Above Fort Albany there are occasionally good flats on both sides of

the river, at the foot of the hills, and also some fine islands up to

the Cahoos; which is where the colony of Rentselaerwyck is planted.

The river begins above Fort Albany to divide itself, first by islands,

and then by the main land, into two arms or branches, one of which

turns somewhat towards the west and afterwards entirely west through

Schoonechten, towards the country of the Maquaas, and this branch, on

which the Cahoos lies, is called the Maquaas Kill. The other preserves

the course of the main river for the most part, or a little more

easterly, and retains also the name of the North River. It runs far up

into the country, and has its source in a lake 120 to 160 miles in

length,[366] out of which a stream probably empties into the St.

Lawrence, a river of Canada; for not only do the Indians, but the

French also, pass over here in canoes from Canada. We ourselves have

conversed with persons who have thus come over, some by water, and

others by land and on foot. Of the Cahoos we have already spoken, in

relating our journey there. Those falls are a great and wonderful work

of God; but although they have so much water that the wind causes the

spray and moisture to rise continually in the air, so that spectators

who stand two hundred feet or so higher are made wet, especially when

there are any gusts of wind driving from one side, as happened to us,

yet we regard the falls on the Northwest Kill [the Passaic] as more

curious, though smaller, and having less water. Even on the North

River, there are several small creeks and falls more rare to see than

the Cahoos. Beyond the Cahoos the land is not so high above the water;

and no fish pass from below into the river above, in consequence of

the interruption caused by the falls, nor can any boats be carried

over the falls, up or down, which is a great inconvenience for those

who live above the Cahoos, at Schenectady and other places, although

when the country shall become more inhabited, and they shall have more

occasion, they will take means to remedy this difficulty. Through the

whole of that extensive country they have no fish, except some small

kinds peculiar to the streams, such as trout, sunfish, roach, pike,

etc.; and this is the case in all the creeks where there are falls.

[Footnote 366: Referring, but of course mistakenly, to Lake Champlain,

or Lakes Champlain and George.]

The North River abounds with fish of all kinds, throughout from the

sea to the falls, and in the branch which runs up to the lake. To

relate a single instance: some persons near Albany caught in a single

haul of a common seine between five and six hundred fine shad, bass,

perch, and other fish, and there were, I believe, over five hundred of

one kind. It is not necessary for those who live in the city [of New

York], and other places near the sea, to go to the sea to fish, but

they can fish in the river and waters inside; or even to the Great

Bay, except such as live upon it, and they can by means of _fuycks_ or

seines not only obtain fish enough for their daily consumption, but

also to salt, dry, and smoke, for commerce, and to export by shiploads

if they wish, all kinds of them, as the people of Boston do; but the

people here have better land than they have there, where they

therefore resort more for a living to the water.

There is much beautiful quarry stone of all kinds on this river, well

adapted for building purposes and for burning lime; and as fine cedar

wood as we have seen anywhere. Nevertheless, for suitableness of

navigation, and for rich land on both sides, all the way up, the South

River excels the North; but what gives the North River the preference,

and crowns it over the South River, is its salubrious climate; though

above Christina Creek the South River is healthy, and it is every day

becoming more so, along the whole of that river. On the North River,

however, one has not to wait and die before this improvement may take

place.

As soon as we arrived in the city, we resolved upon going to Long

Island, for the purpose of taking leave according to promise of the

kind acquaintances we had living there; and therefore on the

_9th, Thursday_, we started about ten o'clock. In crossing the ferry

we met Elbert, the father-in-law of Jan Theunissen,[367] who came over

with us and professed so much friendship towards us. Elbert was going

to the city and intended to return again soon; but we thought it would

not be before evening, which would be too long to wait for him. We

therefore proceeded on to his house at the bay, where we arrived at

noon. We found there Gerrit the wheelwright;[368] and Jan Theunissen

soon came in from the fields; but as the father-[in-law] was not at

home we had to tarry, although we had intended to go to Najack. While

we were sitting there Domine Van Zueren[369] came up, to whom the

boors called out as uncivilly and rudely as if he had been a boy. He

had a chatting time with all of them. As Jan Theunissen had said to us

in the house, that if the domine only had a chance once to speak to

us, Oh, how he would talk to us! that we avoided him, and therefore

could not be very good people; now, as we were there, we sat near him

and the boors and those with whom he was conversing. He spoke to us,

but not a word of that fell from him. Indeed, he sat prating and

gossiping with the boors, who talked foully and otherwise, not only

without giving them a single word of reproof, but even without

speaking a word about God or spiritual matters. It was all about

houses, and cattle, and swine, and grain; and then he went away.

[Footnote 367: See pp. 30, 52, 59, 61, _supra_.]

[Footnote 368: Gerrit van Duyn.]

[Footnote 369: Rev. Casparus van Zuuren, of Gouda in Holland, was one

of the four Dutch Reformed ministers now remaining in New York (and

Delaware)--Schaets, Nieuwenhuisen, van Zuuren, Tesschenmaker--and was

minister of Midwout (Flatbush), Brooklyn, and Amersfoort (Flatlands),

but lived at Midwout. He came out from Holland in 1677 and returned to

a pastorate there in 1685.]

_10th, Friday._ The morning was rainy, and we could not go out early;

but the weather became better after breakfast, about nine o'clock,

when we took our leave and left for Najack, where we arrived at eleven

o'clock at Jaques's. He had been sick with a large ulcer on his neck,

but that was now better. We were welcome. Among other matters, he told

us that he had heard the report about our Theunis, but he did not know

what to believe or think of it. We told him the whole truth about it,

as he was capable of believing it, for he was at the best a Socinian.

Theunis had formerly lived in that neighborhood[370] and Jaques at

that time missed a cow which was pasturing in the woods with the other

cattle, as they always do. They made a thorough search after her, but

could not find her. Although Jaques had some suspicion of Theunis, he

did not manifest it even to those who spoke to him about Theunis in

connection with the subject. It happened that Theunis came to Jaques's

house, when Jaques embraced the opportunity, and took him on the shore

near his house. After talking of various matters, Jaques spoke to him

about his cow, how she was carried off, and they never could hear

anything about her. He then began to push Theunis a little closer, who

laughed at it heartily at first; but by hard pressing and proofs which

Jaques gradually brought forward, and especially by appeals to his

conscience, whether he had not the fear of God before his eyes,

Theunis acknowledged he had done it, and falling on his knees prayed

for forgiveness. He had stolen the cow and killed her. Jaques, who is

one of the justices, said, "I forgive you from the bottom of my heart,

but I do this only to cause you to reflect and desist from your

wickedness, and to show you that you do not know or fear God, and that

you may fear Him more." Whereupon Theunis was much affected, and went

away entirely subdued, while Jaques was rejoiced that he had had the

opportunity of relieving his mind about Theunis. Jaques, who had known

him from his youth up, said he had been a very godless person, cursing

and swearing and, in a word, living in direct hostility to God. We

told Jaques that better things were now to be expected from him, at

which Jaques was pleased.

[Footnote 370: In 1664 Jacob Hellekers and Theunis Idensen both lived

in New Utrecht. _N.Y. Col. Doc._, II. 481. Jaques is Jacques

Cortelyou. Socinian means a Unitarian, a follower of Faustus Socinus.]

We dined with Jaques; and his little son came and presented us a

humming-bird he had shot. Jaques impressed us very much with his

sincerity and cordiality in everything we had to do with him, or

wherein he could be of any service to us. We left with him the little

book which we had lent to him, and which he said he had found much

pleasure in reading, _Les Pensees de M. Pascal_. We took our leave of

him, and went directly through the fields to Gouanes, where we arrived

at two o'clock. Simon[371] and his wife were out upon some newly

cleared land planting water-melons; for water-melons must always have

new ground, or the worms will destroy them. They went into the house

with us. They also spoke about Theunis, and we disabused them of

several things. They showed us some pieces of ambergris, which their

brother had brought from the Caribbean Islands, and which we thought

was good. We said to them what we deemed proper for them, and took our

leave, reaching the city in good time.

[Footnote 371: Simon Aertsen de Hart.]

De la Grange and his wife arrived this evening from the South River by

land, leaving their nephew behind, who had made arrangements to come

over with Ephraim in eight days. Meanwhile we made inquiries about

going to Boston, and they informed us that a vessel had sailed during

our absence, but we were not ready, and there would be another one

going in eight or ten days.

_11th, Saturday._ We finished with our tailor, and paid him 77

guilders in _zeewan_, that is, 25 guilders and 8 stivers in Holland

money.[372]

[Footnote 372: About ten dollars.]

_13th, Monday._ We settled with our old hosts and paid them. We

continued our inquiries for an opportunity to leave, but without

success.

_15th, Wednesday._ As we were crossing the street, the lord governor,

passing by, saw us and called to us. We went him, and he asked us what

we thought of the lands around Albany. We answered, they were very

good, but limited, being flats here and there, and that the woodland,

in particular, was not worth much. "But," he said, "you have not been

to Wappings Kill."[373] We replied, that we had not. "That is," he

rejoined, "a beautiful place, about three-quarters of an hour inland,

on a fine creek which you can navigate with yachts, and it lies just

through the Highlands, directly opposite the Dans Kamer." And with

that he left us.

[Footnote 373: Wappinger's Creek, in Dutchess County.]

_16th, Thursday._ As there was still a portion of our small stock of

goods remaining, we traded it with De la Grange, who expected his boat

from the South River with peltries and other articles, with which he

would pay us.

_17th, Friday._ The boat which they had said would sail to-morrow, was

posted to sail next Wednesday; but we think it will be postponed still

longer.

_18th, Saturday._ We prepared our letters for _Patria_.

_19th, Sunday._ A ship arrived from Barbados. One had also arrived

last week from London, which had been six weeks and three days on the

voyage; but we did not receive any letters, nor did De la Grange, and

we could learn nothing certain.

Meanwhile we conversed with several persons who came to visit us,

among others with a woman who had undergone, several years ago, some

remarkable experiences; of a light shining upon her while she was

reading in the New Testament about the sufferings of the Lord Jesus,

which frightened her very much. It did not continue long but soon

passed off; yet it left, nevertheless, such a joy and testimony in her

heart as she could not describe. She kept it to herself, without

making it known to any one except only one woman. Some years

afterwards, while lying abed in the morning, she heard a voice which

said to her, she must make this glory known, which she did do to

Domine Nieuwenhuise, who told her he did not know what to say. She had

also mentioned it to others, and to one man who played the part of a

wise man, but who was not a good man. He said to her, "You must not go

any more to church, for you are wise enough, and will become still

wiser. You must not go to the Lord's Supper, for the Lord has said,

'do that until I come,'" and many other such things, in order to

frighten the poor woman. He once came to her house and asked her very

harshly and roughly, why she continued to do so, and in whose hands

she would rather fall, into the hands of God, or the hands of men? She

said, poor woman, in the words of David, "Rather in God's hands." "And

I not," said he; "I would rather fall in the hands of men," and then

went away. This has so sorely disturbed this poor woman that for a

long time she has not known what to do; for not to go to church, and

to leave the Lord's Supper, she could not in her heart consent. We

told her that as regards what had happened to her, many things had

occurred to us, and further, what was serviceable therein, without

however condemning them in her; but that the person who had so spoken

to her was a false teacher, and she must be cautious of him; that for

herself in all these and the like matters she must seek for true

grace, for a new heart and power unto true repentance of life, and for

true humility of soul and renunciation of herself and the world. And

thereupon she left. Her name was Marie. She was a Frenchwoman; and her

husband, a Frenchman, who had also been to us twice. He was the son of

Pierre Jardinier of whom we have before spoken.[374] He had a book

with the title of _Le Grand Heraut_, etc., which he highly esteemed;

but he was a real reformed, of France, as they said. The other person,

who played the wise man, was also a Frenchman. His name was Nicolas de

la Pleyne, a relation of hers and professed to be of the

reformed.[375] He had not for a long time been to the Lord's Supper,

but had now gone to it again. He was a tobacco twister by trade.

[Footnote 374: For Pierre the Gardener, Pierre Cresson, see p. 74. The

son referred to was Jacques Cresson, who became a Labadist, and died

in 1684. His wife was Marie Renard. His book was Labadie's _Le Heraut

du Grand Roi Jesus_ (Amsterdam, 1667). After his death his widow went

to Curacao, returned, but removed to Philadelphia, and died there in

1710. The two were among the first members of the Dutch church at

Harlem.]

[Footnote 375: Nicolas de la Pleine, of "Bersweer in France," was

married in 1658 to Susanna Cresson, native of Ryswyk in Holland,

sister of Jacques Cresson. He was constable in 1685.]

We wrote up the river to Robert Sanders of Albany, and to the poor

sick man at the Hysopus, sending him a _vomitorium_ by Meus Hoogboom.

We also went to see the Boston skipper, but he had not obtained any

freight.

_22nd, Wednesday._ Mr. Reinderman arrived overland from the South

River, leaving Ephraim still there. He started the same day that De la

Grange left there, but was not able to overtake him. He had been all

this time on the road, and had had a difficult journey, in consequence

of there being so much water upon the land.

_23d, Thursday._ We went again to inquire after our boat, and found

that the time was changed for the voyage, which made it a great

inconvenience to us to be here so long, without being able to

accomplish anything. But some other Boston vessels had arrived, which,

they said, would return the first opportunity.

_24th, Friday._ Ephraim arrived from the South River at noon to-day,

with his wife, and her sister's mother,[376] and other company,

overland.

[Footnote 376: Apparently this means the mother of Susanna Huyberts,

wife of Casparus Heerman. See p. 130, note 1.]

_25th, Saturday._ We went this forenoon to welcome him. He was still

very much attached to us, and so was his wife, and both were persuaded

and touched with the love which we had shown them, and the wife

particularly, for the favor I had granted her, in sending her the

translation of the _Verheffinge des Geestes_, in reading which she had

experienced great enjoyment, and had been sometimes tenderly affected.

She thanked us for the little parcel of braided goods we had sent her,

which had been very agreeable to her. He promised moreover, if it

should please God to call us again into this country to live and to

establish His beloved church, we need not be at a loss to find a

place; that the land which belonged to him, namely, Bohemia in

Maryland, where his father lived, and of which we have before spoken,

should with his consent be applied to no other purpose; that it should

never go into English hands, hoping that God would give him this

grace.[377] He had brought with him a piece of spermaceti, a portion

of which he presented to us. He told us of the disposition of the

heart of the Heer Jan Moll towards us, who showed us so much

friendship, as we have before related, and will show us all possible

kindness in the future; that he had taken well to heart what we had

commended to him, and had even reformed several matters in his

household, and otherwise; and how it grieved him that Domine

Tessemaker had not grace or ability enough to accomplish anything

serious in the congregation there, of which he was the elder, as well

as president of the king's court. His wife was so far gone in

consumption, that they saw no hope of her recovery.

[Footnote 377: See p. 141, note 2, _supra_.]

_26th, Sunday._ Domine Niewenhuyse being sick, there was no preaching

yet to-day.

_27th, Monday._ We went to call upon Ephraim again, in order to speak

to him particularly, but did not succeed in consequence of his being

visited so much, the more so because his wife's sister was soon to be

married.[378]

[Footnote 378: According to the records of the Dutch Reformed Church

in New York, Elizabeth's half-sister, Helena van Brugh, was married

the day before this, May 26.]

_28th, Tuesday._ The supercargo of the last arrived Boston vessel,

named Padechal,[379] was at M. van Clief's, who spoke to him about our

wishes, and he promised to give us every attention and accommodation,

and that he would leave in the coming week. This inspired us with new

hope of getting away finally after so much delay.

[Footnote 379: Richard Pattishall of Boston. He was killed by the

Indians at Pemaquid in 1692.]

_29th, Wednesday._ The before mentioned Boston trader came to speak

with us himself, at the house of M. van Cleif. We talked with him, and

he promised us every thing fair. The fare from New York to Boston is

twenty shillings in English money for each person, which with the loss

of exchange is a pound sterling in the money of Old England, which

certainly is dear enough.

_30th, Thursday._ It was now Ascension Day, according to the old

style,[380] a day greatly observed by the English. It reminded us of

the day we left home on our travels, which was Ascension Day, old

style. We wrote to-day to Robert Sanders at Albany, in order that, as

we were so long in New York contrary to our intentions, he might

regulate himself in the matter of our poor Wouter, the Indian, who,

according to our mutual understanding, was to go to Boston by land,

with an address from Mr. Robert Sanders, to one John Pisgeon,

merchant, of that city,[381] so that we might find him, or he us, in

order to go to Europe with us, which he so earnestly desired, and we

endeavored with our whole heart to effect; and as this could not well

be done by the way of York, on account of the governor and other

hindrances, we had chosen that way, as it seemed to us the best.

[Footnote 380: But it was also Ascension Day of the new style.]

[Footnote 381: I do not know who this could be if it were not John

Pynchon of Springfield, assistant and councillor of Massachusetts

1665-1703. He owned much property in Boston and was often there; his

large possessions in western Massachusetts and his position as the

chief trader at Springfield would make it natural to use him in the

way described; and in 1677 he had, at Albany, taken part, as

representative of his colony, in Governor Andros's negotiations with

the Mohawks.]

M. de la Grange came with his wife to invite me to accompany them in

their boat to the Wale Bocht,[382] a place situated on Long Island,

almost an hour's distance below the city, directly opposite Correlaers

Hoeck, from whence I had several times observed the place, which

appeared to me very pleasant, although I had never been there. He had

an old aunt and other friends living there. We set off accordingly in

the boat, but the strong flood tide carried us beyond the bay, to a

place called the Burnt Mill, where we could let the tide run out.

Meanwhile we fished a little, but we caught nothing except a small

codfish. From there we landed on the Mahatans, a little north of the

Burnt Mill, on a beautiful farm, having two fine ponds of water before

the door, where a mill was standing. These ponds were full of sunfish,

and other fish, some of which we caught. The flood having run out at

noon, we left there and arrived about two o'clock at the Wale Bocht.

This is a bay tolerably wide where the water rises and falls much, and

at low water is very shallow and much of it dry. Inside of the

easterly point there was a ship aground, which had struck on the reef

of rocks which put out from Corlaer's Hook towards this bay, and had

floated over here and sunk. She was a French privateer, which had

taken some rich Dutch prizes in the bay of Campeachy and was going

through here to New England, in order to dispose of the goods which

would not bring money enough in New York. There were many goods still

in the sunken ship, and they have tried several times to raise her,

but to no purpose. We went ashore here, and observed several kinds of

fish, which I had not seen before in this country, such as flounders,

plaice, sole, etc. This aunt of de La Grange is an old Walloon woman

from Valenciennes, seventy-four years old. She is worldly-minded, with

_mere bonte_,[383] living with her whole heart, as well as body, among

her progeny, which now number 145, and will soon reach 150.

Nevertheless she lived alone by herself, a little apart from the

others, having her little garden, and other conveniences, with which

she helped herself.[384] The ebb tide left our boat aground, and we

were compelled to wait for the flood to set her afloat. De la Grange

having to train next week with all the rest of the people, at New

York, bespoke here a man to go as his substitute. The flood tide

having made, we arrived home by evening.

[Footnote 382: The Walebocht, or bay of the Walloons, was a bight in

the Long Island shore, where the Brooklyn Navy Yard now stands. It was

so named from a group of Walloons who settled there at an early date.

The modern form of the name is Wallabout.]

[Footnote 383: Meaning, apparently, "with mere human goodness."]

[Footnote 384: This old woman was Catalina Trico (1605-1689), widow of

Joris Jansen Rapalie. She was the mother of eleven children, of whom

the eldest, Sara, born in 1625 at Fort Orange, is understood to have

been "the first born Christian daughter in New Netherland," Jean Vigne

(see p. 47, note 2) being the first-born child. Two depositions by her

of 1685 and 1688, printed in _Doc. Hist. N.Y._, III. 31-32, quarto

ed., give interesting details of the beginnings of the colony, for she

came out "in 1623" (1624, rather) in the _Eendracht_ (Unity), the

first ship sent out to New Netherland by the Dutch West India Company.

After three years at Fort Orange and twenty-two at New Amsterdam, she

and her husband settled at the Walebocht. In the second deposition she

speaks of herself as born in Paris, not Valenciennes. How she was aunt

of de la Grange I do not know. He was the son of Joost de la Grange

and Margaret his wife, afterward the wife of Andrew Carr. His wife was

Cornelia de la Fontaine. Joining the Labadists in their purchase, he

was naturalized by the Maryland assembly in 1684, and in 1692 was

understood to be living in their community at Bohemia Manor. _Maryland

Archives_, XIII. 126, XX. 163.]

_31st, Friday._ We sold to the wife of Evert, the late mate of our

ship, a small looking-glass, a steel thimble, a pound and a half of

white darning yarn, and half a pound of brown thread, for which she

gave us a piece of eight.[385]

[Footnote 385: A dollar, piece of eight reals.]

JUNE _1st, Saturday._ Nothing transpired to-day, except that several

persons came to converse with us, to each of whom we spoke according

to his state.[386]

[Footnote 386: It was believed by the local ministers that Danckaerts

and Sluyter while in New York engaged actively in proselytizing. Thus,

Rev. Henricus Selyns, Domine Niewenhuisen's successor, says in a

letter to Rev. Willem a Brakel, "They regularly attended church and

said they had nothing against my doctrines; that they were of the

Reformed Church, and stood by the Heidelberg Catechism and Dordrecht

Confession.... Afterwards, in order to lay the groundwork for a

schism, they began holding meetings with closed doors, and to rail out

against the church and consistory, as Sodom and Egypt, and saying they

must separate from the church; they could not come to the service, or

hold communion with us. They thus absented themselves from the

church." Murphy, _New Netherland Anthology_, pp. 95, 96.]

_2d, Sunday._ There was no preaching in consequence of Domine

Niewenhuise's continued sickness. Ephraim and his wife, among others,

called upon us, and we had several conversations with them, and

satisfied them in regard to our departure.

_3d, Monday._ We went to inquire whether our voyage would take place,

as they said, on Wednesday. They now fixed the last of the week, which

did not please us a great deal, because there was so much fine weather

passing away without our being able to do anything; and also because

we discovered that we could depend as little upon the word of the

people of New England as of others, although they wished to pass for

more upright persons, which we have not been able to perceive.

Journal of Jasper Danckaerts, 1679-1680 · 第 24 / 32 段