Hamid Effendí was mufti when Murád ascended the throne, and died

three years afterwards. Khoja Saadín Effendí was tutor to the emperor

when he resided in his Sanjak. After his elevation to the throne,

Saadín Effendí became his counsellor in what concerned the well-being

of the state and in the art of government. Cazi Zádeh Effendí was a

mufti who wrote a comment on the law, and was a guide to salvation.

Malúl Zádeh Effendí was military judge in Romeili and succeeded Cazi

Zádeh as mufti. In consequence of having failed to show some acts of

politeness to the emperor’s adviser and spiritual counsellor, Khoja

Hasan Ján Zádeh Saadín, and for some mistakes which he had committed,

he was represented to the emperor, and deposed. He died in 992. Tchoí

Zádeh Effendí was an interpreter of the law, and his decrees were

esteemed more excellent than any of those of his contemporaries. He

succeeded Malúl Zádeh as the mufti. He was a remover of oppression and

injustice. He died in 995. His son, Shúkhjí Effendí succeeded him in

the high priesthood, but was afterwards deposed. Bostán Zádeh Effendí

is well known. Zekeriáh Effendí is the most honourable of all the

interpreters of the law. On going into the imperial palace one day to

receive a robe of honour from his majesty Sultán Murád Khán, he was

seized with fainting fits, in one of which he died, 1001. Abdur-rahmán

was contemporary with Sultán Soleimán and Sultán Selím, and was one

of the military judges of those times in which they lived. He died in

Rabia II. 983. Násir Zádeh Effendí died suddenly in 984, whilst Cazi

of Constantinople. Ahkí Zádeh Effendí retired from his jurisdiction in

Anatolia with a salary of 150 akchas. He died in 989. Bokhárí Zádeh

Effendí was deposed from his jurisdiction in Tripoli, in Syria, and

died in 986. Mehshi Sinán Effendí retired with a salary of 200 akchas

from his office, as military judge, in Anatolia, and died in 982.

Neshánjí Zádeh Effendí was deposed from his jurisdiction in Medina.

Hemshíreh Zádeh Effendí died when he was lecturer in Sultán Selím’s

academy, _i.e._ in 989. Sinán Zádeh Effendí died in 987. Kamí Ahmed

Effendí died in the same year. Mualim Zádeh Mahmúd Effendí was raised

from the academy of Sœhen to the office of recorder or chancellor.

He was afterwards deposed, and died in 987, Bábá Effendí was tutor

to Rustem Páshá. He was a pious and religious man. Sárí Kiris Zádeh

Effendí died when he was Cazi of Haleb, in 987. Abdul Vafá Effendí

was the son of Abú Saoúd. Ezumí Effendí was tutor to one of the royal

princes. He died in 999. Hazár Beg Chelebí died in the academy attached

to the convent of Brúsa. Khosrú Zádeh Mustafa Effendí was a man of

various attainments, and an orthodox guide in religion. In 998 he

was Cazi of Tripoli in Syria, where he caught a severe cold. He died

at Aksheher, on his way to Turkey, in 1000. He was a well-informed,

gentle, and humane man. He made a collection of all the vulgar

errors, and translated the History of Kútb Mekí, and left several

fine poems in Turkish. Vankúli Mohammed Effendí was a man of the most

consummate skill and learning. From the academy of Sœhen he was

raised to be Cazi of Magnesia. He held the same office, successively,

in Thessalonia, in Kutahiah, and in Anatolia, and was afterwards

raised to the chief Caziship in Medina. He retired from office with a

salary of eighty akchés, and died in the latter city, in 1000. To his

extensive information he added that of undaunted firmness, and was a

perfect linguist. He wrote several pious epistles and translated the

_Seháh Júherí_, which was deposited in the mosque of Sultán Mohammed

Khán. He also translated the _Kimiái Sa’ádet_. Abdul Káder Effendí,

son of Emír Gísúdárí, and known by the name of Yálánjek Effendí, was

judge of Kutahiah, and afterwards held the same office in Tripoli.

It was not with his will that he was restrained from denouncing the

great men of his day; for which, in fact, he was at last banished the

city. He was a man of great violence and excessive virulence. It is

said in the _Zeíli Shukáïk_, that his composition is weak, and his

sentiments incorrect. He was some time Cazi of Yení Sheher, but was

degraded, and died in 1000. Mevlana Mohammed Aydin of Akhisar was some

time Cazi in Egypt, and was afterwards chief-priest in Medina. He was

a clever, excellent, and acute man. His poems were extant in the year

1003. There is also a translated compendium of his writings. He died

in the year 1000, in Medina. Ismáíl Effendí was a complete separatist,

and subsisted by teaching. He resembled a dervish: but having been

a well-informed man, he wrote a commentary or paraphrase on the

_Mesnevi_, the _Diván of Háfiz_, the _Gulistán_, and the _Bostán_, in

Turkish. He died in 1000. Sevdí Effendí was a native of Bosnia. He was

a person of great learning. After having travelled the whole path of

literature, he was content to live on a small salary for teaching the

domestics in the palace of Ibrahím Páshá. He died in the last-mentioned

year. His explanations of the _Mesnevi_, and of the _Diván of Háfiz_,

and his translations and explanations of the _Káfi_, the _Sháfi_,

and the _Gulistán_, are still extant. Abd-ur-rahím Chelebí Kanáli

Zádeh, was the younger brother of Alí Effendí. He too was a man of

parts. He died in 1000. Mulla Abdul Kerím, a native of Magnesia, was

Imám to the Sultán. He was studying in the academy of Magnesia when

Sultán Murád Khán, son of Sultán Selím Khán, went to that quarter.

The Imám of Magnesia having been removed by death at the time of the

sultán’s visit, this man was appointed to succeed him in the office of

Imám. After Murád ascended the throne of the Ottomans, he was created

military judge. His learning and virtues, as well as his condescension

to the poor and to strangers, are much celebrated. The following is

one instance of his ingenuity and freedom. The Jews, both priests

and laity, in contradistinction to all other people, would not wear

orange-coloured turbans, and therefore could not be distinguished in

the twilight of the morning and evening from others. On this account

Mulla Abdul Kerím caused them to be obliged to wear scarlet bonnets.

He was the means also of causing them to remove their dead in their

burying-ground, near the Musselman streets in Kásim Páshá, to some

other place; and, in one night, caused a mosque to be erected on the

spot.

He was in the habit of making poor wretched apes to perform astonishing

feats, alleging they were only made to be instruments of sport; and was

thus the cause of many a poor innocent creature’s death. He died in

1002.

_Reverend Doctors contemporary with Murád Khán._

Sheikh Yolluk Mohammed Chelebí was preacher in the mosque of Sultán

Mohammed, and taught theology. Sheikh Mohammed Effendí was an

illustrious preacher in St. Sophia, and, in fact, a brave fearless

man. He was the cause of serious difficulties to Sheikh Emír Effendí,

who was preacher in the Soleimáníyeh. Sheikh Khezr Effendí was the son

of a chief of a cohort of Janissaries, and a pious chaste preacher

and a good speaker. Sheikh Tátár Ibrahím Effendí was a practical man

and a historian: he explained and taught extempore in the mosque of

Sultán Mohammed. Sheikh Shabán Effendí was a painter. He perfected

himself in Emír Bokhárí’s convent, and chose the life of a Dervísh. His

imperial majesty was in the habit of paying him visits. Sheikh Kúrd

Effendí was a very able expositor. Sheikh Hasan Effendí officiated in

the mosque of Khoja Mustafa Páshá. Sheikh Mohammed Effendí, after the

death of Bábá Effendí, by the recommendation of Siná Allah, military

judge of Romeili, was appointed to the mosque of Sultán Mohammed, by

Ferhád Páshá. He captivated, by his lofty eloquence, the heart and

the affections of the great, and secured the respect of the emperor’s

tutor and his family. These things caused his patron, Siná Allah, to

regret his having recommended him. Jaghala Zádeh and other vezírs

were assiduous in attending the assemblies on Thursdays and Fridays

to hear his orations. In short, so great was his fame, that even the

emperor and the great men of the state were included in the number

of his hearers, which increased every day. The wife of Rustem Páshá

built for him a mosque and a small meeting-house, when of course

he ceased preaching any more in Sultán Mohammed’s mosque. Sheikh

Abú-vafá was employed by the Khalifs in many cities for the purpose

of extending religion. He was in great favour with the late lamented

emperor Murád-khán when he was in Magnesia. In consequence of his great

fame he was called from that city, after Murád’s inauguration, to

Constantinople, put in possession of a splendid mansion, and allowed a

suitable salary. He was generally known by the appellation _Pádisháh

Sheikhí_ (the emperor’s spiritual guide). He had a great deal in his

power, being keeper, as it were, of the emperor’s conscience; and it

was, therefore, an easy thing to secure offices of trust and importance

for those who found access to him. In a certain sense he was a sort of

asylum to the members of the diván. Doubtless those who had posts, and

who were deprived of them, found it their interest to wait upon his

eminence, and show him the respect due to him. He died in 998.

_Facts relative to the new Emperor Sultán Mohammed Khán III._

On the third day after Sultán Mohammed Khán succeeded to the throne

of his ancestors, _i.e._ on the third day after his return to

Constantinople and after his father’s interment, the whole of the

nobles and dignitaries of state laid aside their mourning, waited on

his majesty to congratulate him on his elevation, and to receive tokens

of his favour, which were liberally distributed on this occasion. To

the Janissary body alone six hundred and sixty thousand pieces of

gold were given. The Bostánjí Báshí, Ferhád Aghá, who brought the

intelligence to Magnesia, where the young prince then was, of the

late emperor’s demise, received in money and presents to the amount

of twenty thousand ducats, and was, agreeably to his own request,

confirmed in his office. Lála Mohammed Páshá, who accompanied Mohammed

Khán from Magnesia, and who was the husband of the new monarch’s nurse,

was rewarded with a vezírship. The soldiers who came along with him

were registered, and a suitable provision made for them. Some of their

ághás were made masters of the royal stables: others of them were made

Kapújí Báshís; and others again were made colonels of regiments. As the

office of chief judge happened to be vacant at the time we are speaking

of, by reason of death, the emperor’s tutor, Sa’d ud-dín Effendí, was

appointed to fill it.

On the 27th of the month (Jemadi I.) an official was sent by night to

the Seven Towers, who dispatched Ibrahím Páshá, who had been degraded

and sent thither from Diárbeker, in the former reign, for having been

guilty of tyranny and oppression. The ághás, khojas, and others who had

rashly meddled with the affairs of government, were also brought forth.

Most of them were sent to Egypt, and a certain allowance was given to

each of them by way of salary: the rest were set at liberty.

In Jemadi II. a royal order was issued permitting the pages to leave

the royal harem (probably those pages who belonged to the late

emperor), and to return to their own friends.

_The Premiership conferred on Ferhád Páshá._

The grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, having become obnoxious to the emperor,

in consequence of his hostility to Ferhád Páshá, who was, at that

very time, governor of Constantinople, and who had free access to the

royal ear, was deposed. On the 6th of Jemadi II. the premiership was

graciously conferred on Ferhád, and an officer was dispatched to Sinán

Páshá to take back the seals of office from him. This officer met Sinán

Páshá returning from Belgrade, and received from him the object of his

mission; whilst Sinán Páshá was ordered to retire to Mulghera. His

deputy at Belgrade, vezír Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, and the treasurer,

Hájí Ibrahím Páshá, sealed the whole of their papers and deposited them

in the fortress of Belgrade.

_Insurrection of the Valachians and Moldavians._

The Waiwoda of Moldavia having marched against Bender, attacked the

emír of that place, and afterwards laid siege to Ak-kirman. But

before the Waiwoda had succeeded in reducing it, he was repulsed by

Adel Gheráí, sent thither with a body of Tátárs by Ghází Khán. The

firmness of the besiegers, on the approach of this horde, was turned

into feebleness. Some of them were killed, some fled, some were made

prisoners, and the whole body was dispersed.

The accursed Waiwoda of Valachia, Michael, formerly mentioned, sent

a body of troops to Ibrail, to distress and reduce that place. The

inhabitants in the villages and suburbs, on the approach of these

barbarians, fled into the fortress, leaving their dwellings to the

rapacity of their invaders, who first subjected them to spoliation, and

afterwards set fire to them. Having accomplished this, they erected

fortifications against the fortress; but a body of about four thousand

Tátárs crossed over the Danube on the ice, destroyed wholly these

fortifications, and slew about one thousand of the Valachian army,

or rather insurgents. These wandering insurgents, amounting to about

twenty thousand naked wretches, collected chiefly out of Hungary,

Transylvania, and Valachia, returned again to lay siege to Ibrail, and

were accompanied by a number of field-pieces. The inhabitants, anxious

to oppose them, went forth to give them battle, but being overpowered

by numbers they returned to the fortress and annoyed them from thence.

In consequence of the ice on the Danube having all melted before this

second visit to Ibrail, and it being impossible to obtain aid from the

Tátárs in sufficient time to stop the progress of these infidels, they

commenced, without further resistance, to batter the fortress and to

explode mines, which so alarmed the besieged, seeing their condition

was desperate, as to lead them to propose a capitulation. Accordingly,

Karah Shawesh Mohammed Beg and Mustafa Shawesh stepped out and met the

Hungarian chiefs, who, according to their religion, swore solemnly that

they should all be allowed to evacuate Ibrail, and retire across the

Danube without molestation or sustaining any injury.

When these followers of Mohammed were on the eve of crossing the

Danube, according to the terms of capitulation, they found themselves

necessitated to leave behind them the greater part of their

property—about one thousand loads, which caused a great out-cry. They

determined, therefore, to take all, and made an effort to remove what

was left; but the perfidious enemy opposed them. They surrounded the

complainants, seized some of the most distinguished Moslems amongst

them, and made them prisoners: others of them they entirely robbed, and

others they murdered on the spot.

When this violence and perfidy was remonstrated against by Karah

Shawesh Beg, the Hungarian chiefs answered by displaying their naked

swords, murdering a number more in cold blood, and driving the

remainder across the Danube.

The accursed Michael, already too often mentioned, having killed

Mustafa Páshá, the Beglerbeg of Merœsh, went every where exciting

insubordination and insurrection, and plundering and murdering where he

could. With four thousand of his raggamuffin army he penetrated into

Silistria, but was so firmly and effectually opposed by Mustafa Beg,

the governor, that only about one hundred of the four thousand vagrants

escaped the edge of the sword. Thus ample vengeance was taken on them.

_Ferhád Páshá makes preparations for war._

After the above-mentioned Yerkok was destroyed, letters reached the

Sublime Porte which imported that Michael was marching at the head of

one hundred thousand men, collected from the neighbouring princes, and

committing devastation and plunder in the villages on the banks of the

Danube and on the shores of the Black Sea; thus exercising violence

and cruelty on the servants of God. When this disastrous account

reached the royal ear, the grand vezír, Ferhád Páshá, who was also

commander-in-chief, was ordered to make preparations for war against

the insurgents by the time the spring season arrived. Letters were

sent to those chiefs on the borders who had maintained their integrity

to join the troops of war at a certain place; orders were issued to

prepare bridges and other apparatus necessary for crossing the Danube

at Rusjuk, opposite Yerkok; and an earnest request was sent to the

chiefs of Silistria, Nicopolis, and Widin, to furnish a sufficient

number of artificers for accomplishing this design. Until the arrival

of the grand vezír the office of commander-in-chief was conferred

on Lála Mohammed Páshá, Beglerbeg of Anatolia, who went to Widin.

Mohammed Páshá, Beglerbeg of Romeili, son of Sinán Páshá, lately in the

premiership, gave up his office of commandant in Buda to vezír Hasan

Páshá, who had been at Widin and returned to Belgrade.

_The Spáhís raise a tumult._

On the 12th of Shabán, as Ferhád was leaving the diván, and intending

to return to his own palace, he was met by ten thousand of the troops,

who were waiting for him at the gate of the diván. These complained

of not having been duly paid for three years’ services performed in

garrisoning the fortress of Ganjé, and demanded payment. The grand

vezír told them in return that their wages would be paid them from

the treasury of Tabríz and Ganjé. “Why,” said he, “do you break the

law by raising a tumult? Do you not know that disobedience to the

supreme authority involves in it the guilt of infidelity?” Thus saying,

he dismissed them. They, however, began to speak publicly of their

grievances, and sounded abroad that they were oppressed, and in fact

effected a tumult in the city. Next day Ferhád’s embarrassments were

increased, for the whole of the Spáhís, and some of the Salihdárs,

sycophants of Sinán Páshá, who united with them, came in a tumultuous

manner to the door of the diván, declared that until Ferhád Páshá’s

head was cut off they would accept no wages, and stoned such of their

companions as ventured to ask them. The ághás endeavoured by kind

advice to soothe them, but without any beneficial effect. The chávush

báshí and the deputy of the household troops tried what they could

do in appeasing them, but were rewarded with a shower of stones, and

of course were obliged to seek shelter. The tumult increased in noise

and numbers. The insurgents were then told that the pay of the men of

Ganjé would be forthwith advanced, and that all their wishes, whatever

they might be, would be complied with. These promises also made no

impression. The insurgents continued obstinate and determined, and

threatened they would permit no member of the diván to stir out of the

council alive before the head of Ferhád was given to them, and became

more and more turbulent and vociferous.

When the emperor was made aware of these scenes of insubordination

and turbulence, he sent two military judges to exhort them to return

to their duty. These two prelates were the poet Bákí Effendí and

Abúlsa’úd, a principal effendí; but their exhortation to the mutineers

had no better result than the former. The mutineers stamped with their

feet on the ground, and again vociferated “The head of Ferhád!” Ferhád

was now induced to wait on his majesty and tell him how he had acted,

and how he had spoken to the instigators of the riots about their want

of subordination, which conduct manifested, he observed, their utter

want of religion. “Lála Mohammed Páshá and other vezírs were present

when I spoke to them,” said the grand vezír, “and I am sure nothing

of all that I said ought to have offended them. I am only one of your

slaves, and though I should be removed out of the world, that will

not reduce the number of your majesty’s councillors. To comply with

their demands will only have the effect of increasing their rebellious

spirit and open a door for making similar demands in future, which will

not be so easily resisted if their present one be complied with. At

the present moment, when neither exhortation nor threatening can make

any impression on them, it will be most advisable that your majesty

authorise the ághá of the Janissaries to bring out a considerable

number of his troops and station them below the arsenal, and order the

most powerful of the Bostánjís to be in a state of readiness at the

Tímúr gate. If, therefore, the vezírs be molested when they retire from

the diván, these troops will immediately, on the first signal, advance

and chastise the insurgents for their temerity.” The emperor approved

of this advice, and promised to act accordingly. He desired Ferhád

to remain with him, and that he would again send his vezírs to try to

pacify them. “If they succeed, well; if not, then your method will be

adverted to,” said he to his grand vezír, and ordered them to make the

endeavour. The vezírs, however, no sooner showed themselves, than the

audacious multitude commenced pelting them with stones as formerly.

At this moment the Janissaries and Bostánjís were let loose upon the

mutinous Spáhís, and dispersed them in all directions: not any two of

them remained together, so completely were they awed and terrified.

In this tumult the brother-in-law of Khalíl Páshá had his head hurt,

and Lála Mohammed Páshá his arms, by stones which were hurled at them.

Both of them were carried into the diván in a wounded condition by the

ághá of the Janissaries, who related to the members of the council how

matters stood, after which they all dismissed: Ferhád mounted his horse

and rode away to his own palace.

The grand vezír, reflecting on the disgrace done to him by the friends

and sycophants of his enemies, Khoja Sinán Páshá and his son Jaghala,

sought redress from the emperor. His importunity was not in vain, for

a royal decree ordered Sinán Páshá to repair to Mulghera, where he had

been before, and Jaghala Zádeh Sinán Páshá was ordered to Karahissar.

Síávush Páshá, being also involved in raising the tumult we have

described, was ordered to Iconium. Others who had taken a share in it

were similarly punished.

After peace and quietness were restored the emperor next day ordered

100,000 dollars to be distributed among the Janissary troops, and ten

of their chiefs were presented with robes of honour.

_Ferhád Páshá prepares to set out for Valachia._

All the preparations for the war having been properly attended to, and

all in a state of readiness, the grand vezír, Ferhád Páshá, on the 17th

of Shabán, marched at the head of his army from the imperial city,

and halted at Dávud Páshá. The second vezír, Ibrahím Páshá, was made

káímakám, or vice-governor of Constantinople. The chief ághá of the

Janissaries remained at home according to custom, but the commander

or ághá of the first legion of the Janissaries, with ten thousand

Janissaries, accompanied the expedition to Valachia. Ten galleys were

ordered up the Danube with cannon and other military stores as far as

Rusjuk; but Ibrahím Páshá, the káímakám, in consequence of some secret

enmity towards Ferhád, hindered as much as he could, and under various

pretences, the dispatch of these and similar other articles necessary

for the war, though he made it appear that he was every way active.

Annals of the Turkish Empire, from 1591 to 1659 · 第 5 / 45 段