earnest letter to his majesty, requesting an augmentation of troops.
“The enemy,” said he in his letter, “are at Bekrish, and we have
advanced near to Rusjuk, on our frontiers. The troops under my command
are too few, and they are also much weakened by the fatigues of the
long journey and other privations incident to long marching. The number
of the enemy is too great for us at present to take vengeance, and we
must, before venturing to attack them, be made better acquainted with
their actual force, and be put in circumstances to secure success.”
These sentiments of Ferhád were more than once expressed. Ibrahím
Páshá, on the contrary, represented to his majesty that the army under
Ferhád was on the point of deserting him; that they were unwilling to
act under him; that what at one time had appeared hopeful had vanished;
in short, that the whole of the army would rather perish by the sword
than choose to continue under his banner. The mufti, Bostán Zádeh,
joined in the fraud; and Bákí Effendí from among the military judges,
and Jeráh Mohammed Páshá, Hasan Páshá, and Jaghala Zádeh, from among
the vezírs, were carried away by this deceit and dissimulation. “It is
not,” said the deceitful káímakám, “that I wish an investigation to be
made in the case of Ferhád that I speak as I do, neither is it that I
wish to be made grand vezír; nor is it the chief command of the army I
seek. No: it is a duty I owe to religion, to the emperor, and to the
empire, that forces me to express myself.” These sentiments, apparently
good, were uttered with the view of affecting Sinán Páshá, the late
prime minister, who was so well pleased with them that he was induced
to distribute some thousands of gold among those who were present and
heard this discourse. Ibrahím’s words soon found their way to the
ear of his royal master, who was so much affected by them that he
determined on deposing Ferhád Páshá.
_Continuation of Ferhád’s affairs._
On the 21st of Shabán Ferhád Páshá marched from Dávud Páshá, and on
reaching Chorlí he raised about a thousand sharp-shooters, and gave the
command of this body to one Hasan, a Spáhí. The stages by which the
army was to march were all written down, but the troops were to halt
every day at mid-day and take rest.
About the 5th of Ramazán, the government of Moldavia was conferred on
Ja’fer Páshá, who had been, formerly, Beglerbeg of Shirván, and that
of Valachia, on Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá. The office of treasurer was
conferred on Mohammed Beg of Yení Sheher. Twelve thousand men from
these two provinces were ordered to be taken into pay.
_Ferhád arrives on the Banks of the Danube._
The grand vezír, Ferhád Páshá, reached Rusjuk towards the end of
Shevál, and immediately commenced preparations for erecting a
bridge across the Danube. Artificers, brought from Nicopolis, were
set to the work. From some prisoners who had been brought to the
commander-in-chief he learned that the wicked and mischievous Michael
had received a reinforcement, from Transylvania and Hungary, of
about 70,000 troops, and that he was posted at Bekrish. About the
commencement of Dhu’l Kadah, the Beglerbeg of Romeili, Hasan Páshá,
joined the royal camp with four thousand troops, and brought along with
him five hundred Valachian and Hungarian prisoners. The grand vezír
and commander-in-chief, Ferhád Páshá, sat under a canopy supported by
eight pillars, and superintended the erections which were carried on.
The whole might have been completed in five or six days had it not
been found necessary to extend the bridge to an island in the river,
opposite Yerkok. To accomplish this object, the Sanjak chiefs were
ordered to cut down trees suitable for the purpose, and to transport
them to the spot where they were needed. Whilst these erections were
going forward, arrangements were also made to pay four divisions of
troops which remained in the garrison of Belgrade; the Serdár himself
intending, after he had chastised the rebel Michael, to remove to that
city.
_Ferhád is deposed.—Sinán Páshá raised to the Premiership._
It has already been observed how Ibrahím Páshá, the son-in-law of Sinán
Páshá, and other sycophants of the latter, had effected a change in the
emperor’s mind towards Ferhád. They at last succeeded in moving him to
remove him from office altogether. Accordingly the seals of office,
at the close of the month Shevál, were sent to Sinán Páshá, who, on
being raised to the premiership, set immediately to work in seeking the
destruction of his predecessor. He insinuated that Ferhád maintained
a secret correspondence with the apostate Michael: that he meditated
the utter ruin and destruction of the Moslem army: he accused him of
negligence, infidelity, and treachery, and importuned his warrant: and,
in order to encompass his death, he took the royal seal and signed
a commission, which he sent to the deputy of the Janissaries, Ahmed
Aghá, desiring him to execute this diabolical but earnestly desired
object. He issued another order for taking possession of the arsenal
and other stores which Ferhád had provided for the war. Before either
of these firmáns reached the place of their destination, however, a
friend of Ferhád had hastened, with all manner of speed, to inform him
what was going on against him. The information had such an effect on
the unfortunate Páshá, that his life, for a while, was despaired of.
He was, however, able to make arrangements for his return. He informed
a diván, called for the purpose, that he found it necessary to return
to Constantinople, and therefore required some men to accompany him.
He, accordingly, selected about three thousand veterans from the
most valiant of the troops, and delivered over, secretly however, to
Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, his own seal, and all the stores to Mohammed
Páshá. Having settled every thing relative to the troops that were to
accompany him, he mounted his horse and set out for Constantinople. To
avoid meeting the officer who had in charge the grand vezír’s firmán,
he travelled by a different route, night and day, with the greatest
speed.
When the officer reached Rusjuk, he learned, to his surprise, that
Ferhád had set out two days before; but with the assistance of
Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, he immediately transmitted an account of this
circumstance to Constantinople.
Sinán Páshá was still in the metropolis. The Syrian troops, destined
for the war, had arrived. Sinán informed them that a sentence of death
had been issued against Ferhád. “His head is mine, his property yours,”
said he, and sent off these fearless troops to intercept him.
In the mean time Sinán Páshá busied himself in making arrangements for
carrying on the war in Hungary. The Syrian troops, just now mentioned,
fell in with Ferhád’s treasures, which were carried on camels. These
they seized, whilst Ferhád himself stood on a rising ground at a
distance, and saw what was going on. There is another version of this
story. It says, that when these Syrians met Ferhád, he had the presence
of mind to scatter some purses of silver and gold amongst the rapacious
fellows, and made off with himself whilst they were scrambling for
the booty thus thrown amongst them. The story goes on to say that the
Syrians began to quarrel about the division of the spoil they had so
very easily acquired, and that instead of fairly dividing it, each man
set off with what fell into his own hands.
Ferhád, in the meantime, succeeded in descending the mountains of
Istrenj, and arrived at his own villa near Constantinople in the middle
of Dhu’l hijja. Here he concealed himself, but sent all his treasures
and jewels as a present to the emperor’s mother. This mode of applying
his money had a wonderful effect, for the joyful news of his being
about to be pardoned soon became public.
The grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, reached Rusjuk, on the borders of the
empire, before these things had transpired, and had other objects
to occupy his attention, independent of Ferhád. But his son-in-law,
Ibrahím Páshá, was still governor of Constantinople, and when he heard
the report that Ferhád was to be pardoned, formed another plot for
effecting his destruction, which succeeded, as the sequel will show. He
employed one Soleimán, a German Jew, a well-known fellow, who succeeded
in finding out where Ferhád had secreted himself, and afterwards sent
him (probably by the same infamous Jew) a letter, as from the emperor,
which conveyed to him a free pardon. This, the poor man had no
doubt, was an act of mercy from his sovereign, and therefore ventured
out of his hiding-place and commenced paying visits to his friends.
One morning, however, by break of day, his villa was surrounded,
and himself made prisoner by the Bostánjí báshí, who conducted him
forthwith to the Seven Towers. This took place on the 5th of Sefer,
1004. Ibrahím Páshá wrote out his indictment and laid it before the
throne, and soon afterwards succeeded in obtaining the emperor’s
warrant for taking away his life. Accordingly, Chobán Soleimán Aghá,
a chávush báshí, strangled him in the Seven Towers that same night,
before supper-time.
_A Reflection._
The late Ferhád Páshá was a man who had rendered many important
services to his country whilst employed in the Persian war, and was
one of those who had forwarded the elevation of the then reigning
monarch; but he was rewarded, as we have seen, with disgrace heaped
upon him, and, at last, with an ignominious death. The late emperor
knew his value, and always showed him peculiar honour and respect.
Sultán Mohammed Khán was a man who was free from guile and duplicity,
and unacquainted with cunning and deceit; but he had not reached that
degree of penetration which so much distinguished his father, and
which would have secured him from putting too much confidence in his
advisers, and have kept him from committing himself before he had made
proper and strict inquiry. The result of the want of these qualities we
have seen.
_Sinán Páshá’s Operations in Valachia._
The new grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, left the plains of Dávud Páshá on
the 11th Dhu’l Kadah, passed through Adrianople, the pass of Chaluk
Kovak, and, after encountering a thousand difficulties, reached the
camp towards the end of the month. The above-mentioned bridge was in a
state of completion, and about the middle of the month Dhu’l hijja, the
grand vezír crossed over with his whole army. The troops of Romeili,
with their Válí at their head, formed the advance guard: Satúrjí
Mohammed Páshá, at the head of the Syrian troops, formed the right
wing: the chiefs of Thessalonica and Nicopolis were appointed to watch
the bridge: the ten galleys which had been ordered to convey military
stores had reached Rusjuk, and on the 17th the army removed from
Yerkok, and halted near a wood about four leagues distant from a narrow
pass which led to Bekrish. A party was led forward to reconnoitre this
pass, but they had scarcely approached it when they observed a cloud of
dust, and soon afterwards saw the enemy’s troops advancing. The party
retreated to the camp: the grand vezír girded on his sword, ordered
planks to be placed over a marsh which lay in front, by which he made
the Janissaries pass, and stationed them in a part of the wood. On the
top of an eminence he placed ten pieces of ordnance, which did great
execution, and with the middle division of his army he succeeded in
driving back those of the enemy which were advancing upon him, and
spiked their cannon which they had been obliged to leave behind them.
A few only of the enemy were killed, but every thing was in favour of
the Moslems, who now advanced upon them, and took their position near
Kalúgirvan. The whole of the enemy were concentrated in the pass or
valley of Bekrish, where they during the night lighted fires, made a
tremendous noise and stir, and, at the same time, brought forward a
great number of buffaloes.
In the history called _Bahjet_, the account is thus related:—The
Moslem army having halted in a marshy and woody spot near the bridge
of Kalúgirvan, were soon attacked by a body of the enemy, whose cannon
and small arms were most galling to them. In these circumstances,
Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, Haider Páshá, Hasan Páshá, and Mustafa Páshá,
the son of Ayás Páshá, crossed the bridge with a considerable number of
troops, and attacked them in return, and after a most dreadful conflict
succeeded in securing ten of the enemy’s cannon, but were afterwards
obliged to retreat, leaving their acquisition behind them. Mohammed
Páshá, in the act of retreating, was wounded in the above-mentioned
marsh. Hasan Haider and Mustafa sunk into the mud and perished. The
grand vezír himself was also very unfortunate, for in this moment of
confusion and retreat, he too was obliged to fly; and in doing so, fell
into a morass. His body guards sought their own safety, and left him
to shift for himself the best way he could. He got out, but soon fell
into another; and in this predicament he continued till he was observed
by a veteran Romeilian called Hasan, who advanced towards him, took
him on his back, and thus carried him out of the marsh. This hero, the
deliverer of the grand vezír, acquired public fame for his heroism,
and had the word “marsh” affixed to his name ever afterwards. He was,
therefore, called Hasan Bátákjí, and became afterwards the commander of
a body of heroes under Khoja Murád Páshá, honourably mentioned in the
sequel of this history.
On the night of the above-mentioned disastrous event, one of the
Janissaries happened to lay down an unextinguished match upon some
gunpowder, which, when it ignited, communicated itself to a great
quantity of the same material which lay in its neighbourhood, and
which produced so tremendous an explosion as to cause an universal
cry of “Yá allah,” among the troops. The effect of this explosion on
the infidel army was astonishing—for they supposed they were attacked
by the Moslems, and to escape them they immediately retired. Michael
hastened to Bekrish with the greater part of his army, whilst a smaller
body made its way into Moldavia, but afterwards returned to join their
infamous leader at Bekrish.
The Moslems unable, in consequence of the fatigues they had endured
the preceding day, to take advantage of the flight of the enemy, and
thus gain the open field, retreated a little. Here they remained two
days, during which time some prisoners were brought in, who informed
them that the enemy had concentrated at Bekrish. Encouraged by this
information, Hasan Páshá, on the 18th of the month, crossed over with
his division, gained the plain beyond the valley or pass, and sent out
a foraging party through the country, who returned with provisions,
prisoners, and cattle.
Michael, not thinking himself secure at Bekrish, retired to Terghúshta,
and afterwards, from the same dread, penetrated the almost inaccessible
mountains which form the boundaries of Transylvania. The grand vezír,
now that the enemy had entirely disappeared, passed through the valley
on the 20th and appeared before Bekrish, in the plains of which he
pitched his tent. The churches of Bekrish were converted into mosques;
and worship, according to Mohammedan usage, was performed in them. The
ornaments and crosses which adorned the roofs of the churches, as well
as the whole of the images and pictures which were placed in them, were
totally demolished. Not a vestige of them was allowed to remain.
_A Council held.—A Fortress built._
The nobles and princes having assembled in the grand vezír’s pavilion,
they consulted as to the most effectual method they should adopt to
prevent Valachia and Moldavia from falling into the hands of the
infidels; and also as to the difficulty there existed in keeping the
inhabitants of these provinces under subjection. After these matters
were fully discussed, it was resolved and agreed to: 1st, That an
impregnable fortress should be built at Bekrish; and 2ndly, That a
similar one should be erected at the pass of Terghúshta. After the
passing of these resolutions, it was thought proper to transmit a
report of affairs to the court of Constantinople for its approbation;
and at the same time, the government of the country was conferred on
Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá. When once these things were thus settled,
the grand vezír and his nobles proceeded to the suburbs of Bekrish
and measured off double the space of ground on which Alexandra, the
Waiwoda’s Monastery stood, and which was formerly a fortress, and
made preparations for commencing the first fortress mentioned in the
resolutions adverted to above. The whole was completed in the space
of twelve days after it was fairly commenced. But what more relates
to this fortress we must reserve till we relate the events of the
following year.
_Concerning the Enemy’s Operations on the Frontiers._
Mohammed Páshá, son of Sinán Páshá, having been appointed
commander-in-chief on the frontiers, went, at the commencement of
the month Shevál, to Buda, where he properly housed a quantity
of provisions which had been sent from Belgrade; and afterwards
distributed troops among the military stations along the frontiers in
that quarter. He himself went to Kiris Elias, where he pitched his
camp. The beglerbeg of Anatolia, of Karamania, of Sivás, of Buda, of
Temisvar, of Haleb, and of Scutari, the deputy-ághá of the Janissaries,
the salihdárs of the Spáhís, and all the various troops regular and
irregular, assembled at Old Buda, where a distribution of provisions
and of other necessaries was made to them.
About this time Osmán Páshá, beglerbeg of Yanuk, sent information
that the Austrians were preparing to send a large army; and it so
happened that, towards the end of Dhu’l Kada, an army of 50,000
foot and 20,000 horse laid siege to Osterghún. The Moslem serdár, or
commander-in-chief, and the other beglerbegs, could muster no more than
10,000, and therefore prudently forbore attempting to offer battle to
so immense a host. They accordingly took up their position on a hill
opposite the enemy, and there meant to wait till they received more
succour.
_The Moslem Army advances to Osterghún, and are defeated._
About the commencement of the month Dhu’l hijja, the
commander-in-chief, Sinán’s son, the beglerbeg of Buda; Súfí Sinán
Páshá, the beglerbeg of Temisvar; Mikaeljelí Ahmed Páshá, the beglerbeg
of Scutari; Teríakí Hasan Páshá, the beglerbeg of Haleb; Mohammed
Páshá, and the beglerbeg of Yanuk, Osmán Páshá, advanced with the
10,000 lately mentioned to Osterghún, and took up their position
immediately opposite the enemy. This was a fool-hardy step, and one
for which they paid dearly: for that very day the battle commenced,
and was continued for several days, when it ended in the discomfiture
of the Moslem army, as might have been easily anticipated, considering
the vast majority of the enemy. The following day, when the Moslems
advanced to the conflict, they were encircled by a considerable body
of the enemy, drawn up in regular order to receive them, but whom
the Moslems, led on by Osmán Páshá, drove back, retaking at the same
time Jegirdilen, a place of some strength, and spiked the whole of
the cannon in it. Hitherto fortune seemed to declare for the orthodox
army, but on the fourth day it experienced a reverse. In approaching
Dipadilen, another place of strength, the Moslems were much annoyed by
the small arms of the enemy, which played incessantly upon them. Here
many of the brave Musselmans fell lifeless on the ground, and among
them was Osmán Páshá. Another division of the Moslem army attacked
the enemy’s trenches on the Danube, and got possession of them. Here
they either slew or drowned in the river such of the enemy as fell
into their hands: but alas! this act of heroism was dearly paid
for; for on retiring from these trenches they were met by a strong
augmentation of the enemy coming forward to the aid of those who had
been in the trenches, when a most desperate and awful conflict ensued.
The Serdár, thinking his Moslems were overpowered, turned his face
towards Buda and set off. Others, seeing this, followed his example.
Teríákí Hasan Páshá was no sooner made aware of the state of matters
than he too ordered his tents to be struck, loaded his waggons with
the heaviest of his baggage, caused oxen to be put to them and to his
field-pieces—which had been kept as memorials of Soleimán—and moved off
for Buda, whither the rest had fled.
After this signal superiority gained by the enemy they proceeded,
without any further resistance from the scattered army of the Serdár,
to effect their original purpose, the reduction of Osterghún. But we
must defer any further account of this till we relate the events of the
following year.
The Serdár Mohammed Páshá, after reaching Buda, and after his troops
had found their way to that city, was in conformity to a resolution
passed by a council of war, appointed to the government of Yanuk, and
proper persons were also dismissed in order to assemble forces at
Belgrade.
When the enemy, stationed about Novograde, heard of the defeat
sustained by the Moslems they were emboldened to lay siege to Wáj, but
were repulsed with great loss. Finding they were unable for the task
they had undertaken, they contented themselves with carrying off what
cattle they could seize or drive off. But this also belongs to the
affairs of the following year.
_The Apostate Michael gains a victory._
The grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, after having seen the fortress
completed, which he had ordered to be erected of wood at Bekrish, as
before observed, placed a garrison of one thousand Janissaries and a
thousand other troops in it, besides cannon and other implements of
war for defence, and on the 13th of Moharrem removed to the plains
of Terghúshta. The inhabitants of this latter place having all fled
before his arrival, he commenced building in it a fortress of wood,
similar to the one erected at Bekrish, and ordered two deep ditches to
be cut round it. The whole was completed in the space of a month; and
after having placed a garrison in it, and supplied it with all kinds
of necessary stores, he commenced his countermarch on the 12th of the
month Sefer.
The grand vezír had scarcely reached the very first stage, however,
before the atrocious Michael started out of the woods and surrounded
Terghúshta with his troops. The sound of his cannon was distinctly
heard in the grand vezír’s camp. After three days of violent effort he
took the place. Alí Páshá, Khoja Beg, and other persons of distinction,
he caused to be fixed on spits and roasted before a fire: the rest of
the garrison he made prisoners, set fire to the place, and withdrew.
Information of this disaster reached the grand vezír the day it took
place, and awakened the grief and sympathy of the whole army. Whilst
they stood deploring the fate of the garrison, and of their brethren
who had fallen into the hands of their merciless enemies, three
hundred of these infidels issued out of the wood, not very distant
from the Moslem camp, but they were all dispersed by a party of the
Romeilian troops. The army now began to retrace their steps. After
consulting as to the propriety of returning to Terghúshta, about which
there existed a variety of opinion, they at last resolved on going to
Bekrish, which they accordingly did. During fifteen days which the
army was ordered to remain there, all the traders, whether belonging
to the army or otherwise, were requested to remove in that space of
time with their effects out of Bekrish, and retire to some other place
of greater security. After this and other matters of importance were
fully attended to, the guns and other stores belonging to this garrison
were put on waggons and removed, and itself, so lately built, set fire
to about midnight, when the troops left it to perish. After hastily
passing through the pass of Bekrish they arrived at Yerkok, where they
halted three days.
On reaching this place, the grand vezír was confounded when he
perceived that the bridge, which had been confided to a sufficient
guard, across which ten thousand waggons and captives had passed, was
now watched only by five. Formerly, the Moslem troops were in the habit
of making excursions by this bridge into the country of Transylvania,
and returning by the same with waggons loaded with spoil, thousands of
captives, and with droves of cattle, sheep, and young horses, and which
used to be sold in the Moslem camp. Here also a faithful custom-house
officer used to sit and collect an impost which was levied on all such
imports.