the country, have prepared their own leather; but as it was not
necessary that every shoemaker should have his own tannery, some of
them have put up several tanneries jointly, and others who were not so
rich or had not so much to do, had their leather tanned by them, or
tanned it themselves in those tanneries, satisfying the owners for the
privilege. The proprietors of the tanneries began to exact too much
from those who had their leather tanned, whereupon the poorer ones
complained to the governor about it. He seized the opportunity to
forbid all tanning whatsoever, and to order that the hides should be
sent to Europe, and the leather ordered from there for the purpose of
making shoes, or else ready-made shoes imported. By this means the
farmers and others would be compelled to come and sell their hides to
the merchants, who would give for them what they chose, he would
derive taxes and duties from them, and the merchants their freight and
percentage of profit; leather which is dear in Europe would pay
perhaps taxes once or twice there, and freight and taxes or duties
again here; the merchants would have their profit, and then the
shoemaker would get the leather for the purpose of making shoes. A
pair of shoes now costs 16 or 20 guilders, that is, four guilders in
Holland money;[395] what would they cost then? And as labor in Europe
is cheaper than here, it is certain that shoes made there would be
cheaper than the leather would cost here, and thus all the shoemakers
here would be ruined, and all their means go to the governor and the
merchants. This subject was under discussion, and had not yet gone
into effect when we left. As they discovered that leather is
contraband, I think the order is stopped for that reason. The
intention however is evident.
[Footnote 395: One dollar and seventy cents.]
He has taken away land from several country people, and given it to
others who applied to him for it, because it was not inclosed, and he
wishes, as he says, the land to be cultivated, and not remain waste.
But it is impossible that all the land bought in the first instance
for the purpose of being cultivated by the purchasers or their heirs,
as they generally buy a large tract with that object, can be put in
fence immediately and kept so, much less be cultivated. He has also
curtailed all the farms in the free colony of Rentselaerswyck, as well
as their privileges. Some persons being discouraged, and wishing to
leave for the purpose of going to live under Carteret, he threatened
to confiscate all their goods and effects. He said to others who came
to him and complained they could not live under these prohibitions:
"If they do not suit you, leave the country, and the sooner you do it
the better."
A certain poor carman had the misfortune to run over a child which
died. He fled, although the world pitied him, and excused him because
he could not have avoided it. The court, according to some law of
England, on account of his having seven sons, acquitted him, provided
his wife with her seven sons would go and prostrate themselves before
the governor, and ask pardon for their husband and father. The carman
was restored by the court to his business, which he began again to
exercise, when the governor, meeting him on his cart in the street,
asked him who had given him permission to ride again. The carman
replied: "My Lord, it is by permission and order of the court." "Come
down at once," the governor said, "and remember you do not attempt it
again during your life." Thus he violated the order of the court, and
the poor man had to seek some other employment to earn his bread.
A citizen of New York had a dog which was very useful to him. This dog
by accident went into the fort, where madam the governor's wife was
standing, and looked steadily at her, in expectation, perhaps, of
obtaining something from her, like a beggar. The lady was much
discomposed and disturbed, and related the circumstance to her
husband. The governor immediately caused inquiries to be made as to
the ownership of the dog, summoned his master before him, spoke to
him severely, and ordered him to kill the dog forthwith. The man was
very sorry for the dog, and endeavored to save him till the anger of
the governor was over. He placed him on board of a vessel sailing from
and to the city, so as to prevent his coming on land. The governor
being informed of this by some spy or informer, I know not whom, but
of such there is no lack, summoned the man again before him, and asked
him if he had killed his dog. The man answered he had not, but had
done thus and so, whereupon the governor reprimanded him severely,
imposed a heavy fine upon him, and required, I believe, two of his
sons to be security until he had killed the dog in the presence of
witnesses whom he would send for that purpose.
This will be enough, I think, to enable such as have understanding, to
comprehend him. As for us, we did not have much difficulty in
interpreting him from the first. Grace and power have been given us to
act so that neither he nor any one else should have any hold upon us.
For as we were openly before the world, he had not much to do with us,
the more so as you could trust no one, because he has people
everywhere to spy and listen to everything, and carry what they hear
to him; so every one endeavors to stand well with him. In a word he is
very politic; being governor and, changeably, a trader, he appears
friendly because he is both; severe because he is avaricious; and well
in neither capacity because they are commingled. The Lord be praised
who has delivered us safely, and the more, because we were in every
one's eye and yet nobody knew what to make of us; we were an enigma to
all. Some declared we were French emissaries going through the land to
spy it out; others, that we were Jesuits travelling over the country
for the same purpose; some that we were Recollets, designating the
places where we had held mass and confession; others that we were sent
out by the Prince of Orange or the States of Holland, and as the
country was so easily conquered, to see what kind of a place it was,
and whether it was worth the trouble to endeavor to recover it, and
how many soldiers it would require to hold it; others again that we
had been sent out as principals to establish a new colony, and were
therefore desirous of seeing and examining everything. And thus each
one drifted along according to his wishes. The Papists believed we
were priests and we could not get rid of them; they would have us
confess them, baptize their children, and perform mass; and they
continued in this opinion. The Quakers said we were Quakers, because
we were not expensively dressed, and did not curse and swear, that we
were not willing to avow ourselves as such; but they were jealous
because we had not associated with them. Some said we were Mennonists;
others that we were Brownists, and others again that we were David
Jorists.[396] Every one had his own opinion, and no one the truth.
Some accused us of holding conventicles or meetings, and even at the
magistrate's or burgomaster's, and named the place where and the
persons who attended them, some of whom were required to purge
themselves of the charge, and others were spoken to in a different
way. It was all finally found to be false, and that they were
mistaken, though few of them were cured of their opinion. The
ministers caused us to be suspected; the world and the godless hated
and shunned us; the hypocrites envied and slandered us; but the simple
and upright listened to us and loved us; and God counselled and
directed us. May He be praised and glorified by all His children to
all eternity, for all that He is, and all that He does, for all that
He is doing for them, and all that He may do for them, to all
eternity.
[Footnote 396: A sect of mystical and antinomian Anabaptists,
followers of David Joris of Delft (d. 1556); otherwise called
Familists, or the Family of Love.]
_12th, Wednesday._ Theunis came to our house and took leave of us with
great tenderness and with many tears, he committing us, and we him, to
God and His grace, recommending himself to our prayers and the prayers
of God's children--his beloved brothers and sisters, he said, to whom,
although he had never seen them, he requested us to make his
salutations.[397] In the evening Ephraim also came to take leave,
intending to go south in order to leave his wife there during her
confinement. We said to each of them what we deemed necessary.
[Footnote 397: Meaning the community of Wieuwerd.]
_13th, Thursday._ It was first announced that we were to leave on
Wednesday, then the following Saturday, afterwards on Tuesday, and
again on Thursday without fail. Finally we spoke to the skipper or
supercargo, Paddechal, who told us he could not leave before the
governor returned, who had some letters of importance to send by him.
This evening Annetje Sluys, of whom we have spoken,[398] came to see
us. She had some ambergris which she wanted us to take, but we did not
know what to do in regard to the terms. Among others, we made three
different propositions; namely, we would fix the price at eight pieces
of eight the ounce here, and would endeavor to sell it in Holland as
high as we could, and would take one-half of what it brought over that
valuation for our trouble, provided we could take our portion of the
profit out in ambergris at the current price; or, we would take it all
ourselves at eight pieces of eight the ounce to be paid for in
Holland; or, she should give us one ounce for our trouble and we would
sell the rest of it for her and send back the proceeds to her in
goods. The second proposition seemed to be the most profitable, if we
had a correct knowledge of the ambergris, but we had none at all; and
if it were not good it would be a great loss. The first proposition
might, or might not, yield us a profit, but it seemed to us too
tradesmanlike. It therefore remained with the last one. There were
twelve ounces of it good, or what we considered good, and four ounces
bad. One ounce was weighed off for us, and the rest was taken upon
that condition. My comrade gave her a receipt, acknowledging it was
received from her on such conditions, and she gave a memorandum of the
goods which she wanted for the proceeds.[399]
[Footnote 398: Not identified.]
[Footnote 399: At this point there is a break in the journal. See the
Introduction to the volume.]
JOURNAL OF OUR VOYAGE FROM NEW NETHERLAND
_Until Our Arrival at Wywert, in Friesland_
1680, JUNE _19th, Wednesday._ We embarked at noon in the yacht of Mr.
Padechal, supercargo and captain, residing in Boston. The anchor was
weighed at last; but as we had to wait a long time for the governor's
yacht, the tide was nearly all spent. The wind was from the northwest.
The crew consisted of three men and a boy, besides the captain; but
there was another sailor on board who was a passenger. Many persons
came to escort the captain, and also a woman, who was going with us;
and as soon as they had gone we hastened to leave. The wind being
ahead, we tacked and towed, until we anchored at Hellgate, almost at
flood tide, at four o'clock, in the afternoon. The woman who was going
over with us was born at Rhode Island, in New England, and was the
wife of the captain of the _Margaret_, one of Frederick Flipsen's
ships. I have never in my whole life witnessed a worse, more foul,
profane, or abandoned creature. She is the third individual we have
met with from New England, and we remarked to each other, if the rest
of the people there are to be judged by them, we might perhaps do them
great injustice; for the first one from Boston whom we saw was a
sailor, or he passed for one, on board the ship in which we sailed
from the Fatherland. They called him the doctor, and if he were not or
had not been a charlatan, he resembled one; the second was our
skipper, Padechal, who had told us so many lies; and now this infamous
woman. They all belong to this people who, it is said, pretend to
special devoutness; but we found them, the sailor, and the rest, like
all other Englishmen, who, if they are not more detestable than the
Hollanders, are at least no better.
_20th, Thursday._ It was about ten o'clock in the forenoon before the
flood began to make. The wind was southwest, but light. We weighed
anchor and towed through Hellgate, when the wind and tide served us
until we passed Whitestone,[400] as far as which the tide, from the
direction of New York, usually reaches. We sailed bravely by and
obtained the ebb tide in our favor which carried us this evening
beyond Milford.
[Footnote 400: In the easterly part of Flushing, Long Island.]
_21st, Friday._ We had shot ahead very well during the night, with the
wind west and south-southwest, on a course due east, so that by
morning we reached the end of Long Island. The governor's yacht, which
had to stop at Fisher's Island, a little to the leeward of us, which
is subject to New England, but which the governor is now endeavoring
to bring under his authority, and for that purpose had sent his yacht
there with letters, left us this morning with a salute. We observed a
vessel ahead of us under sail, running before the wind, and we came up
to her about nine o'clock. She was a small flute from Milford, laden
with horses and bound for Barbados. We hailed her, and as her captain
was an acquaintance of our captain and an Independent, our captain
went on board of her, where he staid two hours. When he returned we
kept our course, and she sailed to the south in order to get to sea.
As soon as we reached the end of Long Island, they began to throw
their fish lines, and continued to catch mackerel all day long. I
think the European mackerel are better and fatter. We came to an
island called Maertens Wingaert,[401] about four o'clock in the
afternoon, having the Elizabeth Islands on the larboard and sailing
between the two, with our course easterly and a lighter wind. Our
captain had prayers every evening, performed in this way. The people
were called together, and then, without anything being spoken
previously, he read a chapter, then a psalm or part of one was sung,
after that they all turned their backs to each other, half kneeling,
when a common formulary of prayer was said which was long enough, but
irreverently enough delivered. It was not done mornings. From what I
have experienced the Hollanders perform it better, are more strict
mornings and evenings, and more devout.
[Footnote 401: Martha's Vineyard. They sailed through Vineyard Sound.]
There was no moon, and the weather was cloudy. We continued sailing
onward until two o'clock after midnight, when the captain going aloft
cried out, "Strike the sails! strike the sails! let them run! let
them run! we are on the rocks, let the anchor fall!" This startled me
so that I cannot tell how I reached the deck, and ran forward. I saw
we were indeed close upon a reef of rocks directly before us, and that
we were under considerable headway. We did our best to lower the
sails, and throw the anchor over. The headway was checked somewhat,
but the anchor would not hold. We found that the spritsail had caught
in the anchor-stock in consequence of the hurry in lowering the sail
and throwing anchor, but it was some time before we could discover
what was the matter and get the anchor loose; it then held fast in
three fathoms of water at a musket shot's distance from the reef and
about as far from the shore. We lay there until daylight on a lee
shore, but fortunately it did not blow hard.
_22d, Saturday._ As soon as the day broke, and we saw where we were,
we got under sail again with the wind, the same as before. In sailing
between the land, namely Maertens Wyngaert, and the reef, the course
is to the point of the island, running east-southeast in three and two
and a half fathoms till you have this point on the side, and then you
have passed the reef. We continued on until we reached the westerly
point of the island of Nantoeket, along which we sailed to the
easterly point, and thence due north until noon; but the flood tide
running in strong, and the vessel not being well steered, we were
carried to the west among the shoals. The weather was rather rough and
the atmosphere hazy, so that we could not see far. The shoals were
ahead of us, and we had only two fathoms, and even less, of water. The
captain and helmsman were confused, and hardly knew where they were.
This happened two or three times. In order to avoid the shoals, we had
to keep to the east. We were fearful we should strike upon them, and
it was therefore best to look out and keep free of them. About three
o'clock we caught sight of the main land of Cape Cod, to which we
sailed northerly. We arrived inside the cape about six o'clock, with a
tolerable breeze from the west, and at the same time saw vessels to
the leeward of us which had an east wind, from which circumstance we
supposed we were in a whirlwind. These two contrary winds striking
against each other, the sky became dark, and they whirled by each
other, sometimes the one, and sometimes the other being strongest,
compelling us to lower the sails several times. I have never seen such
a twisting and turning round in the air as at this time, the clouds
being driven against each other, and close to the earth. At last it
became calm and began to rain very hard, and to thunder and lighten
heavily. We drifted along the whole night in a calm, advancing only
twelve or sixteen miles.
_23d, Sunday._ A breeze blew up from the northeast. It was fortunate
for us that we arrived inside of Cape Cod yesterday evening, before
this unfavorable weather, as we should otherwise have been compelled
to put back to Rhode Island. We could now still proceed; and we laid
our course northwest to Boston. We arrived at the entrance of the
harbor at noon, where we found a considerable rolling sea caused by
the ebb tide and wind being against each other. There are about thirty
islands here, not large ones, through which we sailed, and reached
Boston at four o'clock in the afternoon, our captain running with his
yacht quite up to his house in the Milk-ditch.[402]
[Footnote 402: This seems to mean the creek which made in from the
cove at the foot of Milk Street.]
The Lord be praised, who has continued in such a fatherly manner to
conduct us, and given us so many proofs of His care over us; words are
wanting to express ourselves properly, more than occasions for them,
which we have had abundantly.
We permitted those most in haste to go ashore before us, and then went
ourselves. The skipper received us politely at his house, and so did
his wife; but as it was Sunday, which it seems is somewhat strictly
observed by these people, there was not much for us to do to-day. Our
captain, however, took us to his sister's where we were welcome, and
from there to his father's, an old corpulent man, where there was a
repetition of the worship, which took place in the kitchen while they
were turning the spit, and busy preparing a good supper. We arrived
while they were engaged in the service, but he did not once look up.
When he had finished, they turned round their backs, and kneeled on
chairs or benches. The prayer was said loud enough to be heard three
houses off, and also long enough, if that made it good. This done, he
wished us and his son welcome, and insisted on our supping with him,
which we did. There were nine or ten persons at the table. It being
in the evening, and we strangers, Mr. Padechal requested us to lodge
with him this night, as we did, intending in the morning to look out
for accommodations. We were taken to a fine large chamber, but we were
hardly in bed before we were shockingly bitten. I did not know the
cause, but not being able to sleep, I became aware it was bed-bugs, in
such great numbers as was inconceivable. My comrade, who was very
sleepy, fell asleep at first. He tumbled about very much; but I did
not sleep any the whole night. In the morning we saw how it was, and
were astonished we should find such a room with such a lady.