funds, more particularly, in paying the Indian troops [Steele to
Anderson, April 17, 1863, _Confederate Records_, chap. 2, no.
270, pp. 197-198]. In November, 1862, the Creeks had requested that
Vore be made their agent and the appointment was conferred upon him
the following May [Scott to Seddon, December 12, 1863, _Official
Records_, vol. xxii, part ii, 1095]. The Creeks were inclined to
be displeased at the delay, especially as they later had no reason
to regret their choice [Moty Kanard to Davis, August 17, 1863.
Ibid., 1107]. It was Cooper, apparently, who suggested sending
up Vore to have him work upon the Creeks [Ibid., 1000].]
territorially in conjunction, and to consult with him he journeyed to
Bonham.[862]
Viewed in the light of subsequent events, the journey was productive
of more evil than good. With Steele absent, the command in Indian
Territory devolved upon Cooper[863] and Cooper employed the occasion
to ingratiate himself with the Indians, to increase his influence with
them, and to undermine the man who he still insisted had supplanted
him. When Steele returned from Texas he noticed very evident signs of
insubordination. There were times when he found it almost impossible
to locate Cooper within the limits of the command or to keep in touch
with him. Cooper was displaying great activity, was making plans
to recover Fort Smith, and conducting himself generally in a very
independent way. October had, however, brought a change in the status
of Fort Smith; for General Smith had completely detached the commands
of Indian Territory and Arkansas from each other.[864] It was not to
Holmes that Steele reported thenceforth but to Smith direct. Taken in
connection with the need that soon arose, on account of the chaos in
northern Texas, for McCulloch[865] to become absorbed in home affairs,
the
[Footnote 862 His destination was apparently to be Shreveport, the
department headquarters [Crosby to Bankhead, September 23, 1863.
_Confederate Records_, chap. 2, no. 268. p. 251].]
[Footnote 863: Cooper's headquarters, in the interval, were to be at
Fort Washita [Ibid.,], where a company of Bass's regiment had
been placed in garrison [Duval to Cooper, July 15, 1863, Ibid.,
p. 145].]
[Footnote 864: _Official Records_, vol. xxii, part ii, 1045.]
[Footnote 865: McCulloch was being greatly embarrassed by the rapid
spread of unionist sentiment and by desertions from his army. The
expedient of furloughing was restarted to. To his credit, be it said,
that no embarrassments, no dawning of the idea that he was fighting
in a failing cause, could make him forget the ordinary dictates of
humanity. His scornful repudiation of Quantrill and his methods was
characteristic of the man. For that repudiation, see, particularly,
McCulloch to Turner, October 22, 1863, Ibid., vol. xxvi. part
ii, 348.]
separation from Arkansas left Indian Territory stranded.
Fort Smith, moreover, was about to become Blunt's headquarters and it
was while he was engaged in transferring his effects from Fort Scott
to that place that the massacre of Baxter Springs occurred, Blunt
arriving upon the scene too late to prevent the murderous surprise
having its full effect. The Baxter Springs massacre was another
guerrilla outrage, perpetrated by Quantrill and his band[866] who,
their bloody work accomplished at the Federal outpost, passed on down
through the Cherokee Nation, killing outright whatever Indians or
negroes they fell in with. It was their boast that they never burdened
themselves with prisoners. The gang crossed the Arkansas about
eighteen miles above Fort Gibson[867] and arrived at Cooper's camp on
the Canadian, October twelfth.[868]
Scarcely had Blunt established his headquarters at Fort Smith,
when political influences long hostile to him, Schofield at their
head,[869] had accumulated force
[Footnote 866: Quantrill's bold dash from the Missouri to the Canadian
had been projected in a spirit of bravado, deviltry, and downright
savagery, and had undoubtedly been incited by the execution of Ewing's
notorious order, _Number Eleven_ [_Official Records_,
vol. xxii, part ii, 473]. That order, as modified by Schofield, had
authorized the depopulating of those counties of Missouri, Jackson,
Cass, Bates, and a part of Vernon, where the guerrillas were believed
to have their chief recruiting stations and where secessionist feeling
had always been dominant. It was at once retaliatory and precautionary
and on a par with the instructions for the removal of the Acadians on
the eve of the breaking out of the French and Indian War. The
banished Missourians have, however, as yet found no Longfellow
to sentimentalize over them or to idealize, in a story of
_Evangeline_, their misfortunes and their character. History has
been spared the consequent and inevitable distortion.]
[Footnote 867: Britton, _Civil War on the Border_, vol. ii, 224.]
[Footnote 868: Quantrill to Price, October 13, 1863, _Official
Records_, vol. xxii, part i, 700-701.]
[Footnote 869: In the matter of domestic politics in Kansas,
particularly as they were shaped by the excitement over the guerrilla
outrages, Schofield belonged to the party of _Moderates_, "Paw
Paws" as its members were called in derision, (cont.)]
sufficient to effect his removal. He was relieved, under Schofield's
orders of October 19, and Brigadier-general John McNeil then assumed
command of the District of the Frontier.[870] Colonel Phillips
continued in charge at Fort Gibson,[871] his presence being somewhat
of a reassurance to the Cherokees, who, appreciating Blunt's energetic
administration, regretted his recall.[872]
Had the Federal Cherokees been authoritatively apprised of the real
situation in the Indian Territory farther south, they need never have
been anxious as to the safety of Fort Gibson. Steele's situation was
peculiarly complex. As private personage and as commander he elicits
commiseration. Small and incapable was his force,[873] intriguing and
intractable were his
[Footnote 869: (cont.) and Blunt, like Lane, Wilder, and others, to
that of the _Extremists_, or _Radicals_. Of the Extremists
the "Red Legs" were the active wing, those who indulged in retaliatory
and provocative outrages. Schofield's animosity against Blunt, to
some extent richly deserved, amounted almost to a persecution. He
instituted an investigation of the District of the Frontier and it was
upon the basis of the findings of the committee of investigation that
he ordered Blunt's retirement [Schofield to Townsend, October 3, 1863,
_Official Records_, vol. xxii, part ii, 595-597; Blunt to Curtis,
November 30, 1864, Ibid., vol. xli, part iv, 727-729]. For
evidence of continued animosity see the correspondence of Champion
Vaughan, Ibid., vol. xxii, part ii, 738, 742.]
[Footnote 870: _Official Records_, vol. xxii, part ii, 666.]
[Footnote 871: For the condition and movements of the Indian
Brigade from November 20, 1863, to December 20, 1863, see _Daily
Conservative_, January 3, 1864.]
[Footnote 872: The resolutions, commendatory of his work, to which
Blunt refers in his letter to Curtis of November 30, were passed by
the Cherokee National Council, October 20, 1863. The text of them
is to be found, as also Chief Christie's letter of transmittal, in
_Official Records_, vol. xxxiv, part ii, 790-791.]
[Footnote 873: Steele reported that on October first he had
"Seminoles, 106; Chickasaws, 208; Creeks, 305; Choctaws, 1,024;
Choctaw militia, 200, and whites, 999" [_Official Records_, vol.
xxii, part i, 34]. Concerning the condition of his entire command,
the best understanding can be obtained from the inspection report of
Smith's assistant inspector-general, W.C. Schaumburg, [Ibid.,
part ii, 1049-1053], October 26, 1863. Schaumburg exhibits conditions
as simply deplorable, Indians poorly mounted, ignorant of drill,
destitute of suitable (cont.)]
subordinates. Of the white force Magruder[874] was doing his utmost to
deprive him, and of the Indian Steele found it next to impossible to
keep account. Insignificant as it was, it was yet scattered here,
there, and everywhere,[875] Cooper conniving at its desultory
dispersion. Instead of strengthening his superior's hands, Cooper was,
in fact, steadily weakening them and all for his own advancement. He
disparaged Steele's work, discredited it with the Indians,[876] and,
whenever possible, allowed a false construction to be put upon his
acts. In connection with the movements of the white troops, is a
case in point to be found. Rumor had it that Bankhead's brigade, now
Gano's,[877] was to be called away for coast defence. Cooper knew
perfectly well that such was not Steele's intention and yet he
suffered
[Footnote 873: (cont.) arms; posts dilapidated; and prominent
tribesmen, like Colonel Tandy Walker, indulging in petty graft,
drawing government rations for members of their families and for their
negro slaves. McCulloch was also of the opinion that conditions in
Indian Territory were pretty bad [_Official Records_, vol.
xxii, part i, 1065], and that the red men were absolutely unreliable
[Ibid., vol. xxvi, part ii, 378].]
[Footnote 874: For Magruder's insolent and overbearing attitude
towards Steele, see his correspondence in Ibid., part ii.
Magruder wanted Indian Territory attached to the District of Texas [p.
295] and was much disgusted that Gano's brigade was beyond his reach;
inasmuch as Smith himself had placed it in Indian Territory and Steele
could retain it there if he so pleased [pp. 349, 369, 371].]
[Footnote 875: _Official Records_, vol. xxii, part ii, 1063,
1065, 1076, 1109.]
[Footnote 876: Cooper's influence was greatest with the Choctaws and
Chickasaws. The Choctaw wavering of which there were numerous signs
[Ibid., 1019, 1024], the disposition of the Choctaw Council
towards neutrality [Ibid., 1042, 1046], which Scott was called
upon to check [Ibid., 1030-1031], and the Choctaw complaint
about the absence or inadequacy of arms [Ibid., 1021] were all
made the most of, in order to accentuate Steele's incapacity for
his task. October 7, the Chickasaw Legislature petitioned for
the elevation of Cooper to the full command in Indian Territory
[Ibid., 1123-1124]. It was, of course, a covert attack upon
Steele.]
[Footnote 877: Dissatisfaction with Bankhead on the part of his men
had been the chief cause of the transfer to Richard M. Gano. Steele
had a good deal of trouble with Gano's brigade as also with Bass's
regiment [See _Confederate Records_, chap. 2, nos. 267, 268].]
the Indians to believe that it was; in order that they might with
impunity charge Steele with having violated their treaty pledges.[878]
To nothing did they hold so rigidly as to the promise that white
troops were always to support Indian.
In the role of Indian superintendent ex officio, Steele had no fewer
difficulties and perplexities than in that of military chief. The
feeding of indigents was a problem not easily solved, if solvable.
In the absence of legislative provision, Hindman had instituted the
questionable practice of furnishing relief to civilians at the cost of
the army commissary and no other course had ever been deemed expedient
by his successors. In July, 1863, Steele had ordered[879] practically
all distribution agencies to be abolished, his reason being that only
refugees,[880] Indians out of their own country, ought, in the
season of ripened and ripening crops, to need subsistence and such
subsistence, being limited in amount and derived altogether from
the army supply, could be most economically handled by the regular
commissaries. As winter approached and the necessity for feeding on a
large scale became again pronounced,
[Footnote 878: _Official Records_, vol. xxii, part ii, 1063-1064,
1064-1065.]
[Footnote 879: "I am instructed by the Gen. Com'dg to direct that
you issue an order abolishing all agencies in the Indian country for
feeding 'Indigents.'
"It is thought that the crops now coming in will be sufficient to
support these people without any further drain upon Govt supplies.
"What little issues are absolutely necessary will be made by
post commissaries."--DUVAL to Lee, July 1, 1863, _Confederate
Records_, chap. 2, no. 268, p. 119.]
[Footnote 880: "I beg leave to recommend to your favorable
consideration the accompanying letter from the Hon. E.C. Boudinot. The
necessity of feeding not only the refugees, but to some extent during
the winter the other Indians, has been recognized by all commanders,
the drouth of last year having cut the crops very short. As the crops
are now maturing I have in a great measure discontinued the issue
except to refugee Cherokees and Osages, both of whom are out of their
own country ..."--STEELE to Smith, July 13, 1863, Ibid., pp.
142-143.]
he was disposed to keep the whole matter still under army regulations
so as to "avoid increasing competition."[881] The army exchequer could
be subsequently reimbursed when specific appropriations for Indians
should be made. Supplies of clothing had naturally to be otherwise
provided for and for those he contracted[882] in northern Texas.
Steele's whole policy with regard to the indigents was subjected to
the severest criticism;[883] for it was based upon the idea that to be
forewarned is to be forearmed. Disappointed speculators and grafters
were chief among his critics and, in spite of all his precautions,
they outwitted him. Peculation appeared on every hand, white sharpers
abounded, and Indians, relatively affluent, subsisted at government
expense.
Another source of embarrassment was developed by the application of
war measures, primarily intended for the states only, to the Indian
country. Indian property was impressed[884] as occasion arose. Very
[Footnote 881: Steele to Scott, August 7, 1863, _Confederate
Records_, pp. 179-180.]
[Footnote 882: Steele to Bryan, November 9, 1863, _Confederate
Records_, chap. 2, no. 267, p. 31. The Reserve Indians had
all along been fed by contract [Steele to Scott, August 7, 1863,
Ibid., no. 268, pp. 179-180]. In the fall, Steele renewed the
contract with Johnson and Grimes [Steele to S.A. Roberts, November 15,
1863, Ibid., no. 267, p. 37] and detailed men from his command,
from Martin's regiment, to assist in its execution [Steele to
McCulloch, November 22, 1863, Ibid., p. 41].]
[Footnote 883: The Creeks were particularly dissatisfied. They claimed
that food and raiment had been promised them, but the source of the
promises Steele was powerless to determine [Steele to Vore, November
20, 1863, Ibid., p. 39]. Indian soldiers on leave seemed to
expect their usual allowances and Cooper, although disclaiming that
he had any desire to "pander to the prejudices" of the natives, was
always to be found on their side in any contention with Steele. To all
appearances, the Indians had Cooper's support, in demanding all the
privileges and profits of regular troops and "all the latitude
of irregular, or partisan" [Steele to Cooper, November 24, 1863,
Ibid., pp. 44-45].]
[Footnote 884: Concerning the request of Steele that cotton and teams
be ordered exempt from impressment, see Steele to Bryan, November
9, 1863. _Confederate Records_, chap. 2, no. 267, p. 31. The
Choctaws had considerable cotton and the question was what was to be
done with it in case of an advance of (cont.)]
frequently was this the case in the matter of transportation
facilities, in that also of negro labor. It was Steele's opinion that
the impressment law and the grain tithe law were not operative as
against the Indians[885] but his necessities forced the practice,
and execution by the army, under his orders, only intensified Indian
opposition to him.
Indian opposition to Steele in tangible form took two directions,
one of which, the advancement of Douglas H. Cooper, has already been
frequently referred to. The other was the advancement of Stand Watie.
During the summer, Stand Watie, as chief of the Confederate Cherokees,
had authorized the formation of a Cherokee brigade,[886] the object
being, the dislodgment of the Federals from Fort Gibson and their
consequent retirement from the Cherokee country. The brigade had not
materialized; but all Stand Watie's subsequent efforts were directed
towards the accomplishment of its patriotic object. Love of country
best explains his whole military endeavor. The enemy in the Cherokee
country he harassed, the enemy elsewhere, he left for others to deal
with. Generally speaking, in consequence, the autumn months of 1863
found Watie hovering around the Arkansas, the Cherokees and their
neighbors with him, while Cooper, almost equally particularistic
because the Choctaws and Chickasaws were his main support, concerned
himself with plans for the recovery of Fort Smith.
[Footnote 884: (cont.) the enemy. Was it to be burnt and the owners
were they to be indemnified [Steele to Anderson, December 9, 1863,
_Confederate Records_, p. 68]? Steele peremptorily forbade
confiscation of Indian property and discouraged any interference "with
the duties of agents, or with the National Council or government of
the tribes" [Steele to Captain J.L. Randolph, enrolling officer, July
7, 1863, Ibid., no. 268, p. 132].]
[Footnote 885: Crosby to A.S. Cabell, October 6, 1863, Ibid.,
no. 267, p. 2.]
[Footnote 886: _Official Records_, vol. xxii, part ii, 1103.]
The fervid patriotism of one leader and the overweening personal
ambition of the other divided the Indians, then, into two camps and it
was but natural that the idea should soon evolve that Indian interests
could be best subserved by the formation of two distinct
Indian brigades. To this idea General Smith, when appealed to,
subscribed;[887] but General Steele was dubious about the propriety of
putting Stand Watie in charge of one of the brigades. "He appears to
exercise," said Steele, "no restraint over his men in keeping them
together, and his requisitions upon the depots seem to be made with
utter disregard of the numbers present or even on his rolls."[888]
General Smith conceived it would be possible, by organizing the
Indians into their own brigades and satisfying them that way, to draw
off the white contingent and make of it a separate brigade, still
operating, however, within the Indian country. To Cooper, the thought
of a separate white brigade was most unwelcome. The Indians could be
an effective force only in close conjunction with white troops. The
separation of whites and Indians would inevitably mean, although not
at present intended, the isolation of the latter and, perhaps, their
ultimate abandonment.
The various proposals and counter-proposals all converged in an
opposition to Steele. His presence in the Indian country seemed to
block the advancement of everybody. Cooper resented his authority
over himself and Stand Watie interpreted his waiting policy as due to
inertness and ineptitude. So small a hold did the Federals really have
on the Indian country that if Steele would only exert himself it could
easily be
[Footnote 887: _Official Records_, vol. 22, part ii, 1055-1056.]
[Footnote 888:--Ibid., 1065.]
broken. But Steele was neither aggressive nor venturesome. His task
was truly beyond him. Discouraged, he asked to be relieved and he
was relieved, Brigadier-general Samuel B. Maxey being chosen as his
successor.[889] Again Cooper had been passed over, notwithstanding
that his Indian friends had done everything they could for him. They
had made allegations against Steele; in order that a major-generalship
might be secured for Cooper and brigadier-generalships for some of
themselves.[890] Boudinot was believed by Steele to be at the bottom
of the whole scheme; but it had been in process of concoction for a
long time and Steele had few friends. General Smith was the stanchest
of that few and even Holmes[891] was not among them.
Obviously, with things in such a chaotic state, military operations
in the Indian country, during the autumn and early winter were almost
negligible.[892] Steele expected that the Federals would attempt a
drive from Fort Smith to the Red River and he collected what forces he
could for that contingency. Little reliance was to be placed upon the
Cherokees since they were intent upon recovering Fort Gibson; but the
Choctaws through whose country the hostile force would proceed, were
the drive made, aroused themselves as in the first days of the war.
They recruited their regiments anew
[Footnote 889: Special Orders, no. 214, December 11, 1863, _Official
Records_, vol. xxii, part ii, 1094.]
[Footnote 890: Steele to S. Cooper, December 19, 1863, Ibid.,
1100-1101.]
[Footnote 891: Boudinot to Davis, December 21, 1863, Ibid.,
1103.]
[Footnote 892: Steele contended that between the very natural fear
that the Indians entertained that the white troops were going to be
withdrawn from their country and Magruder's determination to get those
same white troops, it was impossible to make any move upon military
principles [Steele to Anderson, November 9, 1863, Ibid.,
1064-1065]. Steele refused to recognize Magruder's right to interfere
with his command [Steele to Cooper, November 8, 1863, Ibid.,
1063-1064].]
and they organized a militia; but the drive was never made.[893]
The only military activity anywhere was in the Cherokee country and it
was almost too insignificant for mention. Towards the end of November,
the Federal force there was greatly reduced in numbers, the white and
negro contingents being called away to Fort Smith.[894] The Indian
Home Guards under Phillips were alone in occupation. With a detachment
of the Third Indian, Watie had one lone skirmish, although about one
half of Phillips's brigade was out scouting. The skirmish occurred
on Barren Fork, a tributary of the Illinois, on the eighteenth of
December.[895] Late in November, Watie had planned a daring cavalry
raid into the Neosho Valley.[896] The skirmish on Barren Fork arrested
him in his course somewhat; but, as the Federals, satisfied with a
rather petty success, did not pursue him, he went on and succeeded in
entering southwest Missouri. The raid did little damage and was only
another of the disjointed individual undertakings that Steele deplored
but that the Confederates were being more and more compelled to make.
[Footnote 893: Steele to Gov. Samuel Garland, Nov. 30, 1863,
_Official Records_, vol. xxii, part ii, 1082. Col. McCurtain
of the Choctaw militia reported to Cooper that he expected to have
fifteen hundred Choctaws assembled by December first [Steele to Cano,
December 2, 1863, Ibid., 1085]. The Second Choctaw regiment
continued scattered and out of ammunition [Steele to Cooper, December
22, 1863, Ibid., 1109]. The Seminole battalion was ordered to
report to Bourland for frontier defence [Duval to Cooper, December 20,
1863, Ibid., 1102].]
[Footnote 894: Britton, _Civil War on the Borde_, vol. ii, 236.]
[Footnote 895: _Official Records_, vol. xxii, part i, 781-782.]
[Footnote 896:--Ibid., part ii, 722, 746, 752.]
XIII. ASPECTS, CHIEFLY MILITARY, 1864-1865