THE EARLY CAREER OF ALBUQUERQUE
The name of Albuquerque was already famous in the history of Castile
and of Portugal before the birth of the great man who increased its
lustre. It is not without interest to examine the history of the
family, for it illustrates in a remarkable manner the origin of the
most noble houses of the Peninsula. It is besides always of interest
to study the ancestry of a great man, for the qualities which
distinguished him are generally to be perceived also in former
members of his family.
The family of Albuquerque derived its origin from Dom Affonso
Sanches, an illegitimate son of King Diniz or Denis, _The Labourer_,
and a beautiful Gallician lady, Dona Aldonsa de Sousa. King Denis is
one of the most remarkable figures in the early history of Portugal.
He ascended the throne in 1279, just after the Moors had been
thoroughly conquered and Portugal had attained its European limits by
the annexation of the Algarves. He reigned for nearly half a century,
and, as his _sobriquet_ indicates, was a man of peace. {42} He
devoted himself to improving the internal administration of the
country, to bringing waste lands under cultivation and to encouraging
commerce. But he had another side to his character. King Denis was
one of the earliest of the Portuguese poets. He wrote in the style of
the Troubadours, and imitated their morality as well as their verse.
The mother of Dom Affonso Sanches was one of the most famous of the
king's mistresses, and was very dearly beloved by him. He showered
favours on his illegitimate children, and made Affonso Sanches
Mordomo-Mor, or Lord High Steward, of his realm, to the extreme wrath
of his legitimate heir, who was afterwards King Affonso IV.
The latter years of the reign of King Denis were embittered by war
between the king and the heir apparent. As soon as the latter
ascended the throne in 1325 he banished his half-brothers from
Portugal and confiscated all the lands which his father had granted
to them. Dom Affonso Sanches, who was a renowned warrior, took refuge
at the court of the King of Castile, and there married Dona Theresa
Martins, daughter of Joao Affonso Telles de Menezes and granddaughter
of Sancho III, King of Castile. With her he obtained, in addition to
other lands, the Castle of Albuquerque, near Badajoz, which he
entirely rebuilt. His son Joao Affonso took the name of Albuquerque
from this castle; he married Dona Isabel de Menezes and became
Mordomo-Mor to King Pedro _the Cruel_, of Castile and Leon.
{43} The legitimate issue of this great lord, who was one of the most
important figures in the history of the time, founded the famous
Spanish house of Albuquerque, which gave many distinguished generals
and statesmen to the service of the State. He had also certain
illegitimate children, who returned to Portugal. The two daughters of
this illegitimate family, Dona Beatrice and Dona Maria, were ladies
whose beauty was famous, and they married two brothers of Leonor, the
queen of King Ferdinand of Portugal, the Counts of Barcellos and
Neiva. Their brother, Fernao Affonso de Albuquerque, became Grand
Master of the Portuguese Knights of the Order of Santiago. The
illegitimate daughter of the Grand Master, Dona Theresa, married
Vasco Martins da Cunha, who, by his first marriage, was
great-grandfather of the famous navigator, Tristao da Cunha; his
granddaughter married Goncalo Vaz de Mello, and his
great-granddaughter, Dona Leonor, Joao Goncalvez de Gomide. The
husband of the last-mentioned lady took her famous surname of
Albuquerque, and was the father by her of a numerous family, one of
whom, Pedro de Albuquerque, became Lord High Admiral of Portugal. His
eldest son, Goncalo de Albuquerque, succeeded his father as Lord of
Villa Verde, and married Dona Leonor de Menezes, daughter of Dom
Alvaro Goncalvez de Athaide.
Affonso de Albuquerque, who, it may be remarked, always spelt his
name Alboquerque, which is the version adopted by the early
Portuguese writers, was {44} the second son of this marriage. This
sketch of the history of his ancestors shows to what great families
the future governor of Portuguese Asia was allied; the frequent tale
of unlawful love to be observed throughout it is a feature common to
the records of the most illustrious captains of his time. His elder
brother, Fernao de Albuquerque, married a daughter of Diogo da Silva,
and had two daughters, one of whom married Dom Martinho de Noronha,
and the other Jorge Barreto, both names which often occur in the
history of the Portuguese in the East. His next brother, Alvaro, took
Holy Orders and became Prior of Villa Verde, and his youngest
brother, Martim, was killed by his side at Arzila. His elder sister,
Constance, married Dom Fernao de Noronha, and his younger sister,
Isabel, married Pedro da Silva Relle.
Affonso de Albuquerque was born at Alhandra, a beautiful village
about eighteen miles from Lisbon, in 1453. He was brought up at the
court of King Affonso V, where he is said to have been a page. He was
certainly educated with the king's sons, and became in his early
years a friend of Prince John, afterwards John II. He was not only a
thorough master of his own language, which, as his despatches show,
he wrote with force and elegance, but he also studied Latin and
Mathematics. The latter science was an especial favourite of his and
very useful to him during his voyages, in assisting him to master the
technicalities of navigation, so that he could, in time of need, act
as a pilot. The court of Affonso V was {45} well calculated to stir
the knightly spirit of a lad. The king himself was known as _El Rey
Cavalleiro_ or the _Chivalrous King_; his one delight was in war, and
he was never tired of reading the romances of mediaeval chivalry and
trying to follow the example of its heroes. King Affonso V had also a
great taste for literature: he founded the famous library at Evora,
and his answer to the chronicler, Acenheiro, who asked how he should
write the chronicle of his reign, illustrated his disposition; for he
answered simply, 'Tell the truth.'
In 1471 Affonso de Albuquerque, then a young man of eighteen, served
in King Affonso's third expedition to Morocco, in which the
Portuguese took the cities of Tangier, Anafe, and Arzila. In the last
of these towns he remained for some years as an officer of the
garrison. This was an excellent school for the training of an
officer, and Albuquerque there learnt not only his military duties
but his hatred for the Muhammadans. It was in the garrisons in
Morocco that the Portuguese soldiers and captains, who were to prove
their valour in the East, served their apprenticeship to war; and the
ten years which Albuquerque spent there were not years thrown away.
In 1481, when his friend John II succeeded to the throne, Affonso de
Albuquerque returned to Portugal, and was appointed to the high court
office of Estribeiro-Mor, which is equivalent to the post of Master
of the Horse or Chief Equerry. This office he held throughout the
reign of John II, and his close {46} intimacy with that wise and
great king ripened his intellect and trained him to thoughts of great
enterprises. John II was always thinking of the direct sea route to
India; Albuquerque shared his hopes, and there can be no doubt that
the grand schemes for establishing Portuguese influence in Asia which
he afterwards conceived, had their origin in his intimacy with _The
Perfect King_. He served on the fleet sent to the Gulf of Taranto to
defend King Ferdinand of Naples against an invasion of the Turks; and
in 1489 he commanded the defence of the fortress of Graciosa, on the
coast of Morocco, against an attack of the Moors.
On the death of John II, in 1495, Affonso de Albuquerque, like the
other intimates of the deceased sovereign, was looked upon coldly by
King Emmanuel. This cannot be wondered at, for John II had murdered
Emmanuel's elder brother with his own hand, and had even thought of
ousting Emmanuel himself from the throne by legitimatising his
natural son Dom Jorge. In 1495, Affonso de Albuquerque returned to
Arzila and served there for some time longer against the Moors. At
this period his younger brother Martim was killed by his side in a
foray, and the boy's death further increased Albuquerque's personal
hatred for all Muhammadans. After this catastrophe Affonso went back
to Portugal, and since King Emmanuel was now firmly fixed upon the
throne, he did not further hesitate to use the services of so
experienced an officer.
{47} In 1503 Affonso de Albuquerque was for the first time despatched
to the Indian seas, in which he was at a later date to perform his
great feats of arms. In this year he only commanded, as has been
said, a little squadron of three ships, and played a part inferior to
that played by his cousin Francisco de Albuquerque, the son of John
II's Lord High Admiral. His chief act of importance at that time was
his commencing to build a fort at Cochin to defend the local
Portuguese factory; but he also visited Quilon and appointed a factor
in that city. Nevertheless, though he did not do much in 1503, he
learnt much that was useful to him in subsequent years. He saw for
the first time the Indian coast, and was enabled to study on the spot
the problems presented by the establishment of the Portuguese.
He also experienced the difficulties of a divided command. He
quarrelled seriously with his cousin, and eventually, in spite of the
king's direct orders to the contrary, he left the Malabar coast
without waiting for his colleague. On leaving Cochin he took the bold
step of shaping his course for Mozambique. Hitherto the Portuguese
fleets had always struck the African coast higher up in order to make
the passage across the Indian Ocean as short as possible.
Nevertheless, guided by a Muhammadan pilot, Albuquerque reached
Mozambique in safety, and after a perilous voyage along the West
Coast of Africa, arrived at Lisbon in July, 1504. His cousin, who had
delayed his departure, was lost at sea with his squadron {48} without
anyone ever knowing where or how they perished.
On his return to Portugal Affonso de Albuquerque was very favourably
received by King Emmanuel. He encouraged the king's idea of securing
the monopoly of the Indian trade, and insisted that the only way by
which this could be done was to close the previous routes by the Red
Sea and the Persian Gulf. Modern ideas of commercial freedom were
unknown even in the last century, when the River Scheldt was closed
by treaties assented to by the chief European powers; and it was
hardly to be expected that in the sixteenth century the general good
of humanity should be preferred to national considerations. King
Emmanuel therefore entered into Albuquerque's schemes for destroying
the commerce carried on by the Muhammadans with India, and resolved
to despatch the chief author of this policy to the East.
Accordingly, in 1506, when Tristao da Cunha was ordered to the East
with a fleet of eleven ships, Albuquerque accompanied him with a
separate squadron of five ships destined to operate on the coasts of
Arabia. Albuquerque was placed under the command of Da Cunha until
the island of Socotra should be conquered and garrisoned by the
Portuguese, after which event Da Cunha was to proceed to India to
load his ships. Albuquerque was then to assume an independent
command, and after doing what he could to close the Red Sea to
commerce was to go to India and take over the supreme command from
{49} the Viceroy, Dom Francisco de Almeida. These secret orders were
not communicated to the Viceroy immediately, and Albuquerque was
directed not to present his commission until Almeida had completed
three years of government. At the same time a powerful fleet was
despatched to the Mediterranean, under the Prior of Crato, who was
instructed to attack the Turks, and thus to prevent them from sending
sailors to assist the Muhammadans in the Eastern seas. Selim I, who
was then ruling at Constantinople, was at issue with the Mameluke
Sultan of Egypt, whom a few years later he conquered, but the
opposition between them was not understood in Portugal, and it was
believed that the Turks would be inclined to assist the Egyptians.
On April 5, 1506, Tristao da Cunha and Affonso de Albuquerque set
sail from the Tagus. Differences between the two commanders soon
appeared. Albuquerque's own pilot had fled to Castile, after
murdering his wife, and, since Tristao da Cunha refused to give him
another pilot, the future Governor of Portuguese India had to
navigate his own vessel. But the difference between them was not due
alone to this personal dispute--the two men were of essentially
different temperaments. Tristao da Cunha was before all things an
explorer; his hope was to discover fresh countries for his royal
master. Albuquerque was, on the other hand, a statesman, fully
impressed with the importance of the mission on which he was sent and
determined to subordinate {50} everything else to it. This radical
difference soon made itself felt. When the united fleet reached
Mozambique, news was brought to the principal commander by Ruy
Pereira Coutinho that he had discovered an island which seemed rich
in cloves and other spices. This island he had named the Island of
San Lourenco, and it is the island now known as Madagascar. Tristao
da Cunha, in spite of the remonstrances of Albuquerque, who refused
to accompany him, went off at once to explore the new land. But,
after a perilous voyage, he abandoned his purpose and joined
Albuquerque to carry out the first aim of the expedition, the
conquest of the island of Socotra.
As they made their way north along the African coast, they paid a
visit to Melinda and renewed the treaty of friendship between the
Chief of that place and the Portuguese. The Chief of Melinda told the
Portuguese captains that the Chiefs of Mombassa and Angoja caused him
much annoyance for his friendship with the Portuguese, and begged
that they would take vengeance on them. In accordance with this
request, the Portuguese sacked and burnt the city of Angoja, the
Chief of which place was 'a Moorish merchant who came from abroad,
but as he was very rich he had made himself lord of all that
land.'[1] The fleet then proceeded to Braboa, or Brava, where the
Muhammadan ruler refused to acknowledge the supremacy of or pay
tribute to the King of Portugal. {51} The place was therefore
attacked and burnt by the Portuguese sailors. In this engagement
Tristao da Cunha was wounded, and at his own request was knighted by
Affonso de Albuquerque on the spot where he had received his wound.
[Footnote 1: Albuquerque's _Commentaries_, vol. i. p. 36.]
After these acts of summary vengeance the Portuguese fleet proceeded
to Socotra. This island, which is situated off Cape Guardafui, in
such a position as to command the Gulf of Aden, had been discovered
by Diogo Fernandes Pereira two years before, and had been visited by
Antonio de Saldanha. They had reported the existence of Christians on
the island, who wished to place themselves under the authority of the
King of Portugal. King Emmanuel had for this reason, as well as on
account of its importance in commanding the Gulf of Aden, ordered
that a fortress should be built upon the island, and had given a
commission as Governor to Albuquerque's nephew, Dom Affonso de
Noronha. The Portuguese found a strong castle on the island, defended
by a Muhammadan garrison of 150 men. It was stormed, after an
engagement lasting seven hours, in which Albuquerque himself was
wounded. A well-armed fortress, to which the name of St. Michael was
given, was then erected, as well as a Franciscan monastery, and the
somewhat degraded Christians, who are described by Marco Polo as
belonging to the Greek Church, were in great numbers baptized in the
Catholic religion. On August 1, 1507, Tristao da Cunha, having
completed the first task appointed to him, sailed away to {52} India
to take in cargo, leaving behind him Affonso de Albuquerque with six
ships. On his way back to Portugal the great explorer, who did not
again go to the East, discovered the solitary island in the Atlantic
which bears his name. He was received with great honour, and was sent
as Portuguese Ambassador to Pope Leo X. His fame was such that the
Pope begged him to take command of an expedition against the Turks.
But the explorer felt he was not a great soldier, and declined the
flattering offer. He eventually returned to Portugal, and died a
member of the King's Privy Council in 1540.
On the departure of Da Cunha, Albuquerque provided for the government
of the island of Socotra. He divided the palm-groves which had
belonged to the Muhammadans among the native Christians, and those
which had belonged to the mosque he gave to the Christian churches.
He then refitted his ships and left Socotra, with the intention of
intercepting the Muhammadan merchant-vessels on their way from India
to Egypt. Before long he began to have disputes with the captains of
his principal ships. His own flagship, the _Cirne_, was in good
control, and he was always bravely helped in his difficulties by his
gallant young nephew, Dom Antonio de Noronha. But the captains of the
other ships which had accompanied him from Portugal--Francisco de
Tavora, Antonio do Campo, Affonso Lopes da Costa, and Manoel
Telles--were inclined to resent his authority, and objected to
cruising on the barren coast of {53} Arabia instead of fetching
lucrative cargoes from India. Their opposition was fomented by a
famous captain, Joao da Nova, the discoverer of the island of St.
Helena, who had come to the East with Dom Francisco de Almeida, and
who showed himself throughout his career in Asia to be Albuquerque's
most implacable enemy. He had joined the fleet at Socotra, in command
of one of the finest Portuguese ships ever launched, the _Flor de la
Mar_, and had been directed, much to his chagrin, by Tristao da Cunha
to remain with Albuquerque.
Being in need of supplies, the Portuguese commander next resolved to
shape his course for the Persian Gulf. He had at first intended to
penetrate the Red Sea, but having become possessed of a chart of the
Persian Gulf made by a Muhammadan pilot, he bent his way thither
instead. The important city of Ormuz, at the mouth of the Persian
Gulf, was at this time one of the great centres of the Eastern trade.
Not only did a certain portion of trade for Europe pass through it,
but the large and important commerce carried on between Persia and
India was concentrated there. The wealth and prosperity of Ormuz is
described in glowing terms by all early travellers in Asia, and it is
called in ancient books 'the richest jewel set in the ring of the
world.' Albuquerque quickly grasped the importance of getting
possession of Ormuz; he saw that he might by that means not only
intercept the Indian trade which went that way, but might also
establish a {54} direct trade between Persia and Europe. Persian
commodities, as well as those of India, were much valued in Europe.
Hitherto they had generally passed through the hands of the merchants
of the Levant; but the Portuguese statesman at once perceived that it
would be possible to convey them more cheaply by the direct sea-route
to Portugal.
The first place at which Albuquerque touched on his way to Ormuz was
Calayate (K[a-macron]lh[a-macron]t), which the inhabitants described
as the door of Ormuz. It was a great resort for shipping, and
exported horses and dates in large quantities to India. Albuquerque
was favourably received there, and took in supplies. Following the
coast, the Portuguese bombarded Curiate and Muscat, where they were
badly received, and with atrocious cruelty Albuquerque ordered the
ears and noses of the Muhammadan prisoners to be cut off before they
were released. On October 10, 1507, he reached Ormuz, and there
entered into negotiations with Cogeatar (Khojah Atar), the Prime
Minister of the King of Ormuz. The Portuguese commander first
demanded that the native ruler should declare himself a vassal of the
King of Portugal and should promise to pay tribute to him. In this he
was successful. He then demanded a site on which to erect a fortress
to be garrisoned by a Portuguese force. The foundations of this
fortress were marked out on October 24, 1507, and the building was
undertaken by native labour under Portuguese superintendence.
Meanwhile, the disgust of {55} the Portuguese captains increased;
they protested against the conduct of Albuquerque, and spoke openly
of leaving him and going by themselves to India. In consequence of
this conduct Albuquerque suspended Francisco de Tavora from the
command of his ship. Nor were the sailors less mutinous: four of them
escaped to the native minister and informed Cogeatar of the
dissensions which prevailed. Albuquerque haughtily demanded the
immediate surrender of the deserters, and threatened to attack Ormuz
in case of a refusal.
On the news of the contemplated assault the rebellious captains, on
January 5, 1508, presented a remonstrance to their commander, which
is so characteristic of the difficulties which beset Albuquerque on
every side, and so illustrative of the impression formed by his
character, that it is worth quoting in full:--
'SIR,--We do this in writing, because by word of mouth we dare not,
as you always answer us so passionately; and for all that you, Sir,
have frequently told us that the King gives you no orders to take
counsel with us, yet this business is of so great an importance,
that we consider ourselves obliged to offer you our advice; did we
not do so, we should be worthy of punishment. Now, because this
war, in which you are now desirous of engaging, is very much
opposed to the interest of the King, our Lord, we consider that
your Excellency ought to weigh well, before entering upon it, how
little Cogeatar is to blame for objecting to have against all
reason to pay down in ready money 15,000 cruzados of revenue every
year, contrary to the honour of such a large city and kingdom; yet,
if notwithstanding all this, your {56} Excellency is determined to
prosecute the war, and break the peace and agreement which has been
made with him, it is our opinion that you ought not to do so; for
it would be more to the service of the King, our Lord, if we were
now to quit this city and temporize with Cogeatar, and in the
course of the year return in strength in order to subdue it, and
confirm our hold upon it, than to destroy it for ever. And if, in
spite of all we can say, your Excellency is bent upon entering into
this war, see you that it be with all the circumspection and
assurance that the fleet can command, in that it is more conducive
to the interest of our said Lord to obtain possession and not to
destroy the city now, since it can be destroyed at any time we
please; because, in case of your Excellency's landing in Ormuz or
at the city we are determined not to go with you, nor enter into
such a war, nor such designs, and that this may be known for
certain, and we be not able to deny it hereafter, we all sign our
names here: this day, the 5th of the month of January, 1508.
JOAO DA NOVA,
ANTONIO DO CAMPO,
AFFONSO LOPES DA COSTA,
FRANCISCO DE TAVORA,
MANOEL TELLES.'[2]
[Footnote 2: Albuquerque's _Commentaries_, vol. i. pp. 169, 170.]
It need hardly be said that Albuquerque refused to listen to this
remonstrance. Francisco de Tavora, whom he had pardoned and restored
to his command, declared himself on Albuquerque's side, and in a few
hours all the captains
'begged him very earnestly to do them the favour to forget it all,
for their passion had blinded them, and all were {57} ready to
serve him in the war and to perform all that he might require of
them.'[3]
[Footnote 3: Albuquerque's _Commentaries_, vol. i. p. 172.]
Albuquerque accordingly attacked Ormuz and defeated the troops who
had assembled to prevent his landing; but Cogeatar knew of the
discontent of the captains, and steadfastly refused to surrender the
deserters. With Joao da Nova the situation soon became still more
strained. This captain was undoubtedly the leader of the malcontents,
and at last, after a disgraceful scene, Albuquerque ordered him under
arrest. An enquiry was made into his conduct and that of his ship's
crew, and in the words of the _Commentaries_,
'the captain and all the men were found to be so guilty that it was
thought to be better counsel to forgive them, considering the times
they had fallen upon, and the necessity there was of them, than to
punish them as they deserved; ... and he [Albuquerque] ordered them
to return to the ship, and released Joao da Nova from custody and
returned him his captaincy, not caring to hear any more of his
guilt, but leaving the punishment of it for the King to settle,
although he had, in the instructions given to him, granted him
power for all.'[4]
[Footnote 4: Albuquerque's _Commentaries_, vol. i. p. 189.]
These troubles in his fleet caused Albuquerque to abandon his project
of building a castle at Ormuz, and he therefore sailed away, in April
1508, to intercept the Muhammadan merchant-ships on their way from
India. The disputes with his captains still continued, and three of
them--Antonio do Campo, Affonso {58} Lopes da Costa, and Manoel
Telles--deserted him and went to India. Their desertion was soon
followed by that of Joao da Nova, whose departure deprived him of the
finest ship in his squadron. With his diminished force of only two
ships Albuquerque sailed to Socotra, where he found the garrison
suffering from want of provisions, having nothing to eat but
palm-leaves and wild fruit. He then cruised for some time in the Gulf
of Aden, and eventually he finally disgraced Francisco de Tavora, his
sole remaining captain, who disgusted him by further mutinous
behaviour.
After cruising for four months in the Gulf of Aden, during which time
he only took one prize, he proceeded once more to Calayate
(K[a-macron]lh[a-macron]t). The governor of the place was an intimate
friend of Cogeatar, and did not receive the Portuguese as favourably
as he had done in the previous year. On observing symptoms of
resistance Albuquerque promptly attacked the city, and after a
furious engagement, in which Dom Antonio da Noronha especially
distinguished himself, Calayate was sacked and burnt. The ships in
the harbour were also destroyed, and with great barbarity the ears
and noses of all the Muhammadans who were taken prisoners were cut
off.
Albuquerque then went on to Ormuz, where he heard the news of the
sea-fight off Chaul, in which Dom Lourenco de Almeida had been
killed. Cogeatar also forwarded to Albuquerque a letter which he had
received from Dom Francisco de Almeida, the Portuguese Viceroy. In
this letter Albuquerque's conduct in {59} the previous year was
greatly blamed, and the Viceroy declared his intention of chastising
Albuquerque, 'in order that he may learn that wheresoever he shall
receive honour, and give a writing on the King's behalf, he ought not
to alter it, for the King of Portugal is not a liar, and it is
necessary that his captain should not depart from his commands.'[5]
In enclosing this letter to Albuquerque, Cogeatar announced his
intention of informing the Viceroy that Albuquerque was a traitor to
the King of Portugal. In reply to these communications, Albuquerque
sent a haughty letter, in which he defended his conduct during the
previous year:--
'Have I not already many a time told thee,' he wrote, 'that I was
no corsair but Captain-General of the King of Portugal, an old man
and a peaceable one?... In what is stated in the Persian letter
[from the Viceroy] about my not daring to go to him, but that I
went instead to Socotra, know of a certainty that I have fear of no
one except of my King; but, on the contrary, I tell thee that the
captain who knew both how to obtain this kingdom, and conquer a
king in battle, and make him tributary to the King of Portugal,
will be treated with great honour let him go whithersoever he will,
and the Viceroy knows that I have performed my duty in proceeding
to succour the fortress of Socotra, as my King had ordered me, and
that I had not now fled, had I not gone to seek for the supplies
which the captains carried away from me when they departed, leaving
thy fleet of seventy sail against me, although I commanded them to
make for it and destroy it; {60} but this they would not do, and
well it was that it turned out so, since between thee and them
there was such amity.'[6]
[Footnote 5: Albuquerque's _Commentaries_, vol. i. p. 227.]
[Footnote 6: Albuquerque's _Commentaries_, vol. i. pp. 237, 238.]
Albuquerque then promised to demand a strict account some day from
Cogeatar for his behaviour; he swore not to cut his beard until he
had completed the fortress at Ormuz, and, after capturing a rich
merchant-ship, he sailed for India. He had spent two years and eight
months at sea, and was now to show his capacity in a wider sphere.
While Albuquerque was establishing the power of Portugal on the
coasts of Arabia and in the Persian Gulf, Almeida was being
prejudiced against him. The deserter and rebel captains met with a
favourable reception from the Viceroy. They described Albuquerque to
him 'as a very harsh sort of a man, and very hasty, without bearing
in mind the honour of his men,'[7] and declared that he had exceeded
his orders in attempting to build a fortress at Ormuz. This,
according to Almeida, was the head and front of Albuquerque's
offending. It has been said that Almeida's policy was opposed to the
building of many fortresses in the East, on the ground that it would
not be possible to garrison them. He was afraid of the vast schemes
of Albuquerque, and wrote to the King, alleging that Albuquerque had
disobeyed orders by his conduct at Ormuz. Almeida's opposition to the
policy of Albuquerque was increased by a personal grievance owing to
the news which arrived in {61} 1508, that Albuquerque was his
destined successor at the close of three years of government. When,
therefore, Albuquerque reached Cannanore, in December 1508, he found
that the Viceroy was prejudiced against him and had received the
mutinous captains with honour; and on Albuquerque's requesting the
Viceroy to hand over the government to him, Almeida replied that his
term did not expire till January 1509, and that he desired to defeat
the Egyptian fleet of Emir Husain and to wreak vengeance for the
death of his son, Dom Lourenco. Albuquerque acknowledged the force of
these arguments, and retired to Cochin, where he remained inactive
until Almeida's return, in March 1509, after the great victory off
Diu.
[Footnote 7: Albuquerque's _Commentaries_, vol. i. p. 206.]
Albuquerque again demanded that Almeida should resign the government
to him. But the Viceroy, influenced by Joao da Nova and the other
captains, who had good cause to fear Albuquerque's anger,
persistently refused. They drew up a requisition to the Viceroy,
which they got signed by many other officers, stating that Affonso de
Albuquerque 'was a man of great inaptitude, and covetous, and of no
sense, and one who knew not how to govern anything, much less so
great a charge as the Empire of India.'[8] The Viceroy received this
petition favourably. In August, 1509, he ordered Albuquerque to be
imprisoned at Cannanore; he had a regular indictment in ninety-six
counts drawn up against him; he declared his intention of sending him
to {62} Portugal in chains; and he tried to induce Diogo Lopes de
Sequeira, who had just arrived from Portugal, to take over the
government of India. So great was the Viceroy's wrath against
Albuquerque that he gave orders for the destruction of all the houses
in which Albuquerque had lived at Cochin, and took out of them
everything that was to be found there; for he said that it was a case
of treason, and very necessary that Albuquerque should be punished
with rigour.
[Footnote 8: Albuquerque's _Commentaries_, vol. ii. p. 33.]
Matters remained in this state for two months, and the native princes
on the Malabar coast, especially the Raja of Cochin, were at a loss
to understand the causes of these quarrels, for it had been a proud
boast of the Portuguese that they would obey even a cabin boy who
held the King's commission. The hopes of the Zamorin of Calicut began
to revive, and it was fortunate for the Portuguese that, in October
1509, a fresh fleet arrived at Cannanore, under the command of Dom
Fernao de Coutinho, Marshal of Portugal. This powerful nobleman was a
relative of Albuquerque, and at once released him from custody. With
Albuquerque on board, the Marshal sailed to Cochin, and he insisted
that, in compliance with the royal mandate, Albuquerque should be
immediately recognised as Governor of India.
Dom Francisco de Almeida saw that it was necessary for him to yield.
He handed over the government on November 5 to Albuquerque, and on
November 10, 1509, he left Cochin. His murder {63} by savages at
Saldanha Bay has been already noticed, and it is sad to have to
narrate that he died without having been reconciled to his successor
in the government of India. The _Commentaries_ of Albuquerque imply
that it was Albuquerque's fault that a reconciliation was not made,
but, considering his conduct towards his greatest enemy, Joao da
Nova, this does not seem to be probable; for it is written:--
'Joao da Nova died at Cochin in July 1509, so reduced in
circumstances that he had no one to care for him; but Affonso de
Albuquerque forgot all that he had been guilty of towards himself,
and only held in memory that this man had been his companion in
arms, and had helped him in all the troubles connected with the
conquest of the kingdom of Ormuz like a gallant knight, and he
ordered him to be buried at his own expense, with the usual display
of torches, and himself accompanied the body to the grave, clad all
in mourning, a thing the Viceroy would not have done.'[9]
[Footnote 9: Albuquerque's _Commentaries_, vol. ii. p. 49.]
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