Ephraim, and one Pieter Beyaert,[387] a deacon of the Dutch church, a
very good sort of person whom God, the Lord, began to touch and
enlighten, both in regard to the destruction of the world in general
and of himself in particular. He had a good intention to perform,
through the grace of God, whatever God convicted him the truth of;
for, he said, he had for some time past felt that God had some purpose
concerning him, and to incite him to serve God with more earnestness;
but it was impossible to do so in the city, and in this city of
traders, where he lived; and as he observed the hand and providence of
God in this matter because there had fallen to him a good piece of
land and farm, without any effort of his, and as he felt that a
private life was better for him, and brought him nearer to God, he
intended to abandon the city and commerce and go and live upon his
farm, which is on the South River, a small distance below where Caspar
Hermans lives. We said to him on this subject what we believed he was
in need of, which he received kindly.
[Footnote 387: Pieter Bayard was a nephew of Governor Stuyvesant and a
brother of Nicholas Bayard, of the council. He joined in the Labadist
purchase, but soon withdrew.]
The large ship of Frederick Flipsen, of which Singleton was captain,
besides being lank of herself, was also very badly stowed and laden.
In attempting to run out to sea, she was compelled to put back to
Staten Island, in order to be restowed, which delays his voyage for
several weeks.
_5th, Wednesday._ We now learned that our voyage was postponed until
Monday, and perhaps longer, so little calculation can be made upon
voyages in these parts.
_6th, Thursday._ We visited Theunis, whom we found well, the Lord
confirming and strengthening him in the grace he had manifested
towards Him, which comforted us, and we wished him the blessing of the
Lord.
_7th, Friday._ We went to take our leave of the lord governor, who was
very much engaged with the officers of the burghers, who were to train
the next day, and also with the affair of Lord Carteret,[388] governor
of New Jersey. After we had been waiting a long time, he observed us
and called us. He asked us what we came to say, not with his
accustomed kindness, but a little peevishly, as if he were tired of us
and we annoyed him. We answered, we came to take our leave of him, as
we intended to leave for Boston, and to thank him for the favor and
kindness he had shown us. He enquired with whom we were going; and we
named the person. He then asked, when; and we said on Monday. "Well,"
said he, "you will undoubtedly find there in the east a better
opportunity than you have found here." We felt that he said this in
irony; and replied, we did not think so, as we had seen several good
situations within his government, and had been informed they were not
so good at the east. He cut off the conversation by wishing us a happy
voyage, for which we thanked him and left. We also went to take leave
of Frederick Flipsen,[389] whom we requested, in case any letters
addressed to us came into his hands, he would be so kind as to direct
them to us in the Fatherland, which order we afterwards changed, and
gave to M. de la Grange, because we were apprehensive, as he and the
governor were one, it might be that our letters, coming from the
Fatherland, had been withheld from us by them, as some persons had
absolutely declared, and others had half insinuated.
[Footnote 388: Governor Carteret was not a lord.]
[Footnote 389: See p. 5, note 1.]
_8th, Saturday._ There was a training and muster to-day, which had not
taken place before in two years, because the small-pox had prevailed
so much the last year. Some were on horseback, and six small companies
were on foot. They were exercised in military tactics, but I have
never seen anything worse of the kind. They comprised all the force of
New York and the adjacent places. De la Grange, who supposed he could
put in a substitute, had to appear on horseback himself, although some
who were to come so did substitute others in their places.
This day was the anniversary of our departure from home, and we would
have now taken our departure from here, if it had not been postponed.
_9th, Sunday._ Pinxter (Whitsunday). Domine Niewenhuyse having
recovered from his sickness, we went to hear him preach, in order not
to give any cause of offense at the last. His text was the usual one.
_10th, Monday._ The second day of Pinxter. We had several visitors
whom we received with love and affection, each one according to his
circumstances.
_11th, Tuesday._ We called upon Ephraim, from whom we received in
charge some spermaceti, with orders to send him from Amsterdam a good
new Bible. He presented us on behalf of his wife, who was not at home,
two beautiful otter skins, which we dared not refuse, and accepted
with thanks.
The governor, attended by his whole retinue of ladies and gentlemen,
escorted Carteret, the governor of New Jersey, in great pomp home to
Achter Kol. As we are now about to leave New York, and the affair of
the Heer Carteret appears to be finished, which happening during our
stay here we should have noticed from time to time, only we thought it
was not well to write then what we saw, for various reasons, we do not
regard it improper now to state what we heard of it.
These two governors lived at first in friendship and concord. Carteret
came often to New York, and generally to church, when he usually went
to the governor's, in the fort. A difference afterwards arose between
them, but the cause of it I have not heard, or whether it was personal
or public. It is certain, however, that the governor of New York
wished to bring Carteret and his government, to some extent, into
subordination to him. Carteret claimed to be as perfectly governor of
his province as the other was of his, and to possess the same
prerogatives as the governor of New York, and even more than he, in
respect to trade and other privileges. The governor of New York
disputed with him all right of navigation, declaring the North River
was under his own jurisdiction, and therefore all persons who passed
in or out of it must acknowledge him, pay him duties, and even unlade
there, and actually commenced seizing some vessels. Carteret thereupon
complained to England, and the governor of New York sent Captain Dyer
over there as a commissioner, which he disavowed with an oath, as it
is said. This Dyer returned with skipper Jacob, or about that time,
but with what instructions I do not know. There also arrived with him
a collector for Boston, on behalf of the king, as they said, which was
contrary to their privileges of liberties, and he was therefore never
acknowledged as such by the merchants there.[390] From this time forth
the governor of New York began to act more stringently towards
Carteret, and also towards his own subjects. Carteret obtaining
information of what had been done in England by Captain Dyer, called
together all the principal men among his people, who represented under
their signatures the circumstances of the case, and sent the paper to
England. The governor of New York went to Staten Island, as to the
jurisdiction over which they disagreed, and sent for Carteret to come
there in order, as he said, to negotiate with him in peace and
friendship. Carteret, probably perceiving his purpose, refused to go,
and requested of him if he had anything necessary to communicate to
come to him, as he was now not far from his residence, and as he,
Carteret, had been so frequently at the fort in New York, he should
come once to his house, where he might be assured he would be welcome.
Hereupon the governor returned again to New York with his object
unaccomplished, and shortly afterwards, by proclamation, declared the
nullity of the government of Carteret; that at the most he was only
the head of a colony, namely, New Jersey; and that he was guilty of
misusing the king's name, power, and authority. He sent boats several
times to Achter Kol to demand the submission of the place to his
authority, which the people of Achter Kol jeered at and disregarded,
being ready to uphold the king and their own governor, whom they bound
themselves by an oath to maintain. This occurred repeatedly, and
Carteret said that so far from wishing himself to oppose it, he would,
on the contrary, immediately submit, if the governor of New York would
produce the least authority from the king for what he claimed or did.
He however never brought forward anything of the kind, but continued
his proceedings; and at night, and unseasonable hours, and by
surprise, took from New Jersey all the staves of the constables out of
their houses, which was as much as to deprive them of the power to
act. Seeing he could accomplish nothing by force, he declared the
inhabitants released from their oaths to the Heer Carteret; they
answered they could not acknowledge any release from their oaths,
unless by the same authority which had required it of them or the
exhibition of a higher one, that of the king. At length he corrupted
one of Carteret's domestics, for Carteret had no soldiers or
fortifications, but resided in a country house only. He then equipped
some yachts and a ketch with soldiers, arms, and ammunition, and
despatched them to Achter Kol in order to abduct Carteret in any
manner it could be done. They entered his house, I know not how, at
midnight, seized him naked, dragged him through the window, struck and
kicked him terribly, and even injured him internally. They threw him,
all naked as he was, into a canoe, without any cap or hat on his head,
and carried him in that condition to New York, where they furnished
him clothes and shoes and stockings, and then conducted him to the
fort and put him immediately in prison. When they seized him at Achter
Kol the armed boats had gone home, and the seizure was accomplished
through treachery. Two of the head men of Carteret immediately took
possession of his papers, such as were of importance to him, and
travelled, one to Maryland, and the other, crossing the upper part of
the North River, to Boston overland, and both to England, in order to
remonstrate. The governor sent immediately to Achter Kol, took
possession of the place, posted up orders, and caused inquiries to be
made for the man who had set Carteret over the river, but without
success.
[Footnote 390: Edward Randolph, the famous royal agent, arrived in New
York December 7, 1679.]
While Carteret was in prison he was sick, very sick, they said, in
regard to which there were various surmises. Meanwhile a court of
assizes was convened, to which on every occasion the governor was
conducted by three trumpeters in advance of him. Carteret was brought
before the same court, after him. The governor had caused a seat to be
erected in the court room high up above all the others, and higher
than usual on which he sat. Governor Carteret, as a criminal, was in
the middle. The court being seated, the governor presented Carteret as
guilty of misusing the king's name, power, and authority, and usurping
the government of New Jersey; that he was only the head of a colony,
etc. Whereupon Carteret, having the right to speak, said it was far
from his intention to seek to defend his case before that court; he
did not acknowledge it as a court having power to decide his case,
because in the first place the question could not be determined in a
court of assizes, as it did not concern a private right, but the right
of the king; in the next place, if such a question could be disposed
of in such a court, this nevertheless could not act, because he was
not subject to its jurisdiction; and thirdly, because it was a court
of one party, and he said this without wishing to offend any of the
individual members of the court; yet notwithstanding all this he was
content that he and his case should be brought before them in order
that they might be witnesses of what was done and to be done. As to
what the governor of New York alleged, he said it was wonderful to him
that he should be thus treated, and that they should dispute a matter
which neither the governor of New York, nor his court, nor any one in
the world had ever disputed, or with reason could dispute. The
governor said he had never acknowledged him as governor of New Jersey.
"It is surprising," said Carteret, "that at one time there can be
disavowed before all the world, what has been assented to before all
the world at another;" and thereupon he took out of his pocket several
letters of the governor of New York, all addressed to the governor of
New Jersey. The governor did not know what to say to this except that
he had so directed them because Carteret was generally styled
governor, and not because he was so in fact; "for," said he,
"although I have done that, can I therefore make you governor?" "No,"
replied Carteret, "but the king has made me governor, and you as well
as all the world have acknowledged me as such." The acts of the king
in relation to the governorship were then produced, and it was found
that the one to Carteret was some time older than that to the governor
of New York, and therefore, said Carteret, it is to be preferred. The
governor of New York replied, "mine is more recent, and yours is
therefore annulled by it." "That is to be shown," rejoined Carteret.
Although the governor of New York had employed a lawyer, he could not
succeed. When at last the jury retired, in order to consult among
themselves, Carteret exhibited letters from the king himself, in which
he called him governor of New Jersey. The jury returned and declared
Carteret not guilty of what was charged against him. The governor made
them retire a second time, saying to them it would be well for them to
consider what they did, as more depended upon the matter than they
imagined. They came back a second time with the same verdict.
Whereupon the governor became very angry, and caused them to go out
again with threats that they should look to what they did, as there
was too much depended upon it, for themselves, their entire condition
and welfare. Whereupon Carteret told them they had nothing to fear in
committing themselves into the king's own hands who had given him
authority. Again the jury returned and gave in the same verdict: that
as Carteret was not under them and did not acknowledge them as his
judges, they could not do otherwise in the case; but they advised
Carteret to return to his house and business at Achter Kol as a
private individual until the case be decided by higher authority,
which Carteret was willing to do, not because it was a sentence of
theirs against him, or even their advice, but because he was compelled
to do so and could not at that time do otherwise. And thus the affair
stood at our departure, the governor taking him back to Achter Kol
with all the magnificence he could. Some think this was all a made-up
piece of work, and that the governor of New York only sought to
possess the government and had no design against the person of
Carteret; and having obtained what he wanted, had no other or better
means than to release him with some show. The principal persons who
have assisted the governor herein are Captain Dyer before mentioned,
Captain Nicols,[391] and some others. This matter transpired before
all the world. The principal speeches which were made in court were
related to us and as regards the other transactions we saw them. It is
fortunate we were there when the affair terminated, as we were thus
enabled to understand the nature of this government as well as of the
governor.[392]
[Footnote 391: Captain Mathias Nicolls, secretary of the province.]
[Footnote 392: While it may be doubted whether in strictness the
language of the grants to Berkeley and Carteret gave them rights of
government, precedents extending from 1665 allowed them the constant
exercise of such rights. Andros, however, especially now that Sir
George Carteret had died, in January, 1680, asserted that all rights
of government remained unimpaired in the Duke of York. Governor
Carteret's narrative of the high-handed proceedings by which he tried
to exercise these rights may be seen in Leaming and Spicer's _Grants
and Concessions_, pp. 683, 684. Substantially it agrees with that of
Danckaerts. The arrest took place on April 30, 1680, the trial on May
27. But by additional deeds of release, in August and September, 1680,
the Duke conceded governmental rights to the representatives of the
proprietaries. Andros was recalled, but remained in favor.]
As to what the governor has done in regard to his own subjects:
wherever they lived, they had the right to do whatever they considered
best for a livelihood; but as this country yields in abundance
everything most essential for life, if the inhabitants so apply it,
its shipping does not amount to much, for the reason that they have
everything at home, and have little occasion to borrow or buy from
their neighbors; and as the exports or imports were not much, and
produced few customs or duties, in which his profit consists, there
was little bought from the merchants of articles obtained from abroad.
There was therefore no profit from that source to them or him--for he
also is a merchant, and keeps a store publicly like the others, where
you can buy half a penny's worth of pins. They usually make at least a
hundred per cent. profit. And here it is to be remarked, that as
Fredrick Flipsen has the most shipping and does the largest trade, it
is said he is in partnership with the governor, which is credible and
inferable from the privileges which Frederick enjoys above the other
merchants in regard to his goods and ships. Now one of the principal
navigations of this place is that with Barbados, which formerly did
not amount to much, for the people could obtain the productions of
Barbados cheap enough from Boston, which had a great trade with that
island, and where its productions are cheap in consequence of their
exemptions from duties, for they paid scarcely any duty, customs, or
other charges. As no French brandies can come into the English
dominions, they can not be imported into New York, though they are
free at Boston; and as New Netherland is a country overflowing with
grain, much liquor was distilled there from grain, and therefore they
had no necessity of going elsewhere to buy strong liquors. This
brought no profit to the merchants, but on the contrary a loss, for in
the first place a large quantity of grain was consumed in
distillation, by which means the grain continued too dear, according
to the views of the merchants, who received it from the poor boors in
payment of their debts, there being no money in circulation; in the
second place, it prevented the importation of rum, a spirituous liquor
made from sugar in Barbados, and consequently any duties; and thirdly,
the merchants did not realize the double percentage of profit, namely,
upon the meal they might send to Barbados, and upon the rum which they
would sell here. The governor therefore prohibited the distilling of
spirituous liquors, whereby not only were many persons ruined who
supported themselves by that business, but the rum which had to be
procured from the merchants rose in price, and they sold it as high as
they pleased; on the other hand the price of grain fell very much,
because it could not be consumed, and the merchants gave no more for
it than they chose. And thus the poor farmers soon had to work for
nothing, all their sweat and labor going with usury into the pockets
of the tradesmen. The trade to Barbados now began to increase, and the
merchants and the governor to make more gains. The common people, who
could not trade to Barbados, but could buy what they wanted at Boston
as cheaply as they could order it from Barbados, sent their flour to
Boston, and obtained their goods much cheaper than their own merchants
sold them. But as this was contributing too much to Boston, although
the trade had always been free there, and was injuring the profits of
the merchants of New York, the governor forbade any further trading to
Boston; though the people of Boston should have the privilege to come
and buy at New York on their own account. This took away almost all
the trade with Boston, which had been very large, and straitened the
farmers and common people still more, while the merchants became, if
not re, at least great usurers and cheats. The grain by this means
fell still lower in price, and while we were there the people could
not obtain more than four or five guilders in _zeewan_ for a schepel
of fine wheat, that is, sixteen stivers or one guilder of Holland
money.[393] On the other hand, the merchants charged so dreadfully
dear what the common man had to buy of them, that he could hardly ever
pay them off, and remained like a child in their debt, and
consequently their slave. It is considered at New York a great
treasure and liberty, not to be indebted to the merchants, for any one
who is will never be able to pay them. The richest of the farmers and
common people, however, in company or singly, sent their goods to
Barbados, on their own account, and ordered from there what they
thought proper; and although they had to pay duties, and freight to
the merchants for the goods which were carried in their ships, they
nevertheless saved to themselves the profits on the goods. The
governor at last has forbidden any flour to be bolted except in the
city, or to be exported, unless [the exporters] come and reside in the
city, and buy their burger or trader-right, which is five beaver
skins, and has forbidden all persons whomsoever from carrying on
trade, except those whom he licenses, and who know what they must pay
him yearly, according to the amount of their sales. All goods sold
outside of the city, in the country, must be bought in New York, and
not imported on private account from abroad. Madame Rentselaer had
even erected a new bolting mill before the last harvest by his advice,
which was not yet in operation, when he prohibited bolting. Such was
the situation of affairs when we left there. It is true that all goods
imported into the South River from abroad had to pay not only import
but also export duties, but those bought in New York, or from the
merchants there on their own account, pay little or no export duty.
And it would appear as if the whole of the proceedings with Carteret
and him were founded in this, if they have no higher cause.
[Footnote 393: About fifty-five cents for a bushel.]
They say now, as he has accomplished these objects in regard to his
own people and Carteret, he will turn his attention to the Quakers on
the South River, who assert that they are not subject to his
government, and also to the people on the Fresh River [Connecticut],
who claim to be members of the republic of Boston, and even to those
of Boston; but whether all this is designed by him is doubtful.[394]
[Footnote 394: By "the Quakers on the South River" the writer means
the province of West Jersey, the dealings with Carteret having related
to East Jersey alone. The people of Connecticut, it is hardly
necessary to remark, did not claim to be members of the _republic_ of
Boston, though united with it in the New England confederation.]