learned that the apostate Michael was at his heels. Without waiting
the arrival of this rebel he crossed over by night, and permitted
his troops to do as they might be able. Before morning they succeeded
in getting over part of their ordnance, whilst they were obliged to
leave the remainder behind them. Whilst all were in confusion, and
petrified with terror at the recent information, each one, concerned
about himself, sought to save himself the best way he could. In these
circumstances of confusion and terror the enemy appeared in the
vicinity of Yerkok, and arrived in sufficient time to seize on all
which yet remained to be passed over to the Moslem side. A party of
the enemy, more like enraged swine, hastened forward to the edge of
the river, and from an eminence sufficiently near, played with their
cannon against the bridge, which soon gave way in the middle. Such of
the retreating Moslems and baggage as were crossing at the time, fell
into the river along with it, and were lost. Some of the unfortunate
wretches who got hold of pieces of the bridge were carried down the
stream, and their shrieks pierced the skies. All who had not been
able to make their escape from Yerkok were butchered without mercy,
and their blood made to flow in rivulets. In short, the slaughter
was terrible. The cannon which fell into the hands of the enemy were
directed, after they had burned the city, against the fortress. So very
disastrous a retreat, as well as defeat, has never been recorded in any
history.
_The fortress of Yerkok taken._
The troops who were stationed in this garrison at this time shut
themselves up in it, but the rabble-army, after three days’
bombardment, took it by storm on the 10th of the month Sefer, put
every Mussulman within it to death, and afterwards directed its cannon
against the grand vezír’s camp on the opposite side of the river. About
this time information was received from Ghází Gheráí Khán, khán of the
Tátárs, which apprised them that he had entered Moldavia with his Tátár
army, and had brought the inhabitants of that province under subjection
and promise of obedience; and further, that they had promised to
deliver up the apostate Michael, the sole author of all the evils and
mischief which had taken place. In the letter which they addressed to
the khán, they requested that one of his emírs might be appointed
governor over them; but their chiefs not liking this arrangement, the
thing was delayed.
_Osterghún delivered up to the enemy._
In the month of Dhu’l hijja of last year the enemy, as we have seen,
laid siege to the fortress of Osterghún, and after having defeated
the army sent from Buda to oppose them, they redoubled their efforts
against the above place, which at last the Moslems were necessitated
to give up. This took place on the 1st, or about the beginning of the
month Sefer. About forty or fifty Mussulmans, who were allowed to leave
Osterghún, went by water to Buda.
_Vishégrade is taken by the enemy._
After the reduction of Osterghún the enemy surrounded the fortress of
Vishégrade, a place of considerable strength, not far from the above,
and which, through the treachery of one Osmán, who had been degraded
from the rank of an ághá of the Janissaries, was delivered over to the
enemy; but the inhabitants and the garrison were allowed to retire
to Buda. The above-mentioned apostate Osmán, in order to ingratiate
himself with the King of Hungary, went and pointed out the vaults in
which the Moslems had preserved their gunpowder, and which till then
had not been discovered. The enemy carried the whole away in boats.
_The Grand Vezír deposed.—Lála Mohammed Páshá made Grand Vezír._
When accounts of the ill fate of the expedition conducted by the grand
vezír into Valachia, of the pusillanimity of his son, who permitted
Osterghún to fall into the enemy’s hands; and who was the first who
fled from the field of battle, and shut himself up within the fortress
of Buda, were received at Constantinople, the whole of the Moslem
population and the grandees of the state were roused to madness and
indignation; and when the emperor was formally informed of these
disgraceful circumstances, he immediately ordered the grand vezír,
Sinán Páshá, to be deposed and to go to Mulghura. On the 16th of Rabia
II. the seals were transferred to Lála Mohammed Páshá, but who, on
account of his bad state of health, was never able, with the exception
of the day he had the honour of kissing the emperor’s hand, to attend
to his duties in the diván. He died shortly after his elevation to the
premiership.
_Sinán Páshá is made Grand Vezír a fifth Time._
The káímakám of Constantinople, Ibrahím Páshá, of whom frequent though
not honourable mention has been made, expected that on the death of
Lála Mohammed Páshá, as well as on some former occasions, when a prime
minister was degraded, that the emperor would confer the seals upon
him. He was mistaken, and of course disappointed. The fact was, that
the emperor had discovered before then that he was the principal cause
of Ferhád Páshá’s murder, and was seized with a kind of horror and
remorse, and therefore dismissed him from office and from his presence.
The friends of Sinán, lately deposed and banished, were not idle. They
threw a cloak over his faults, and represented his virtues and high
qualifications for government in such a light as to induce his majesty
to recall him from his exile, and to reinstate him (a fifth time) in
his former office. He took his place in the diván about the end of
Rabia II.
A circumstance took place about this time which is worthy of being
recorded. A great dispute having taken place between Ibrahím Páshá and
his father-in-law, Sinán Páshá, the former accused the latter, in the
presence of the diván, of maladministration, and charged him with being
the cause of all the insurrections which had happened, by his having
given places of trust and responsibility to men who were unfit to hold
these offices. On another occasion Ibrahím spoke in the same strain in
presence of the emperor, which so enraged Sinán that he said: “I am
represented to your majesty as a person every way unfit to hold office,
and though it be Ibrahím who has thought fit to do so, I challenge him
to go down to the court, and there let us try the edge and strength of
our daggers.” Thus saying, he seized him by his robes and thrust him
out of the presence of the emperor. These were times in which rebellion
and disorder, hatred and envy, reigned without; rudeness and asperity
within; and had the effect of marring the tranquillity of all ranks
and conditions.
_Sinán Páshá’s counsel to the Emperor._
One day when the grand vezír was sitting with his imperial majesty he
offered him the following counsel. “Sire,” said he, “it is inconsistent
with sound policy to have a commander-in-chief in hostile countries,
and it is incompatible for two to hold that office. In having a
commander-in-chief, or a person of this description, it falls either
to the grand vezír, or some other one of the vezírs, to hold it. If
the grand vezír exercise this function, then the káímakám, in order
to get himself into the vezírship, will throw all the hindrances he
possibly can in his way, and no good will be effected. On the other
hand, if it be a vezír who shall exercise that high office, then the
grand vezír, for fear his services should, perchance, recommend him to
hold the premiership, will, from mere envy, seek to hide what glory
he may acquire in the service of his country. For how many years have
ambition and envy of this kind been the cause of the ruin of our
armies, and the wasting of our treasures, without producing the least
benefit to the state, but, on the contrary, misfortune and disgrace!
Do you, therefore, Sire, imitate the example set before you by Sultán
Suleimán, and declare that you will, in person, take the chief command
of the army in the present war with the infidels on the north of our
frontiers. Do this, that, after you have gained victories, and restored
the fading glory of the Ottomans, you may then have it in your power to
make peace on honourable terms. The presence of the royal warrior in
the midst of his camp will inspire the enemies of our religion and of
our country with dread, and paralyze their efforts against us.” Khoja
Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí, being of one mind with the grand vezír, confirmed
his sentiments by an appeal to the practice of former emperors, who all
commanded in person, and who, by their valour and heroism, extended
the dominions of the Ottomans. The result was, that the grand sultán
determined on joining his army, and on conducting it to battle in
person.
Accordingly, every preparation for furthering the views of the royal
warrior was promptly attended to. Khoja Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí was
appointed to accompany the royal suite; and on the 1st of Rajab,
150,000 ducats were delivered out of the royal treasury to Kara
Mohammed Páshá, who was commissioned to proceed to Belgrade and make
the necessary purchases of provisions for the army. Artificers were
also sent out to mend the roads and bridges every where. Orders were
issued to have all kinds of vessels, and all sorts of apparatus in
a state of readiness on the Danube. The whole of the royal tents,
&c. were confided to the emperor’s chancellor, Hamza Páshá. To the
chief master of the horse, Tarnákjí Hasan Aghá, in conjunction with
a chávush, called Konáí Zádeh Mohammed, was committed the charge of
collecting in Caramania and thereabouts the necessary number of beasts
of burden for the war. In short, the preparations were decisive and
complete.
_Sinán Páshá’s death.—Ibrahím Páshá is made Grand Vezír._
Whilst the grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, was actively employed in carrying
on the preparations alluded to in the preceeding section, death put
an end to his blemished life. He did not survive the murder of Ferhád
Páshá a full year. His death took place on the 5th of Shabán. Ahmed
Aghá, Ketkhodá of the household troops, was deputed to carry the seals
to Ibrahím Páshá, who happened, at the time they were sent to him, to
be praying in St. Sophia. The learned and exalted men, Sa’d-ud-dín
Effendí and others, besides vezírs, who were present in the temple when
the seals were put into his hand, congratulated him on his elevation.
After having finished their religious duties they accompanied the
remains of the deceased grand vezír, and buried him in his own tomb,
when the newly created one, Ibrahím Páshá, returned to his own palace.
_Strife and contention between Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí and the Muftí._
On the third day after Ibrahím’s exaltation to the premiership, the
reverend Effendí, Sa’d-ud-dín, went to pay him a visit, and to do him
the honours due to his high office. Whilst the reverend father was
sitting and holding friendly conversation with the grand vezír, letters
were brought to his excellency, one of which was from Hasan Páshá,
son of Mohammed Páshá. This letter informed him of the submission of
the haughty Michael and of the Boyárs of Valachia. As the exalted
vezír was in the act of beginning to read these communications, the
Muftí arrived to congratulate the new minister, and formed one of the
company. These two magazines of learning and science sat, the one on
the right and the other on the left hand of the grand vezír, resembling
two lofty but firmly based mountains. These two august personages,
being noble, were permitted, of course, to sit and speak in the sublime
council. The papers above alluded to were put into the hands of the
reverend Effendí, who began to read their contents in a loud voice, and
gave his opinion freely on the points submitted to their consideration
and judgment. But the Muftí, from motives dictated by envy, opposed and
contradicted his reverend brother without ceremony. To his grave, wise,
and straight-forward advice he would give no place. This circumstance,
unfortunately, was the cause of producing a most serious altercation
between the two reverend prelates, which put a complete stop, for the
time being, to all further reading and cool deliberation. “Why,” said
the reverend Effendí, “if the Boyárs of Valachia, and Michael, have
petitioned for pardon, let no discouraging answer be returned to them.
Let them only be required to deliver up Michael’s son, as hostage,
in proof of the sincerity of their repentance. It is in this way, I
propose, their letters ought to be answered.” The superior priest, or
Muftí, under the influence of envy, opposed this judgment, and in his
turn maintained, that no offers whatever ought to be accepted at the
hands of the apostate Michael. The storm increased: mutual accusations
ensued. To such a length, indeed, did these reverend fathers carry
their animosity and personal reproach, that they completely exhausted
the patience of the other emírs present. At length the Muftí rose up
from his seat, turned himself to the grand vezír, and thus addressed
him: “If it please your excellency, we have come hither for the purpose
of congratulating you on your recent exaltation; not for contention
and strife: may the most high Allah, therefore, bless you in your high
office.” Thus saying, he returned to his own house. The other prelate
was very much offended at the Muftí for his outrageous conduct, who,
at the very commencement of their deliberations, began to oppose his
opinion and advice, and then marched off in a pet. This, he said, was
far from being honourable. However, he had this consolation afforded
him: his advice was adopted and followed. Orders accordingly were given
to Músá Chelebí, the secretary, to prepare a suitable answer to Michael
and the other Boyárs, and Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí returned home.
_The Emperor of the Moslems prepares to set out for the scene of war._
By the time the spring arrived the preparations deemed necessary
for the war were fully attended to, and on the 15th of Ramazán the
different commanders were appointed. Immediately after the feast in the
month of Shevál the royal pavilion was erected on the plains of Dávud
Páshá. The ulemá and great men were ordered to join the royal suite,
and record the deeds of the war. On the journey, Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí
regaled the royal ear, in presence of his vezírs, by talking to him
of foreign affairs. On reaching Adrianople, the reverend prelate’s
second son, Izzet Effendí, a eunuch and cazí of Adrianople, applied to
his father to importune the emperor in his favour for the cazíship of
Constantinople. The father’s request was graciously granted. The grand
army had scarcely commenced its march towards Philippopolis, when Izzet
Effendí directed his course to the metropolis, but was disappointed.
Abdul Helím Effendí, through the intercession of the queen-mother,
was confirmed in the office of which Izzet thought himself sure, and
was obliged to retrace his steps to the place whence he came. When
his father had learned that his wishes respecting his son had been
thwarted, he approached the grand vezír, and complained against the
Káímakám Hasan Páshá, for his want of politeness, and of the disdain
and contempt which had been shown to his son. The grand vezír went
immediately and laid the affair before the royal presence, and added,
that it had been owing to the intercession of the queen-mother the
favour had not been granted: but something else he intimated ought
to be conferred on the reverend priest as an equivalent. The monarch
ordered his minister to create him a military judge, which was
accordingly done. His father soon after this fell sick of a fever, but
was fully restored to health by the time the city of Agria was taken.
On the 8th of the month Dhu’l Kadah, the emperor removed from
Adrianople, and after reaching Philippopolis, the fifth stage, the cazí
of that city, Chelebí Kází, inspector of the river Ebras, gave him a
splendid entertainment in a large pavilion erected for the occasion.
During four days which the emperor passed in this city, nothing was
seen or heard but demonstrations of joy. Chelebí Kází was confirmed in
his office for life.
When the emperor arrived at Batchina, Mohammed Páshá, son of Sinán
Páshá, came with a choice body of troops and saluted him. Two days
afterwards, Jeráh Mohammed Páshá, who was sent to Belgrade to collect
provisions, &c. for the army, came out to meet the emperor, and had the
honour of kissing his hand. Shortly afterwards the emperor entered the
city of Belgrade, where every thing had been prepared for the reception
of the royal guest.
Soon after his majesty entered Belgrade, his royal pavilion was erected
on a small eminence opposite to the city, and demonstrations of joy
were every where manifested by the roar of cannon and the firing of
musketry. Provisions also were distributed among the troops, and a
considerable quantity of the same article was sent in boats up the
Danube to the fortresses on the frontiers. It is to be observed,
however, that the emperor, who was exceedingly displeased with Mohammed
Páshá, the son of Sinán Páshá, for having allowed the city of Osterghún
to fall into the hands of the enemy, and for neglecting to watch the
frontiers with greater vigilance than he had done, put him in prison,
and confiscated the whole of his property. One Kishedhán Alí Chávush,
a man lame in both his feet, and who had been appointed by the late
grand vezír to be resident custom-house officer at Belgrade, was
discovered to have been guilty of some crime or other, and therefore
ordered to be executed before one of the gates of the city; but his
majesty was satisfied with having him thrust into prison. Both these
prisoners, however, were afterwards set at liberty, and Mohammed
Páshá was reinstated in his vezírship. In consequence of the whole of
his property having been confiscated, he was not in circumstances to
enable him to accompany the army, and therefore remained at Belgrade.
The munificence of his late fellow-prisoner, however, made up this
deficiency to him, and he immediately set out and followed the royal
camp.
_A Council held._
His majesty, the asylum of the world, removed from Belgrade, crossed
the Save, and on arriving in the neighbourhood of Islancúmin, called
a general council of all his princes, great lords, and high vezírs.
In this council it was discussed whether it would be more advisable
to commence their operations by first laying siege to Komran, or
to proceed directly to Agria. To Jaghala Zádeh the first of these
two proposals seemed the most proper; but the other vezírs opposed
this. They said that Komran was a place of no note, and of no great
importance: neither would the reduction of it reflect any great credit
to their royal leader, nor very much intimidate the enemy. Agria, they
maintained, and justly too, was a place of great importance, it being
one of the largest and most populous cities of the Germans, the chief
or principal one within the limits of Hungary; famed also for the mines
which abound in its neighbourhood, and which are held in much esteem
by the infidels. The reduction of this city and fortress, continued
the speakers, will extend the glory and promote the honour of the
Moslem religion. This speech had the effect it was intended to have;
and, accordingly, the army, in order to reach Segdin, in the enemy’s
country, passed the fortresses of Tetul and Waradin, when the ághá of
the Janissaries was ordered to proceed with carpenters and erect a
bridge of boats across the Danube; which he accomplished in the space
of four days. The emperor, vezírs, and the army, after having crossed
this bridge, waited a whole day, until all the ordnance and heavy
baggage were also safely got across, when they proceeded to the plains
of Segdin, and pitched their camp opposite that fortress.
Here the royal camp was joined by the army of Romeilia with their
beglerbeg, Hasan Páshá, a heroic vezír, at their head, and the sight
of whom inspired the royal troops with animation and courage. His
battering cannon he caused to be transported in boats along the Danube
from Widin; and among other important services which he rendered on
this occasion, he caused all the other Romeilian princes to be sent
down the river Tisse to Segdin.
The army was not long at Segdin before a number of letters were
presented before the royal presence by a deputation from the borders,
which set forth the conduct of the detestable enemy in laying siege
to Khutván, and many other grievances which these infidels had given
occasion to complain of. The deputation added, that if immediate aid
were not afforded, the besieged Mussulmans would inevitably fall into
the hands of the enemy and perish.
To prevent, therefore, the disgrace of allowing these Mussulmans to
perish by the enemy’s sword, Jaghala Zádeh was ordered to proceed with
a party of troops to their aid, and beat off the besiegers. But Jaghala
Zádeh, another son of Sinán Páshá, was too tardy in his movements,
and before he had time to arrive to afford aid to Khutván, it was in
the hands of the abject enemy. All the men, women, and children were
put to death, and the fortress itself was made level with the ground.
The conduct of Jaghala Zádeh on this occasion was such as deserved
the severest punishment; but being highly esteemed and of noble
birth, he not only escaped with impunity, but even without reproof, a
circumstance which is truly marvellous and confounding.
About this same time, also, the troops created a tumult, and complained
against Hájí Ibrahím Páshá, the treasurer, under the pretext of not
receiving their dues; for which reason the treasurer was deposed and
Kej Dehán Alí, a chávush báshí, was appointed in his stead. On the
18th of the Moharrem the troops were all paid their wages, each man
receiving his usual allowance.
After the army had reached the vicinity of the fortress of Sonluk they
disembarked their serpent and dragon-mouthed cannon, which they had
conveyed thither by water, and transported them on sledges drawn by
oxen towards Agria, as also their heavy baggage. The royal camp, after
three other stages were accomplished, reached, without being observed,
an open field in the skirts of the city, where the necessary quantity
of arms and ammunition was immediately distributed among the troops.
_Agria besieged._
It was on the 28th of Moharrem that the Sháhin-Sháh of the universe
pitched his royal camp in the plains of Agria. The two first days were
employed in arranging the machinery for making the ditches and raising
mounds, and in examining the ground.
Agria appeared, in the distance, like a mountain. The top of the
fortress was hid in the clouds; its towers rose one above another; and
its lofty buildings and turrets filled the eye. The fortress itself was
situated on a high hill, and three parts of it presented a rock, on
which was built a wall so firmly constructed that cannon could hardly
affect it. A huge mineral rock adjoined it on the south side, and as
a guard to their outer works or fortifications, there was an immense
deep ditch cut in front of them. In short, it was a place of the
utmost strength—a first-rate fortress. There were in it at this time
two princes; the one a relation of the Emperor of Austria, who was the
commander of the Germans in it; the other the Prince of Hungary.
Before the commencement of hostilities the following communication
was sent to the two above-mentioned chiefs, and to the inhabitants of
Agria. “Be it known to the princes and all others in the city of Agria
that we (the Emperor of the Ottomans) have come with the intention of
reducing it. We, therefore, call upon you, in the name of the most
High Allah, to embrace our religion. If you become Mussulmans, then we
promise you shall sustain no injury from us, but shall be allowed to
live in tranquillity and in the possession of all your property. If,
on the other hand, you will not be converted, but continue obstinate
at all hazard, then we command you to abandon your present position,
and to set out for some other country. In the event of your not
embracing either of the alternatives now proposed, and prepare to offer
resistance; if you fire one cannon, musket, or mortar at us and our
army, then, by God and by God’s prophet, we shall commence a general
slaughter, and not one of you shall escape. Let this be known to you.”
The person who carried the above to Agria was seized as a spy and put
into prison.
In the meantime, however, the Moslem troops entered into the trenches
they had before this prepared, and during the night planted their
ordnance in the most proper position for annoying the walls and the
sides of the citadel. When all was in a state of preparation the
Moslems cried _Allah! Allah!_ and commenced the work of destruction.
Day and night the firing of cannon and musketry and the bursting of
mortars ceased not. The sound and roar of these instruments of death
from both sides shook the earth, whilst the volume of smoke formed a
black cloud above and around them. The brave, the heroic, the orthodox
Moslems relaxed not in their mighty efforts, nor once turned away their
faces from danger.