complaint against you
to court. This is what we will do.”
In consequence of this representation by the Budians a council was
immediately held, and the subject seriously discussed. The Janissaries
decidedly opposed the measure as altogether out of time. They alleged
that the time of the year for making trenches and raising mounds was
past. Osterghún, they said, was not of such importance as some other
places, and therefore they did not think the request of the Budians
should be complied with. The Serdár, when he perceived that the
Budians insisted on his following their advice, turned round upon them
and said: “if you all come forth and assist in making the trenches and
mounds requisite in such an enterprise, and with heart and hand engage
to labour in the undertaking, we with the whole of our Moslem army will
return to lay siege to Osterghún.” The Budians promised to comply.
It so happened, however, that, after the head of artillery had embarked
twenty badlooshkas (a kind of ordnance) and ten pieces of large cannon
on board the transports which lay in the river (Danube), and all were
in a state of readiness to march, a heavy fall of snow, about a cubit
deep, fell during the night, which at once put a stop to the whole of
the enterprise. It was agreed on all hands to postpone the expedition
to some future but more advantageous period.
On the 12th of the month Teryákí, Hasan Páshá arrived in the camp
and informed the Serdár that the prince of Transylvania had attacked
Temiswar. In consequence of this intelligence, the beglerbeg of Sivás,
Mahmúd Páshá, the beglerbeg of Ruka, Alí Páshá, and the beglerbeg of
Adna, Mohammed Páshá, were all ordered with their respective troops to
march to the aid of Temiswar. About the same time, also, the Moslems
learned that a body of the enemy’s troops had passed Osterghún, and had
gone towards Wáj. This determined the Serdár to alter his plans, and to
march against them. In the space of five days the Moslem army passed
through the plains of Pest; and on the 15th of the month crossed the
bridge of the above place, when a tremendous fall of snow, the very
next day, began to fall, and occasioned much pain and uneasiness to the
troops. On the 18th, the army halted at a place called Armúdlí. Here
they waited for the arrival of their ordnance, which had been embarked
as before mentioned.
In the meantime a party of Tátárs brought into the camp about twenty
prisoners they had seized, and who informed the Serdár of the state
of the siege carried on against Temiswar. On the 21st, they encamped
before the fortress of Wáj. A considerable body of the enemy lay
encamped on a narrow kind of pass a little above Wáj, on the Danube.
On the land side they were guarded by a ridge of high mountains, and
by an extensive ditch in front. Within this trench or ditch they had
erected ramparts and bastions, and were every way supplied with all
sorts of implements of war. The Moslems finding it impracticable to
attack them in front, or on the mountain side, determined to attack
them from behind. They, accordingly, made arrangements with this
view. The advance guard of the Moslems, after four days’ march round
the mountain, advanced on them in the rear within the range of their
artillery, and were met by a few companies of Hungarian troops who
feigned resistance, but who soon retired within their works—thus
seeking to bring the Muselmans within the range of their artillery.
The beglerbegs of Anatolia, of Caramania, of Bosnia, of Sivás, with
their respective provincials, formed the right wing: the troops
of Romeili and of Buda formed the left: the Janissaries, with the
commander-in-chief at their head, formed the centre: the beglerbeg
of Diárbeker, Murád Páshá, and the beglerbeg of Uskudár, Delí Nasúh
Páshá, were attached to the advance guard. On the following morning
(_i. e._ the morning of the fifth day after commencing their march
round the mountain), and just as hostilities were about to begin, a
celebrated Spanish captain belonging to the Spanish infantry in the
enemy’s army submitted himself to the Osmánlís and embraced Islamism.
In the meantime, the Moslems considered that if they could succeed
in dispossessing the enemy’s foot soldiers of their position on the
heights of the mountain, who were very annoying to the Moslems, they
would be sure of gaining the victory. To accomplish this desirable
object, some of the most daring of the Janissaries and _Atoghláns_
rushed upon them with knives and other similar instruments in their
hands. These were supported in their attempt by the Bosnian and Budian
troops who were engaged with those of the enemy stationed on the out
works. The beglerbeg of Romeili was sent forward with a detachment to
succour those combatants, and by his dexterity succeeded in forcing a
considerable number of the enemy into the open field, where a great
many of them perished. This, however, only made room for more of them.
They issued forth, troop after troop, and by their cannon and muskets,
it must be acknowledged, committed serious mischief among the Moslems
immediately in contact with them, and whom it was found absolutely
necessary to aid by a body of Salihdárs. On this detachment having
been sent forward to aid the Moslem combatants, Maximillian, the
commander-in-chief of the infidels, came forth with his mighty hosts,
who, along with the guns on the fortifications, very much distressed
them; though they continued to fight manfully till night came on, when
the drum warned them to retire.
Those troops who attacked the infidels on the heights of the mountain
were led on by Delí Nasúh Páshá, the páshá of Uskudár, and who,
descending from his horse, fought on foot with the utmost bravery. It
would be impossible to relate all the heroic deeds which he and his
veteran associates achieved on that day. The day following, however,
the Moslems offered no battle, but attended to their sick and wounded,
and interred those martyrs who had fallen in the mortal contest. On the
second day they again commenced their military operations. The troops
of Romeili and Buda, supported by other divisions, presented themselves
before the enemy’s fortifications, when another desperate struggle
commenced, which lasted till night, as on the former day; but which,
alas! brought no victory to the Moslem arms. The Osmánlís now thought
it advisable, seeing they had been unable to conquer, and because the
winter had set in, which was unfavourable for warlike operations,
to retire and seek their safety in retreat. But lest injury should
happen to the bridges on the Danube and the Drave should they retire
in confusion by them, they chose another way of saving themselves;
and accordingly sent off their heavy baggage on the 28th, and soon
afterwards commenced their retreat, which they accomplished without
sustaining any serious injury. Such was the result of this campaign.
The orthodox troops, with their Serdár at their head, returned by
Armúdlí and Pest, and encamped before the mills near the island of
Koyún (or Sheep Island).
Whilst the camp continued at this place, another deputation arrived
and presented themselves before the serdár, and informed him of the
progress of the Transylvanians against Temiswar. The beglerbeg of Sivás
Mahmúd Páshá, with the Bosnian troops and some Romeilian chiefs, were
appointed to march to the aid of Temiswar, which they did on the 2d of
the second Rabia.
The troops under the serdár, however, began to murmur about their pay;
yet those of Yanuk were very active; for they erected a bridge across
the Danube in the space of three days, which the serdár crossed on the
5th of Rabia II., and marched to Kiris Elias, where he halted. Here he
learned that the enemy had broken up their camp, and had returned to
their own dominions. On the 8th he reached the plains of Hamza-beg,
where the beglerbeg of Buda took his leave of him and departed. Here
also the Serdár granted the whole of the troops leave to disperse, and
went himself directly to Belgrade, which he reached towards the end of
the month; and from that city he sent a statement of the campaign to
the court of Constantinople. The beglerbeg of Caramania, Nasúh Páshá,
and the beglerbeg of Bosnia, Teryákí Hasan Páshá, remained at Buda: as
also did the válí of Merœsh. A thousand of the troops were placed
in the garrison. The rest of the troops, after they were allowed to
disperse, sought winter quarters, some in Romeili, some in Anatolia,
some in Bajka, some in Súmber. The menials of the camp were also
permitted to disperse, but their ághás remained at Belgrade.
Proposals of peace with the infidels were at this time attempted, but
without any happy result. Khoja Murád Páshá, Hábel Effendí, cazí of
Buda, and Alí Páshá, the son-in-law of Murád Páshá, went to the plains
of Wáj, after the retreat of the Moslems, and endeavoured to negociate
an honourable peace: but the infidels’ noses were in the wind (_i.e._
exercised caution), and the Moslem negociators were obliged to return
without accomplishing the object of their mission.
_The Grand Vezír, Ibrahím Páshá, deposed.—Khádum Hasan Páshá succeeds
to the premiership._