succeeded in taking the outer line of the enemy’s fortifications, and
drove the enemy within the inner one. The Moslems slackened not in
pressing them hard; and by the constant springing of mines they at last
effected a breach; but in consequence of a constant fall of rain for
some days they found it impossible, though they made several heroic
attempts, to scale the walls. The artillery, however, continued to play
with effect.
On the 18th of the month Sefer the command of the Janissaries was
conferred on Mustafa Aghá. Next day, which was the Sabbath, and the
19th of the month, the rain fell in torrents, and the difficulty of
succeeding in reducing the place appeared to be greater than ever; yet
by constantly and unweariedly, and under every difficulty, persevering
in their efforts, they brought the besieged, about noon of that day, to
capitulate for their lives.
Next morning two begs and eight sons of begs came forth to the trenches
to the vezírs, whilst Begtásh Beg, beg of Sonluk, was sent into the
city as a hostage till the articles of the capitulation were fully
settled and signed. This negotiation being over the commissioners were
conducted into the imperial presence, when they informed his majesty
that one or two of them wished to embrace Islamism. Immediately they
were clothed in white robes, and the drums throughout the camp began
to beat in token of victory, and great rejoicings took place. The
beglerbeg of Romeili, the ághá of the Janissaries, the commander of
the artillery, and the head of the arsenal, entered the city and took
possession of it in the name of the Emperor of the Ottomans.
On the 20th of the last-mentioned month, the commander of the Spáhís
was ordered to conduct the weak and half-famished garrison of Agria, in
conformity to the articles of capitulation, which guaranteed to them
their lives, to the end of the first stage; but unfortunately for them,
though the emperor had promised them every security, and even granted
them passports, the men of the borders and the Tátár military, roused
with indignation and thirst for revenge, when they remembered the fate
of the inhabitants of Khutván, seized on what weapons lay nearest to
them, and massacred them all before they got out from among the tents.
Not one of them escaped, and their number amounted to about 5,000. The
two princes who had the command in Agria were sent to Belgrade.
The victorious Moslems commenced repairing the breaches which their
own artillery had effected in the walls of Agria, and on the same
day, _i.e._ on the 20th, the beglerbeg of Caramania, Khezr Páshá, and
the begs of Sonluk and Segdin, were ordered to repair to Khutván and
commence rebuilding it. Dilsiz Aghá was sent off to Constantinople with
tidings of the fall of Agria. On the 23rd provisions were distributed
among the various troops. The guns in the trenches were all conveyed
into the fortress. On the 25th, being the day of assembly (Friday),
the emperor and his suite converted the large churches of Agria into
mosques, in which public devotion was performed.
_The Moslems are threatened by another immense host of Infidels._
Some captives, who had been seized by Moslem spies, informed the
Osmánlí camp that Maximillian, with an army of 100,000 foot and horse,
composed of Bohemians, Poles, Italians, Spaniards, and others, was
encamped in the valley of Mehaj not far from Tokái, and only three
stages distant from Agria, where he had erected fortifications.
This information had only the effect of awakening more strongly the
enthusiasm of the Muselmans, who all with one voice declared they would
either bring renown on the Muselman name, or perish for their religion.
The news, however, turned out to be true.
In the _Fateh námeh_ it is said, that when it was known that the
Ottomans were collecting troops on the frontiers, and marching towards
Agria, an army of 300,000 men levied by the kings of Vienna and Spain,
by the Pope, and the ruler of Transylvania, in short by the seven
European monarchs, assembled also in the vicinity of Agria. This mighty
host was furnished with one hundred pieces of ordnance, and with every
kind of military apparatus. Its object was, so soon as the Moslem
army was fairly engaged in carrying on the siege of Agria, suddenly
to surround their camp, and cut them to pieces. The fate of Agria,
however, reached them before they found an opportunity of accomplishing
their object, and caused them to alter their manœuvres. They
retreated two stages, but it was only with the view of deceiving. Their
real purpose was, when they found the Moslem army had retired from
Agria, to return with all their force and retake it: but the Moslems,
who were informed of their movements, as well as of their purposes,
resolved on anticipating them on their own ground.
Maximillian being lame and afflicted with blindness, the crown was
conferred on his brother, Duke Matthias, and with it the whole command
of the army. It is related in some history, that after the Duke and the
ruler of Hungary had united in their hostility against the Osmánlís,
they debated over their cups about the propriety of attacking the
Moslem camp. Other histories say, however, that it was the Austrian
minister to whom the joint command was given.
_Ja’fer Páshá sent with a body of Troops to surprise the Enemy._
After it had been fully ascertained what the enemy meditated to do,
Ja’fer Páshá, one of the most illustrious vezírs, and an eunuch, was
dispatched with a chosen body of various troops to surprise the enemy
in their strong-hold. Ja’fer Páshá, on leaving the camp, began to
reflect what the issue of the expedition on which he was sent might be,
and therefore sent out spies, who brought him intelligence with regard
to the numerical force of the enemy, which was immense. Ja’fer Páshá,
on receiving the above intelligence, sent word to his Majesty that his
offering to contend with such a vast multitude with so small a force as
he possessed, could only terminate in disgrace and ruin. For his own
part, he said, the thought of his own life gave him no concern, and
that at all times he was ready to sacrifice it, when necessary, for the
honour and glory of the Mohammedan Faith: to proceed to the assault,
therefore, under such circumstances, could not fail, as he had before
observed, to throw disparagement on the Supreme authority: the great
men in the camp however said, that this story was a mere pretence; and,
in order to remove it, proposed sending the governor of Romeili with
his Romeilian troops to his assistance. This proposal was accompanied
by bitter reproach, and of course was very discouraging; yet Ja’fer
Páshá, notwithstanding all this untoward aspect of things, attempted
to face the enemy with the forces he had. After having girded on his
arms he divided his artillery into two divisions, and having rescued
his men out of the mud into which they had sunk, conducted the whole
to a secure spot, but from which the enemy could not yet be observed.
It was not long however before they began, like black mountains, to
make their appearance, and seemed as if they covered the whole surface
of the plains of Mehaj. Ja’fer Páshá, with a select body of borderers,
ascended an eminence in order to get a view of the enemy’s camp, which
had the appearance of an extended sea, whose raging billows beat
against the shore. Though the troops of Ja’fer Páshá amounted only to
three thousand, he resolved, few in comparison though they were, to
attempt something, and prepared to engage some of these iron-cased
infidels. They on perceiving his boldness dashed towards his standard
and knocked it down. The contest became general. Ja’fer himself fought
most desperately, though almost up to the breast in mud and water; and
continued thus to show his bravery, till all who were about him either
perished or fled from the contest, and he himself was nearly taken
prisoner: such was the heroic boldness which this brave man evinced
on this occasion of unequal battle. Several of the ághás came up to
him and begged him on bended knees to retreat. “It was no bravery,”
they observed, “for a handful of men to contend with a host; it was
not necessary, in order to escape the reproach of the enemy, to throw
one’s self into utter ruin and destruction: it was impossible for a
small number of men, however valiant they might be, and where there
was not _one_ to a thousand, either to resist such a vast multitude as
that with which they then contended, or even to make an impression upon
it. Return,” they still continued, “return to the Moslem camp, and do
not be the cause of the destruction of troops whom no one will blame.
Such conduct can never advance the general interest.” This exhortation
had not the desired effect on the mind of the valorous chief. It was
night before he consented to yield to their entreaties. One Ahmed, in
consequence of the darkness of the night, led his horse to the gates
of Agria. The whole of his ordnance and heavy baggage fell into the
hands of the enemy. About thirty or forty of the men perished; and had
not night come on, not one of those who had entered the lists with the
iron-cased soldiery would have escaped alive. Their retreat was however
marvellously quick, for they performed in one night a journey of three
days.
The emperor, on receiving intelligence of the above disaster, which was
now become public, was displeased with Ja’fer, reprimanded him for his
adventurous mode of attack, which ought to have been made during the
night, deposed him from all his offices, and granted his principality
to Mohammed Páshá, Sinán Páshá’s son.
On the morning after the disaster above described took place, the
grand vezír, the reverend prelate, Sa’d-ud-dín, the vezírs and other
magnates assembled in the royal pavilion, in order to take into grave
consideration the propriety of giving the enemy battle or not. In
this august assembly most of the grandees opposed the experiment of
offering the enemy battle. The excellent and reverend Sa’d-ud-dín,
however, formed an exception. He rose and addressed the assembly in the
following heroic speech: “Doubtless, it is right,” said he, “to give
battle to the enemy of our religion and perish to a man, rather than
suffer their insult to pass unnoticed and with impunity: for should
they perceive any unwillingness on our part to meet, or if they see
us begin to retrace our steps, then most assuredly they will attack
us. To act in this way, would be like alluring a bird into a gin. More
especially,” continued he, raising his voice, “was it ever heard that
an emperor of the Ottomans turned away his face from danger!” And
even after the members who composed this council entered the royal
apartment, he continued to express the same sentiments and with the
same freedom—and again added: “the situation in which this fortress
(Agria) is situated, is far from being favourable to our engaging
with them in so narrow a space. Should they, for instance, succeed in
placing their artillery on the surrounding hills, we shall find it
hard work to resist them. The plains where the enemy now lies encamped
afford ample space for performing heroic exploits: thither let us
march. This is the first and only thing which ought to be attended
to. We must attack them and not they us.” So much for the reverend
prelate. The bold and heroic speech of the veteran priest made a deep
impression on the heart of his royal master, and awakened within him
that innate bravery which he had inherited from his ancestors.
It was proposed by some in the assembly, that Hasan Páshá, the válí
of Romeili, should be appointed to conduct the next attack. This
was opposed. To conduct so important an expedition as the one now
contemplated, it was absolutely requisite, not only that the whole
of the army should be called into requisition, but that the emperor
himself should be its conductor. This last proposition met with the
royal approval, when the discussion, of course, came to an end. The
Reïs Effendí immediately sent off dispatches to Sultán Fateh Gheráí,
brother to the Tátár khán, in which he instructed him to be on the
look-out for such stragglers as might chance to fall in his way.
After the above-mentioned assembly or council broke up, the grand
vezír Ibrahím Páshá entered into the fortress, and made a selection
of such pieces of ordnance as could most easily be made use of in the
approaching conflict. Among other arrangements which the grand vezír
attended to, he appointed Súfí Sinán Páshá and Lála Mohammed Páshá,
governor of Anatolia, with his provincial troops, to take charge of the
garrison or rather fortress of Agria. Towards evening he returned to
the emperor’s pavilion, when a note from the reverend prelate was put
into his hand; it imported, that if the Anatolian troops were to occupy
the fortress of Agria, his majesty, when he entered the field of battle
in consequence of this arrangement, would necessarily be defenceless on
one side. “This,” said the sagacious prelate, “is a dangerous thing.
If the enemy should even attempt to get possession of Agria, its
present garrison is sufficiently able to hold out till succours can be
sent to them. From the garrison, in the day of battle, no aid can be
expected. It is therefore proper that the troops of Anatolia, according
to ancient custom, be appointed to form the right wing.” Lála Mohammed
Páshá was, accordingly, ordered to be in readiness with the troops
under his command.
After having made a distribution of provisions to those employed in
repairing the breaches and appointed to garrison the fortress, many
of whom were very ill off, the zealous, the orthodox army stood fully
prepared to take the field.
_The Orthodox Army advances to attack the Enemy._
Early in the morning of the 1st of the month of Rabia II. after the
troops were all properly adjusted, and when his Majesty, the asylum of
the world, had mounted his steed with pomp and great glory, the moslem,
the orthodox legions, commenced their march, which they continued till
after mid-day, when they happened to halt at the very place at which
Ja’fer Páshá halted, when he was sent to surprise the enemy, as before
related. The grand vezír lost no time in advancing a little farther, in
order to reconnoitre the enemy’s camp and apparent strength; and having
made his observations, he determined in his own mind on commencing
hostilities on the following day. He reached his own tent towards
evening, and after having offered up his devotions, he was suddenly put
into a state of surprise by the appearance of a royal letter which was
brought to him from the emperor, and which was as follows: “I appoint
thee, my lálá or adviser, to be commander-in-chief in this war: may
I not return to Constantinople?” The grand vezír, as may easily be
conceived, was utterly confounded and astonished at this sudden and
unexpected change in the emperor’s views, and hastened to consult the
Reïs Effendí on the subject. They were not long together, however,
when a messenger arrived to call them to the emperor, who wished to
see them. They proceeded to the royal pavilion together, and it was
about supper-time when they reached it. Here they were met by Ghaznafer
Aghá, the steward of the royal house, who took the vezír aside and
conversed with him privately, and both afterwards entered into the
royal apartment, and laid themselves down to sleep there. It was not
long after they had laid themselves down, when behold, sixty-three
iron-cased captives, which were sent by Fateh Gheráí Sultán, were
arranged before the royal pavilion. The object in sending these
prisoners was to elicit from them information respecting the enemy,
and the grand vezír and Ghaznafer were soon on the spot to put the
proper interrogatories to them. The grand vezír said to Ghaznafer in
their hearing, “Let the money promised by our gracious emperor be paid
to these men, and let them have security afforded to them of their
personal safety.” The ághá replied, that he would do all these things.
This stratagem of the vezír and the ághá had the effect intended,
_viz_. that of making the prisoners tell all they knew concerning their
late associates in arms. They confirmed the account, more than once
received before, of the confederacy formed among the European powers
for annihilating the Ottoman dominions; and moreover, that Zughmund,
the bán or chief of Transylvania, was amongst the enemy. The prisoners,
after having given the above information, were immediately slain, and
the grand vezír returned to his own tent.
Early the following morning, the 4th of the month, the troops were
again put into motion; but they left their heavy baggage behind them.
The emperor, with his right and left-hand troops, marched at a slow
pace, and halted at so great a distance from the enemy as to secure
himself from the reach of their cannon. This, however, was considered
to be a disgrace; and it was after showing him the impracticability
of any contact whatever at such a distance, that he ventured a little
farther in advance, when he ordered a general halt.
The royal personage now took up his position in front of his own
standard, and was supported by six divisions of his troops. The vezírs,
according to their rank, stood on his left, and the reverend prelate
Sa’d-ud-dín and two military judges on his right. The whole of their
cattle and such heavy baggage as they were obliged to carry along with
them, were put under the charge of a party of cavalry in the rear. The
Janissaries, full of enthusiasm, and ardent for contest and battle,
were placed in advance. The cannon-waggons were all chained and bound
together in front of the monarch and his royal suite. Hasan Páshá,
Válí of Romeili, and the Beglerbeg of Temisvar, took up their position
on one side; and the Beglerbeg of Anatolia, Lála Mohammed Páshá, the
Beglerbeg of Caramania, the Beglerbeg of Haleb, and the Beglerbeg of
Merœsh, in conformity with ancient custom, took up their position on
the other side (_i.e._ these chiefs commanded the right and left wings
which were composed of their respective troops). The advance guard was
put under the command of Jaghaleh Zádeh.
_The Battle of the first Day._
After the two hostile armies were once confronted, Sinán Páshá,
belonging to the Cherkess (Circassian), Fateh Gheráí and Murád Páshá,
the Beglerbeg of Diárbeker, besides some other valiant and heroic
chiefs, rode forth in front on their prancing horses, and giving the
cry of war, rushed forward, sword in hand, to the bloody conflict
and to death. They were, however, very much impeded in consequence
of the marshy nature of the ground. This marsh, which resembled a
small river, and which could only be forded at certain places, was
occasioned by water which issued from the valley of Mehaj, and in which
the enemy’s camp was strongly fortified. The conflict, however, was
begun, and became hotter and hotter. The vezírs stepped alternately
forward and encouraged and animated the divisions, as they moved
onwards to the mighty contest, and returned again to the emperor and
reported progress. In consequence, however, of the enemy’s cannon doing
execution at a great distance, the orthodox troops were not able to get
sufficiently close to their antagonists. About mid-day a cannon-ball
passed over the emperor’s head, but fortunately it did harm to no one;
though it clearly showed that the emperor’s person was in a dangerous
situation, and therefore his majesty was conveyed to a tent which
belonged to Yúnus Aghá, the commander of the cavalry, who afterwards
fell a martyr. The well-ordered divisions, nevertheless, maintained
their ranks unbroken, and continued firm.
On the opposite side of the marsh there was a dilapidated church
which formed a covert to thousands of the enemy, and against whom the
Cherkajís had hitherto directed their efforts. It happened, however,
that the body defended by this church rushed forth to the amount of
several thousands, and like wild swine, or as if enraged with wine,
commenced fording the marsh or river, in the intention of coming into
close quarters with their assailants. At this favourable moment, the
Moslems showered volleys of ball amongst them, and Jaghaleh Zádeh,
who was posted behind a hillock, coming up at the same time with his
Cherkajís, did immense execution, wounding and killing vast numbers
of them: so much so indeed, that he almost filled that part of the
marsh with their carcasses. Their drums and kettle-drums were seized,
and such of their officers as were taken alive, were conducted before
the royal presence. Those of them who escaped were terror-struck, and
endeavoured to regain their strong-hold, but were intercepted by a body
of Tátárs who made them all prisoners, and brought them bound in chains
to the emperor, who commanded that their bonnets (_i.e._ their heads)
should be made to roll on the ground.
Fortune, hitherto, declared herself in favour of the orthodox army;
but night coming on, and the atmosphere becoming dark and cloudy, both
sides retired from the conflict for the night. Several of the Musselman
veterans threw down their burdens on the spot, and waited with
cheerfulness of mind for a renewal of the contest. Others, however,
pitched their tents and went to rest. But, in fact, such was the tumult
and confusion altogether, that the greater part of the cavalry chose to
rest all night in their saddles. The sentinels were every where placed,
and silence at length ensued, till the following morning when the
battle was renewed.
_The Battle of the second Day.—The Defeat of the Enemy._
The morning at length arrived. It was the 5th of the month, and the
day of the Sabbath (Saturday). His imperial majesty was on horseback
by daylight; the drums were ordered to beat; the victorious troops
were arranged in proper order; and, placing their confidence in God,
they advanced with boldness to meet the enemy of their religion.
They perceived that none of the enemy occupied the position where
the church, which yesterday afforded them shelter, stood, but that
a great number of them had concentrated themselves near a church on
the plain, about half a league distant from the left ford, finding it
impracticable to defend the other fords. The orthodox army, like the
raging sea, rushed forward, crossed the river, and prepared to attack
their fortifications: the Janissaries put their hands to their muskets;
the field-pieces were properly stationed, and each man stood in his
place ready to commence at the first signal. The emperor himself did
not cross the river, but remained in a tent which was erected for him
on the bank. Jaghaleh Zádeh, who commanded the Cherkajís or vanguard,
took up his position immediately in front of the enemy.