PART VI

THE THIRD DUTCH WAR TO THE REVOLUTION

I. THE DUKE OF YORK, 1672-3

II. SIR JOHN NARBROUGH, 1678

III. THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH, 1688

PROGRESS OF TACTICS DURING THE THIRD DUTCH WAR

INTRODUCTORY

For the articles issued by the Duke of York at the outbreak of the

Third Dutch War in March 1672 we are again indebted to Lord

Dartmouth's naval manuscripts. They exist there, copied into the

beginning of an 'Order Book' which by internal evidence is shown to

have belonged to Sir Edward Spragge. It is similar to the so-called

'Royal Charles Sea Book,' and is nearly all blank, but contains two

orders addressed by Rupert to Spragge, April 29 and May 22, 1673, and

a resolution of the council of war held on board the Royal Charles on

May 27, deciding to attack the Dutch fleet in the Schoonveldt and to

take their anchorage if they retired into Flushing.

The orders are not dated, but, as they are signed 'James' and

countersigned 'M. Wren,' their date can be fixed to a time not later

than the spring of 1672, for Dr. Matthew Wren, F.R.S., died on June 14

in that year, having served as the lord admiral's secretary since

1667, when Coventry resigned his commissionership of the navy. They

consist of twenty-six articles, which follow those of the late war so

closely that it has not been thought worth while to print them except

in the few cases where they vary from the older ones.

They are accompanied however in the 'Sea Book' by three 'Further

Instructions,' which do not appear in any previous set. They are of

the highest importance and mark a great stride in naval tactics, a

stride which owing to Granville Penn's error is usually supposed to

have been taken in the previous war. For the first time they

introduced rules for engaging when the two fleets get contact on

opposite tacks, and establish the much-abused system of stretching the

length of the enemy's line and then bearing down together. But it must

be noted that this rule only applies to the case where the fleets are

approaching on opposite tacks and the enemy is to leeward. There is

also a peremptory re-enunciation of the duty of keeping the line and

the order enforced by the penalty of death for firing 'over any of our

own ships.' Here then we have apparently a return to the Duke of

York's belief in formal tactics, and it is highly significant that,

although the twenty-six original articles incorporate and codify all

the other scattered additional orders of the last war, they entirely

ignore those issued by Monck and Rupert during the Four Days' Battle.

We have pretty clear evidence of the existence at this period of two

schools of tactical opinion, which after all is no more than

experience would lead us to suspect, and which Pepys's remarks have

already indicated. As usual there was the school, represented by the

Duke of York and Penn, which inclined to formality, and by pedantic

insistence on well-meant principles tended inevitably to confuse the

means with the end. On the other hand we have the school of Monck and

Rupert, which was inclined anarchically to submit all rules to the

solvent of hard fighting, and to take tactical risks and unfetter

individual initiative to almost any extent rather than miss a chance

of overpowering the enemy by a sudden well-timed blow. Knowing as we

do the extent to which the principles of the Duke of York's school

hampered the development of fleet tactics till men like Hawke and

Nelson broke them down, we cannot but sympathise with their

opponents. Nor can we help noting as curiously significant that

whereas it was the soldier-admirals who first introduced formal

tactics, it was a seaman's school that forced them to pedantry in the

face of the last of the soldier-school, who tried to preserve their

flexibility, and keep the end clear in view above the means they had

invented.

Still it would be wrong to claim that either school was right. In

almost every department of life two such schools must always exist,

and nowhere is such conflict less inevitable than in the art of war,

whether by sea or land. Yet just as our comparatively high degree of

success in politics is the outcome of the perpetual conflict of the

two great parties in the state, so it is probably only by the conflict

of the two normal schools of naval thought that we can hope to work

out the best adjusted compromise between free initiative and

concentrated order.

It was the school of Penn and the Duke of York that triumphed at the

close of these great naval wars. The attempt of Monck and Rupert to

preserve individual initiative and freedom to seize opportunities was

discarded, and for nearly a century formality had the upper hand. Yet

the Duke of York must not be regarded as wholly hostile to initiative

or unwilling to learn from his rivals. The second and most remarkable

of the new instructions acquits him. This is the famous article in

which was first laid down the principle of cutting off a part of the

enemy's fleet and 'containing' the rest.

Though always attributed to the Duke of York it seems almost certainly

to have been suggested by the tactics of Monck and Rupert on the last

day of the Four Days' Battle, June 4, 1666. According to the official

account, they sighted the Dutch early in the morning about five

leagues on their weather-bow, with the wind at SSW. 'At eight

o'clock,' it continues, 'we came up with them, and they having the

weather-gage put themselves in a line to windward of us. Our ships

then which were ahead of Sir Christopher Myngs [who was to lead the

fleet] made an easy sail, and when they came within a convenient

distance lay by; and the Dutch fleet having put themselves in order we

did the like. Sir Christopher Myngs, vice-admiral of the prince's

fleet, with his division led the van. Next his highness with his own

division followed, and then Sir Edward Spragge, his rear-admiral; and

so stayed for the rest of the fleet, which came up in very good

order. By such time as our whole fleet was come up we held close upon

a wind, our starboard tacks aboard, the wind SW and the enemy bearing

up to fall into the middle of our line with part of their fleet. At

which, as soon as Sir Christopher Myngs had their wake, he tacked and

stood in, and then the whole line tacked in the wake of him and stood

in. But Sir C. Myngs in fighting being put to the leeward, the prince

thought fit to keep the wind, and so led the whole line through the

middle of the enemy, the general [Monck] with the rest of the fleet

following in good order.'

The account then relates how brilliantly Rupert fought his way

through, and proceeds, 'After this pass, the prince being come to the

other side and standing out, so that he could weather the end of their

fleet, part of the enemy bearing up and the rest tacking, he tacked

also, and his grace [Monck] tacking at the same time bore up to the

ships to the leeward, the prince following him; and so we stood along

backward and forward, the enemy being some to windward and some to

leeward of us; which course we four times repeated, the enemy always

keeping the greatest part of their fleet to windward, but still at so

much distance as to be able to reach our sails and rigging with their

shot and to keep themselves out of reach of our guns, the only

advantage they thought fit to take upon us at this time. But the

fourth time we plying them very sharply with our leeward guns in

passing, their windward ships bore up to relieve their leeward party;

upon which his highness tacked a fifth time and with eight or ten

frigates got to the windward of the enemy's whole fleet, and thinking

to bear in upon them, his mainstay and main topmast being terribly

shaken, came all by the board.' Monck not being able to tack for

wounded masts 'made up to the prince,' and then the Dutch, after a

threat to get between the two admirals, suddenly bore away before the

wind for Flushing.[1]

The manoeuvre by which Myngs attempted from to windward to divide the

enemy's fleet and so gain the wind of part of it seems to be exactly

what the new instruction contemplated, while its remarkable provision

for a containing movement seems designed to prevent the disastrous

confusion that ensued after the Dutch line had been broken. This

undoubtedly is the great merit of the new instruction, and it is the

first time, so far as is known, that the principle of containing was

ever enunciated. In this it compares favourably with everything we

know of until Nelson's famous memorandum. Its relations to Rodney's

and Howe's manoeuvres for breaking the line must be considered

later. For the present it will suffice to note that it seems designed

rather as a method of gaining the wind than as a method of

concentration, and that the initiation of the manoeuvre is left to the

discretion of the leading flag officer, and cannot be signalled by the

commander-in-chief.

As to the date at which these three 'Further Instructions' were first

drawn up there is some difficulty. It is possible that they were not

entirely new in 1672, but that their origin, at least in design, went

back to the close of the Second War. In Spragge's first 'Sea Book'

there is another copy of them identical except for a few verbal

differences with those in the second 'Sea Book.' In the first 'Sea

Book' they appear on the back of a leaf containing some 'Sailing

Instructions by the Duke of York,' which are dated November 16, 1666,

and this is the latest date in the book. Moreover in this copy they

are headed 'Additional Instructions to be observed in the next

engagement,' as though they were the outcome of a previous

action. Now, as Wren died on June 10 (o.s.), and the battle of

Solebay, the first action of the Third War, was fought on May 28

(o.s.), it is pretty clear that it must have been the Second War and

not the Third that was in Spragge's mind at the time. Still if we have

to put them as early as November 1666 it leaves the question much

where it was. Besides the idea of containing the main body of the

enemy after cutting off part of his fleet, the death penalty for

firing over the line is obviously designed to meet certain regrettable

incidents known to have occurred in the Four Days' Battle. Nor is

there any evidence that they were used in the St. James's fight of

July 25, and as this was the last action in the war fought, the 'next

engagement' did not take place till the Third War. It is fairly clear

therefore that we must regard these remarkable orders as resulting

from the experience of the Second War, and as having been first put in

force during the Third one.

After the battle of Solebay these supplementary articles were

incorporated into the regular instructions as Articles 27 to 29. This

appears from a MS. book belonging to Lord Dartmouth entitled 'Copies

of instructions and other papers relating to the fleets. Anno 1672' It

contains a complete copy of both Sailing and Fighting Instructions,

with a detailed 'order of sailing' for the combined Anglo-French

fleet, dated July 2, 1672, and a corresponding 'order of battle' dated

August 1672. It also contains the flag officers' reports made to the

Duke of York after the battle.

Instructions for the 'Encouragement for the captains and companies of

fireships, small frigates, and ketches,' now appear for the first

time, and were repeated in some form or other in all subsequent

orders.

Finally, it has been thought well to reprint from Granville Penn's

_Memorials of Penn_ the complete set of articles which he gives

in Appendix L. No date is attached to them; Granville Penn merely says

they were subsequent to 1665, and has thereby left an unfortunate

impression, adopted by himself and almost every naval historian, both

British and foreign, that followed him, that they were used in the

campaign of 1666, that is, in the Second Dutch War. From the fact

however that they incorporate the 'Further Instructions for Fighting'

countersigned by Wren, we know that they cannot have been earlier than

1667, while the newly discovered MS. of Lord Dartmouth makes it

practically certain they must have been later than August 1672. We may

even go further.

For curiously enough there is no evidence that these orders, on which

so much doubtful reasoning has been based, were ever in force at all

as they stand. No signed copy of them is known to exist. The copy

amongst the Penn papers in the British Museum which Granville Penn

followed is a draft with no signature whatever. It is possible

therefore that they were never signed. In all probability they were

completed by James early in 1673 for the coming campaign, but had not

actually been issued when, in March of that year, the Test Act

deprived him of his office of lord high admiral, and brought his

career as a seaman to an end. What orders were used by his successor

and rival Rupert is unknown.

Of even higher interest than this last known set of the Duke of York's

orders are certain additions and observations which were subsequently

appended to them by an unknown hand. As it has been found impossible

to fix with certainty either their date or author, I have given them

by way of notes to the text. They are to be found in a beautifully

written and richly bound manuscript in the Admiralty Library. At the

end of the volume, following the Instructions, are diagrammatic

representations of certain actions in the Third Dutch War, finely

executed in water-colour to illustrate the formation for attack, and

to every plan are appended tactical notes relating to the actions

represented, and to others which were fought in the same way. The

first one dealt with is the 'St. James's Fight,' fought on July 25,

1666, and the dates in the tactical notes, as well as in the

'Observations' appended to the articles, range as far as the last

action fought in 1673. The whole manuscript is clearly intended as a

commentary on the latest form of the duke's orders, and it may safely

be taken as an expression of some tactician's view of the lessons that

were to be drawn from his experience of the Dutch Wars.

As to the authorship, the princely form in which the manuscript has

been preserved might suggest they were James's own meditations after

the war; but the tone of the 'Observations,' and the curious revival

of the word 'general' for 'commander-in-chief,' are enough to negative

such an attribution. Other indications that exist would point to

George Legge, Lord Dartmouth. His first experience of naval warfare

was as a volunteer and lieutenant under his cousin, Sir Edward

Spragge, in 1665. Spragge was in fact his 'sea-daddy,' and with one

exception all the examples in the 'Observations' are taken from

incidents and movements in which Spragge was the chief actor. One long

observation is directed to precautions to be taken by flag officers in

shifting their flags in action, so as to prevent a recurrence of the

catastrophe which cost Spragge his life. Indeed, with the exception of

Jordan, Spragge is the only English admiral mentioned. Dartmouth was

present at all the actions quoted, and succeeded in constituting

himself a sufficient authority on naval affairs to be appointed in

1683 to command the first important fleet that was sent out after the

termination of the war. These indications however are far too slight

to fix him with the authorship, and his own orders issued in 1688 go

far to rebut the presumption.[2]

Another possible author is Arthur Herbert, afterwards Lord

Torrington. He too had served a good deal under Spragge, and had been

present at all the battles named. This conjecture would explain the

curious expression used in the observation to the seventh instruction,

'The battle fought in 1666.' There was of course more than one battle

fought in 1666, but Herbert was only present in that of July 25th, the

'St. James's Fight,' represented in the manuscript--and it was his

first action. But here again all is too vague for more than a mere

guess.

But whoever was the author, the manuscript is certainly inspired by

someone of position who had served in the last two Dutch Wars, and its

undeniable importance is that it gives us clearly the development of

tactical thought which led to the final form of Fighting Instructions

adopted under William III, and continued till the end of the

eighteenth century. The developments which it foreshadows will

therefore be best dealt with when we come to consider those

instructions. For the present it will be sufficient to note the

changes suggested. In the first place we have a desire to simplify

signals and to establish repeating ships. Secondly, for the sake of

clearness the numbering of the articles is changed, every paragraph to

which a separate signal is attached being made a separate instruction,

so that with new instructions we have thirty-three articles instead of

James's twenty-four. Thirdly, we have three new instructions

proposed: viz., No. 5, removing from flag officers the right to divide

the enemy's fleet at their discretion without signal from the admiral;

No. 8, giving a signal for any squadron that has weathered part of the

enemy by dividing or otherwise to bear down and come to close action;

and No. 17, for such a squadron to bear down through the enemy's line

and rejoin the admiral. All of these rules are obviously the outcome

of known incidents in the late war. There are also suggested additions

or alterations to the old articles to the following effect: (1) When

commanders are in doubt or out of sight of the admiral, they are to

press the headmost ships of the enemy all they can; (2) When the enemy

'stays to fight' they are to concentrate on his weathermost ships,

instead of his headmost, as under the old rule; (3) Finally, while

preserving the line, they are to remember that their first duty is 'to

press the weathermost ships and relieve such as are in distress.'

It is this last addition to the Duke of York's sixteenth article that

contains the pith of the author's ideas. All his examples are chosen

to show that the system of bearing down together from windward in a

line parallel to that of the enemy is radically defective, even if all

the advantages of position and superior force are with you, and for

this reason--that if you succeed in defeating part of the enemy's line

you cannot follow up your success with the victorious part of your own

without sacrificing your advantage of position, and giving the enemy a

chance of turning the tables on you. Thus, if your rear defeats the

enemy's rear and follows it up, your own line will be broken, and as

your rear in pressing its beaten opponents falls to leeward of the

enemy's centre and van it will expose itself to a fatal

concentration. His own view of the proper form of attack from windward

is to bear down upon the van or weathermost ships of the enemy in line

ahead on a course oblique to the enemy's line. In this way, he points

out, you can concentrate on the ships attacked, and as they are beaten

you can deal with the next in order. For so long as you keep your own

line intact and in good order, regardless of your rear being at first

too distant to engage, you will always have fresh ships coming into

action at the vital point, and will thus be able gradually to roll up

the enemy's line without ever disturbing your own order. Fortifying

himself with the reflection that 'there can be no greater

justification than matter of fact,' he proceeds to instance various

battles in the late wars to show that this oblique form of attack

always led to a real victory, whereas whenever the parallel form was

adopted, though in some cases we had everything in our favour and had

fairly beaten the Dutch, yet no decisive result was obtained.

From several points of view these observations are of high

interest. Not only do they contain the earliest known attempt to get

away from the unsatisfactory method of engaging in parallel lines ship

to ship, but in seeking a substitute for it they seem to foreshadow

the transition from the Elizabethan idea of throwing the enemy into

confusion to the eighteenth century idea of concentration on his most

vulnerable part. In so far as the author recommends a concentration on

the weathermost ships his idea is sound, as they were the most

difficult for the enemy to support; but since the close-hauled line

had come in, they were also the van, and a concentration on the van is

theoretically unsound, owing to the fact that the centre and rear came

up naturally to its relief. To this objection he appears to attach no

weight, partly because no doubt he was still influenced by the old

intention of throwing the enemy into confusion.[3] For since the

line ahead had taken the place of the old close formations it seemed

that to disable the leading ships came to the same thing as disabling

the weathermost. The solution eventually arrived at was of course a

concentration on the rear, but to this at the time there were

insuperable objections. The rear was normally the most leewardly end

of the line, and an oblique attack on it could be parried by wearing

together. The rear then became the van, and the attack if persisted in

would fall on the leading squadron with the rest of the fleet to

windward--the worst of all forms of attack. The only possible way

therefore of concentrating on the rear was to isolate it and contain

the van by cutting the line. But in the eyes of our author and his

school cutting the line stood condemned by the experience of war.[4]

In his 'Observations' he clearly indicates the reasons. He would

indeed forbid the manoeuvre altogether except when your own line

outstretches that of the enemy, or when you are forced to pass through

the enemy's fleet to save yourself from being pressed on a lee

shore. The reasons given are the disorder it generally causes, the

ease with which it is parried, and the danger of your own ships firing

on each other when as the natural consequence of the manoeuvre they

proceed to double on the enemy. The fact is that fleet evolutions were

still in too immature a condition for so difficult a manoeuvre to be

admissible. Presumably therefore our author chose the attack on the

weathermost ships, although they were also the van, as the lesser evil

in spite of its serious drawbacks.

The whole question of the principles involved in his suggestion is

worthy of the closest consideration. For the difficulty it reveals of

effecting a sound form of concentration without breaking the line as

well as of adopting any form that involved breaking the line gives us

the key of that alleged reaction of tactics in the eighteenth century

which has been so widely ridiculed.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] The original draft corrected by Lord Addington, principal

secretary of state, is in _S.P. Domestic_, Car. II, 158.

[2] See _post_, p. 170.

[3] _Cf_. Hoste's second Remark, _post_, p. 180.

[4] In the Instructions which Sir Chas. H. Knowles drew up about 1780,

for submission to the Admiralty he has at p. 16 a remark upon rear

concentration which helps us to see what was in the author's mind. It is

as follows: 'N.B.--In open sea the enemy (if of equal force) will never

suffer you to attack their rear, but will pass you on opposite tacks to

prevent your doing it: therefor the attempt is useless and only losing

time.'

_THE DUKE OF YORK_, 1672.[1]

[+Spragge's Second Sea Book. Dartmouth MSS.+]

_Instructions for the better ordering of his majesty's fleet in

fighting_.

1. Discovery of a fleet, striking the admiral's flag and making a

weft.[2]

2. To come into the order of battle.[2]

3. A red flag on the fore topmast-head, to engage.[2]

4. If overcharged or distressed, a pennant.[2]

5. Ditto, a weft with his jack and ensign.[2]

6. A pennant on the mizen peak or ensign staff if any ship bear away

from the enemy to stop a leak.

If any ship shall be necessitated to bear away from the enemy to stop

a leak or mend what is amiss which cannot otherwise be repaired, he is

to put out a pennant on the mizen peak or ensign staff, whereby the

rest of that ship's squadron may have notice what it is for; and if

the admiral or any flagship should be so, the ships of the fleet or of

the respective squadrons are to endeavour to get up as close in line

between him and the enemy as they can, having always an eye to defend

him in case the enemy should come to annoy him in that condition; and

in case any flagship or any other ship in the fleet shall be forced to

go out of the line for stopping of leaks or repairing any other

defects in the ships, then the next immediate ships are forthwith to

endeavour to close the line either by making or shortening sail, or by

such other ways and means as they shall find most convenient for doing

of it; and if any ship, be it flagship or other that shall happen to

be disabled and go out of the line, then all the small craft shall

come in to that ship's assistance, upon signal made of her being

disabled. If any of the chief flagships or other flagships shall

happen to be so much disabled as that thereby they shall be rendered

unable for present service, in such case any chief flag officer may

get on board any other ship which he may judge most convenient in his

own squadron, and any other flag officer in that case may go on board

any ship in his division.

7. A blue flag on the mizen yard or topmast.[3]

8. To make sail, a red flag on the spritsail, topmast shrouds,

&c.[3]

9. A red flag on the mizen shrouds, to come into the wake or grain of

us.[3]

10. Not to endanger one another.[4]

11. The small craft to attend the motion of the enemy's

fireships.[4]

12. A white flag on the mizen yard-arm or topmast-head, all the small

frigates of the admiral's squadron.[4]

13. To retreat, four guns.[4]

14. None to fire guns till within distance.[5]

15. For the larboard and starboard tacks.[6]

16. To keep the line.[7]

17. If we have the wind of the enemy.[7]

18. If the enemy have the wind of us.[7]

19. The distance of each ship in time of fight.[8]

20. Not to pursue any small number of enemy's ships.[9]

21. For leaving chase.[9]

22. If any ship be disabled in fight.[9]

23. The van of the fleet to tack first.[9]

24. The rear of the fleet to tack first.[9]

25. To fall into the order of battle.[10]

26. To make sail.[10]

JAMES.

By command of his royal highness.

M. WREN.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] This set of orders has marginal rubrics indicating the contents of

each article, and where the article does not differ from the orders of

1665 I have given the rubric only in the text.

[2] Identical with corresponding article of April 10, 1665.

[3] Same as corresponding article of April 10, 1665. Article 10 of

those instructions relating to 'not staying to take possession of

disabled ships' is here omitted.

[4] These four articles are identical with 11, 12, 13 and 14 of April

10, 1665.

[5] Same as Article 16 of April 10, 1665.

[6] Same as Article 15 of April 10, 1665.

[7] These three articles are the same as 1, 2, and 3, of 'Additional

Instructions' of April 18, 1665. The complete set used by Monck and

Rupert in 1666 must have been numbered as above.

[8] Same as 4 and 5 of 'Additional Instructions,' April 18,1665.

[9] These five articles are the same as 6 to 10 of the 'Additional

Instructions,' April 18, 1665.

[10] These two articles are the same as the two 'Additional

Instructions' of April 27, 1665.

_THE DUKE OF YORK'S SUPPLEMENTARY ORDERS_, 1672.

[+Spragge's Second Sea Book. Dartmouth MSS.+]

_Further Instructions for Fighting_.

1. To keep the enemy to leeward.

In case we have the wind of the enemy, and that the enemy stands

towards us and we towards them, then the van of our fleet shall keep

the wind, and when _the rear comes_[1] to a convenient distance

of the enemy's rear shall stay until our whole line is come up within

the same distance of the enemy's van, and then our whole line is to

stand along with them the same tacks on board, still keeping the enemy

to leeward, and not suffering them to tack in the van, and in case the

enemy tack in the rear first, then he that leads the van of our fleet

is to tack first, and the whole line is to follow, standing all along

with the same tacks on board as the enemy does.

2. To divide the enemy's fleet.

In case the enemy have the wind of us and we have sea-room enough,

then we are to keep the wind as close as we can lie until such time as

we see an opportunity by gaining their wakes to divide their fleet;

and if the van of our fleet find that they have the wake of any part

of them, they are to tack and to stand in, and strive to divide the

enemy's body, and that squadron which shall pass first being come to

the other side is to tack again, and the middle squadron is to bear up

upon that part of the enemy so divided, which the last is to second,

either by bearing down to the enemy or by endeavouring to keep off

those that are to windward, as shall be best for service.

3. To keep the line.

The several commanders of the fleet are to take special care that they

keep their line, and upon pain of death that they fire not over any of

our own ships.

(Signed) JAMES.

By command of his royal highness.

(Signed) M. WREN.

FOOTNOTE:

[1] This must be a copyist's error. In Lord Dartmouth's MS. book (see

_ante_, p. 139) it reads 'when they are come.'

__THE DUKE OF YORK_, 1672-3_.

[+Spragge's Second Sea Book. Dartmouth MSS.+]

_Encouragement for the captains and companies of fireships, small

frigates and ketches_.

Although it is the duty of all persons employed in his majesty's fleet

even to the utmost hazard of their lives to endeavour as well the

destroying of his majesty's enemies, as the succouring of his

majesty's subjects, and in most especial manner to preserve and defend

his majesty's ships of war (the neglect whereof shall be at all times

strictly and severely punished), nevertheless, that no inducement may

be wanting which may oblige all persons serving in his majesty's

service valiantly and honourably to acquit themselves in their several

stations, we have thought fit to publish and declare, and do hereby

promise on his majesty's behalf:

That if any of his majesty's fireships perform the service expected of

them in such manner that any of the enemy's ships of war of forty guns

or more shall be burnt by them, every person remaining in the fireship

till the service be performed shall receive on board the admiral,

immediately after the service done, ten pounds as a reward for that

service over and above his pay due to him; and in case any of them

shall be killed in that service it shall be paid to his executors or

next relation over and above the ordinary provision made for the

relations of such as are slain in his majesty's service; and the

captains of such fireships shall receive a medal of gold to remain as

a token of honour to him and his posterity, and shall receive such

other encouragement by preferment and command as shall be fit to

reward him, and induce others to perform the like service. The

inferior officers shall receive each ten pounds in money and be taken

care of, and placed in other ships before any persons whatsoever.

In case any of the enemy's flagships shall be so fired, the recompense

shall be double to each man performing it, and the medal to the

commander shall be such as shall particularly express the eminence of

the service, and his and the other officers' preferments shall be

suitable to the merit of it.

If any of his majesty's fifth or sixth rate frigates, or any ketches,

smacks or hoys in his majesty's service, shall board or destroy any

fireships of the enemy, and so prevent any of them from going on board

any of his majesty's ships, above the fifth rate, besides the

preferment which shall be given to the commanders and officers of such

ships performing such service answerable to the merit, the companies

of such ships or vessels, or in case they shall be killed in that

service, their executors or nearest relations, shall receive to every

man forty shillings as a reward, and such persons who shall by the

testimony of the commanders appear to have been eminently instrumental

in such service shall receive a further reward according to their

merit.

If the masters of any ketches, hoys, smacks, and other vessels hired

for his majesty's service shall endeavour to perform any of the

services aforesaid, and shall by such his attempt lose his vessel or

ship, the full reward thereof shall be paid by the treasurer of his

majesty's navy, upon certificate of the service done by the council of

war, and the said commanders and men serving in her shall receive the

same recompense with those serving in his majesty's ships or vessels.

JAMES.[1]

By command of his royal highness.

FOOTNOTE:

[1] In Capt. Moulton's Sea Book _(Harleian MSS._ 1247, f. 53) is

another copy of these articles which concludes, 'given on board the

Royal Charles the 20th of April 1665. James.' And at foot is written 'a

copy of His Royal Highness's command received from his Excellency the

Earl of Sandwich.' They probably therefore originated in the Second War

and were reissued in the Third.

_FINAL FORM OF THE DUKE OF YORK'S ORDERS, 1673_.

_With the additions and observations subsequently made_.[1]

[+G. Penn, Memorials of Penn+.]

_James, Duke of York and Albany, Earl of Ulster, Lord High Admiral

of England, Scotland, and Ireland, Constable of Dover Castle, Lord

Warden of the Cinque Ports, and Governor of Portsmouth, &c._

_Instructions for the better ordering his majesty's fleet in

fighting_.

Instruction I. Upon discovery of a fleet, and receiving of a signal

from the admiral (which is to be the striking of the admiral's ensign,

and making a weft), such frigates as are appointed (that is to say,

one out of each squadron) are to make sail, and to stand with them, so

nigh as they can conveniently, the better to gain knowledge what they

are, and of what quality; how many fireships, and others; and what

posture their fleet is in; which being done, the frigates are to speak

together, and conclude on the report they are to give; and,

accordingly, to repair to their respective squadrons and

commanders-in-chief; and not to engage (if the enemy's ships exceed

them in number), unless it shall appear to them on the place that they

have an advantage.

Instruction II. At sight of the said fleet, the vice-admiral (or he

who commands in chief in the second place), with his squadron; and the

rear-admiral (or he who commands in chief in the third squadron), with

his squadron; are to make what sail they can to come up, and to put

themselves into that order of battle which shall be given them; for

which the signal shall be the union flag put on the mizen peak of the

admiral's ship; at sight whereof, as well the vice- and rear-admirals

of the red squadron, as the admirals, vice-admirals, and rear-admirals

of the other squadrons, are to answer it by doing the like.

Instruction III. In case the enemy have the wind of the admiral and

fleet, and they have sea-room enough, then they are to keep the wind

as close as they can lie, until such time as they see an opportunity

by gaining their wakes to divide the enemy's fleet; and if the van of

his majesty's fleet find that they have the wake of any considerable

part of them, they are to tack and stand in, and strive to divide the

enemy's body; and that squadron that shall pass first, being got to

windward, is to bear down on those ships to leeward of them; and the

middle squadron is to keep her wind, and to observe the motion of the

enemy's van, which the last squadron is to second; and both of these

squadrons are to do their utmost to assist or relieve the first

squadron that divided the enemy's fleet.[2]

Instruction IV. If the enemy have the wind of his majesty's fleet, and

come to fight them, the commanders of his majesty's ships shall

endeavour to put themselves in one line, close upon a wind, according

to the order of battle.[3]

Instruction V. If the admiral would have any of the fleet to make

sail, or endeavour, by tacking or otherwise, to gain the wind of the

enemy, he will put a red flag upon the spritsail [_sic_], topmast

shrouds, fore-stay, fore topmast-stay; and he who first discovers this

signal shall make sail, and hoist and lower his jack and ensign, that

the rest of the fleet may take notice thereof, and follow.[4]

Instruction VI.[5] If the admiral should have the wind of the enemy

when other ships of the fleet are in the wind of the admiral, then,

upon hoisting up a blue flag at the mizen yard, or mizen topmast,

every ship is to bear up into his wake or grain, upon pain of severe

punishment.

If the admiral be to leeward of the enemy, and his fleet or any part

thereof be to leeward of him, to the end such ships that are to

leeward may come up in a line with the admiral (if he shall put a flag

as before and bear up); none that are to leeward are to bear up, but

to keep his or their ship's luff, thereby to give his ship wake or

grain.

If it shall please God that the enemy shall be put to run, all the

frigates are to make all the sail that possibly they can after them,

and to run directly up their broadsides, and to take the best

opportunity they can of laying them on board; and some ships which are

the heavy sailers (with some persons appointed to command them) are to

keep in a body in the rear of the fleet, that so they may take care of

the enemy's ships which have yielded, and look after the manning of

the prizes.[6]

Instruction VII.[7] In case his majesty's fleet have the wind of the

enemy, and that the enemy stand towards them, and they towards the

enemy, then the van of his majesty's fleet shall keep the wind; and

when they are come within a convenient distance from the enemy's rear,

they shall stay until their whole line is come up within the same

distance from the enemy's van; and then their whole line is to tack

(every ship in his own place), and to bear down upon them so nigh as

they can (without endangering their loss of wind); and to stand along

with them, the same tacks aboard, still keeping the enemy to leeward,

and not suffering them to tack in their van; and in case the enemy

tack in the rear first, he who is in the rear of his majesty's is to

tack first, with as many ships, divisions, or squadrons as are those

of the enemy's; and if all the enemy's ships tack, their whole line is

to follow, standing along with the same tacks aboard as the enemy

doth.

Instruction VIII.[8] If the enemy stay to fight (his majesty's fleet

having the wind), the headmost squadron of his majesty's fleet shall

steer for the headmost of the enemy's ships.[9]

Instruction IX.[10] If, when his majesty's fleet is going before the

wind, the admiral would have the vice-admiral and the ships of the

starboard quarter to clap by the wind and come to their starboard

tack, then he will hoist upon the mizen topmast-head a red flag.

And in case he would have the rear-admiral and the ships of the

larboard quarter to come to their larboard tack, then he will hoist up

a blue flag in the same place.

Instruction X.[11] If the admiral would have the van of the fleet to

tack first, he will put abroad the union flag at the staff on the fore

topmast-head, if the red flag be not abroad; but if the red flag be

abroad, then the fore topsail shall be lowered a little, and the union

flag shall be spread from the cap of the fore topmast downwards.

When the admiral would have the rear of the fleet to tack first, the

union flag shall be put abroad on the flagstaff of the mizen

topmast-head; and for the better notice of these two signals through

the fleet, each flagship is, upon sight of either of the said signals,

to make the same signals, that so every ship may know what they are to

do; and they are to continue out the same signals until they be

answered.[12]

Instruction XI.[13] If the admiral put a red flag on the mizen

shrouds, or the mizen peak, all the flagships are to come up into his

wake or grain.

Instruction XII.[13] When the admiral would have the other squadrons

to make more sail, though himself shorten sail, a white ensign shall

be put on the ensign staff of the admiral's ships.

Instruction XIII.[13] As soon as the fleet shall see the admiral

engage, or make a signal, by putting out a red flag on the fore

topmast-head, each squadron shall take the best advantage to engage

the enemy, according to such order of battle as shall be given them.

Instruction XIV.[13] In time of fight, if the weather be reasonable,

the commanders of his majesty's fleet shall endeavour to keep about

the distance of half a cable one from another; but so as they may also

(according to the direction of their commanders) vary that distance,

as the weather shall prove, and as the occasion of succouring any of

his majesty's ships or of assaulting those of the enemy shall require.

And as for the flag officers, they shall place themselves according to

such order of battle as shall be given.

Instruction XV.[14] No commander of any of his majesty's ships shall

suffer his guns to be fired until the ship be within distance to do

good execution; and whoever shall do the contrary shall be strictly

examined, and severely punished, by a court-martial.

Instruction XVI.[14] In all cases of fight with the enemy, the

commanders of his majesty's ships are to keep the fleet in one line,

and (as much as may be) to preserve the order of battle which they

have been directed to keep before the time of fight.[15]

Instruction XVII.[16] None of the ships of his majesty's fleet shall

pursue any small number of the enemy's ships before the main body of

their fleet shall be disabled, or run.

Instruction XVIII.[16] None shall fire upon the ships of the enemy's

that are laid on board by any of his majesty's ships, but so as he may

be sure he do not endamage his friend.

Instruction XIX.[16] The several commanders in the fleet are to take

special care, upon pain of death, that they fire not over any of their

own ships.

Instruction XX.[17] It is the duty of all commanders of the small

frigates, ketches, and smacks, belonging to the several squadrons (who

are not otherwise appointed by the admiral), to know the fireships

belonging to the enemies, and accordingly observing their motion, to

do their utmost to cut off their boats (if possible); or, if they have

an opportunity, to lay them on board, seize, and destroy them; and, to

this purpose, they are to keep to windward of their squadron, in time

of service. But in case they cannot prevent the fireships from coming

on board of his majesty's ships, by clapping between them (which by

all possible means they are to endeavour), they are in such an exigent

to show themselves men, by steering on board them with their boats,

and, with grapnels and other means, to clear his majesty's ships from

them, and to destroy them. Which service, if honourably performed,

shall be rewarded according to its merit; but if neglected, shall be

strictly examined, and severely punished.[18]

Instruction XXI.[19] The fireships in the several squadrons are to

endeavour to keep the wind; and they (with their small frigates) to be

as near the great ships as they can, attending the signal from the

admiral, and acting accordingly.

If the admiral hoist up a white flag at the mizen yard-arm or

topmast-head, all the small frigates in his squadron are to come under

his stern for orders.

Instruction XXII.[20] In case it should please God that any ships of

his majesty's fleet be lamed in fight, and yet be in no danger of

sinking, nor encompassed by the enemy, the following ships shall not

stay, under pretence of succouring them, but shall follow their

leaders, and endeavour to do what service they can against the enemy;

leaving the succouring of the lame ships to the sternmost of the

fleet; being assured that nothing but beating the body of the enemy's

fleet can effectually secure the lame ships,

Nevertheless, if any ship or ships shall be distressed or disabled, by

loss of mast, shot under water, or the like, so that it is really in

danger of sinking or taking; that or those ship or ships thus

distressed shall make a sign by the weft of his or their jack or

ensign, and those next to them are strictly required to relieve them.

And if any ships or squadron shall happen to be overcharged or

distressed, the next squadron, or ships, are immediately to make

towards their relief and assistance.

And if any ship shall be necessitated to bear away from the enemy, to

stop a leak, or mend what is amiss (which cannot otherwise be

repaired), he is to put a pennant on the mizen peak, or ensign staff,

whereby the rest of that ship's squadron may have notice what it is

for.

If the admiral or any flagship should be so, then the ships of the

fleet, or of the respective squadrons, are to endeavour to get up as

close into a line between him and the enemy as they can; having always

an eye to defend him in case the enemy should come to annoy him in

that condition.

And in case any flagship, or any other ship in the fleet, shall be

forced to go out of the line, for stopping of leaks, or repairing of

any other defect, then the next immediate ships are forthwith to

endeavour to close the line again, either by making or shortening

sail, or by such other ways and means as they shall find most

convenient for doing of it; and all the small craft shall come in to

that ship's assistance, upon a signal made of her being disabled.

And if any of the chief flagships, or other flagships shall happen to

be so much disabled as that they shall be unfit for present service,

in such a case any chief flag officer may go on board any other ship

of his own squadron, as he shall judge most convenient; and any other

flag officer, in that case, may go on board any ship in his

division.[21]

Instruction XXIII.[22] In case of fight, none of his majesty's ships

shall chase beyond sight of the admiral; and at night all chasing

ships are to return to the fleet.

Instruction XXIV.[23] If any engagement by day shall continue till

night, and the admiral shall please to anchor, all the fleet are, upon

a signal, to anchor, in as good, order as may be, which signal will be

the same as in the 'Instructions for Sailing' _(vid._ Instr.

XVIII.); that is to say, the admiral fires two guns, a small distance

one from another, &c.

And if the admiral please to retreat without anchoring, then he will

fire four guns, one after another, so as the report may only be

distinguished; and about three minutes after he will do the like with

four guns more.[24]

FOOTNOTES:

[1] The later _Admiralty MS._ is prefaced by the following

_Observation_: 'There have happened several misfortunes and disputes for

want of a sufficient number of signals to explain the general's

pleasure, without which it is not to be avoided; and whereas it hath

often happened for want of a ready putting forth and apprehending to

what intent the signals are made, they are contracted into a shorter

method so that no time might be lost. It is most certain that in all sea

battles the flags or admiral-generals are equally concerned in any

conflict, and no manner of knowledge can be gained how the rest of the

battle goes till such time as it is past recovery. To prevent this let a

person fitly qualified command the reserve, who shall by signals make

known to the general in what condition or posture the other parts of the

fleet are in, he having his station where the whole can best be

discovered, and his signals, answering the general's, may also be

discerned by the rest of the fleet.'

[2] The _Admiralty MS._ has this _Observation_: 'Unless you can

outstretch their headmost ships there is hazard in breaking through the

enemy's line, and [it] commonly brings such disorders in the line of

battle that it may be rather omitted unless an enemy press you near a

lee shore. For if, according to this instruction, when you have got the

wind you are to press the enemy, then those ships which are on each side

of them shall receive more than equal damages from each other's shot if

near, and in case the enemy but observed the seventh instruction--that

is, to tack with equal numbers with you--then is your fleet divided and

not the enemy's.

[3] The _Admiralty MS._ here inserts an additional instruction,

numbered 5, as follows: 'If in time of fight any flagship or squadron

ahead of the fleet hath an opportunity of weathering any of the enemy's

ships, they shall put abroad the same signal the general makes them for

tacking, which, if the general would have them go about, he will answer

by giving the same again, otherwise they are to continue on the same

line or station.'

_Observation_.--'For it may prove not convenient in some cases to break

the line.'

[4] The _Admiralty MS._ adds, 'And as soon as they have the wind to

observe what other signals the general makes; and in case they lose

sight of the general, they are to endeavour to press the headmost ships

of the enemy all they can, or assist any of ours that are annoyed by

them.' The whole makes Instruction VI. of the _Admiralty MS._ An

_Observation_ is attached to the old instruction as follows:--'This

signal was wanting in the battle fought 11th August, 1673. The fourth

squadron followed this instruction and got the wind of the enemy about

four in the afternoon, and kept the wind for want of another signal to

bear down upon the enemy, as Monsieur d'Estrées alleged at the council

of war the next day. For want of this the enemy left only five or six

ships to attend their motion, and pressed the other squadrons of ours to

such a degree they were forced to give way.' _Cf._ note, p. 181.

[5] The _Admiralty MS._ makes of the three paragraphs of this

instruction three separate instructions, numbered 7, 9, and 10, and

inserts after the first paragraph a new instruction numbered 8, with an

_Observation_ appended. It is as follows: _Additional Instruction, No.

VIII.:_ 'When any of his majesty's ships that have gained the wind of

the enemy, and that the general or admiral would have them bear down and

come to a close fight, he will put abroad the same signal as for their

tacking, and hoist and lower the same till it be discerned; at which,

they that are to windward shall answer by bearing down upon the enemy.

_Observation_.--The same in the battle of Solebay, Sir Joseph Jordan got

the wind and kept it for want of a signal or fireships.' This

_Observation_ appears to be intended as a continuation of the previous

one, the new instruction supplies the missing signal there referred to.

[6] The _Admiralty MS._ has this _Observation_: 'The 28th May, '73,

the battle fought in the Schooneveld, the rear-admiral of their fleet

commanded by Bankart (? Adriaen Banckers) upon a signal from De Ruyter

gave way for some time, and being immediately followed by Spragge and

his division, it proved only a design to draw us to leeward, and that De

Ruyter might have the advantage of weathering us. So that for any small

number giving way it is not safe for the like number to go after them,

but to press the others which still maintain the fight according to the

article following.

[7] No.11 in the _Admiralty MS_. with the following _Observation_: 'In

bearing down upon an enemy when you have the wind, or standing towards

them and they towards you, if it is in your power to fall upon any part

of their ships, those to windward will be the most exposed; therefore

you must use your utmost endeavour to ruin that part. The battle fought

in _1666_, the headmost or winderly ships were beaten in three hours and

put to run before half the rest of the fleet were engaged. We suffered

the like on the 4th of June, for Tromp and De Ruyter never bore down to

engage the body of our fleet, but pressed the leading ships where

Spragge and his squadron had like to have been ruined.'

[8] _Admiralty MS._ No. 12.

[9] For 'headmost of the enemy's ships' the _Admiralty MS_. has

'windmost ships of the enemy's fleet, and endeavour all that can be to

force them to leeward.' Also this _Observation_: 'It may happen that the

headmost of their fleet may be the most leewardly, then in such case you

are to follow this instruction, whereas before it was said to stand with

the headmost ships of the enemy.'

[10] _Admiralty MS_. Nos. 13 and 14. It has the _Observation_: 'This

ought to be for each squadron apart.'

[11] _Admiralty MS_. Nos. 15 and l6. To the first paragraph, or No. 15,

it has the _Observation_: 'It may happen that by the winds shifting

there may be neither van nor rear; then in that case a signal for each

squadron would be better understood, so that you are to follow the 14th

and 15th of the "Sailing Instructions." For in the battle of August '73

the wind shifted and put the whole line out of order.'

[12] The _Admiralty MS_. here inserts a new article, No. 17: 'If the

general would have those ships to windward of the enemy to bear down

through their line to join the body of the fleet, he will put abroad a

white flag with a cross from corner to corner where it can best be

discovered.'

[13] _Admiralty MS_. Nos. 18 to 23.

[14] _Admiralty MS_. Nos, 18 to 23.

[15] _Admiralty MS_. adds: 'having regard to press the weathermost

ships and relieve such as are in distress.' It is worth noting that this

important relaxation of strict line tactics practically embodies the

idea of Rupert's Additional Instruction of 1666. _Supra_, p. 129.

[16] _Admiralty MS_. Nos. 24 to 26.

[17] _Admiralty MS_. No. 27. It adds this _Observation_: 'When the

fleet is to leeward of the enemy you to take care to put yourself in

such a station as that you may (when any signal is given) without loss

of time tack and stand in to the line. And when any part of the fleet or

ships wherein you are concerned are ordered to tack and gain the wind of

the enemy, you are to make all the sail you can and keep up with the

headmost ships that first tack.'

[18] _Admiralty MS. 'Observation_: The reward of saving a friend to be

equal to that of destroying an enemy.'

[19] _Admiralty MS._ Nos. 28 and 29.

[20] _Admiralty MS._ No. 30.

[21] The _Admiralty MS._ has the _Observation:_ 'in changing ships be

as careful as you can not to give the enemy any advantage or knowledge

thereof by striking the flag. In case of the death of any flag officer,

the flag to be continued aloft till the fight be over, notice to be

given to the next commander-in-chief, and not to bear out of the line

unless in very great danger. It hath been observed what very great

encouragement the bare shooting of an admiral's flag gives the enemy,

but this may be prevented by taking in all the flags before going to

engage. It was the ruin of Spragge in the battle of August '73 by taking

his flag in his boat, which gave the enemy an opportunity to discover

his motion, when at the same [time] we saw three flags flying on board

the main topmast-head of three ships which Tromp had quitted.'

[22] _Admiralty MS._ No. 31.

[23] _Admiralty MS._ Nos. 32 and 33.

[24] The _Admiralty MS._ has the _Observation_: 'By reason that guns

are not so well to be distinguished at the latter end of a battle from

chose of the enemy, sky-rockets would be proper signals.' This appears

to be the earliest recorded suggestion for the use of rockets for naval

signalling.

II

MEDITERRANEAN ORDERS, 1678

INTRODUCTORY

In 1677 Narbrough had been sent for the second time as

commander-in-chief to the Mediterranean, to deal with the Barbary

corsairs. To enable him to operate more effectively against Tripoli,

arrangements were on foot to establish a base for him at Malta, and

meanwhile he had been using the Venetian port of Zante. It was at this

time that Charles II, in a last effort to throw off the yoke of Louis

XIV, had married his eldest niece, the Princess Mary, to the French

king's arch-enemy William of Orange, and relations between France and

England were at the highest tension. Preparations were set on foot in

the British dockyards for equipping a 'grand fleet' of eighty sail; on

February 15 was issued a new and enlarged commission to Narbrough

making him 'admiral of his majesty's fleet in the Straits'; Sicily,

which the French had occupied, was hurriedly evacuated; Duquesne, who

commanded the Toulon squadron, was expecting to be attacked at any

moment, and Colbert gave him strict orders to keep out of the British

admiral's way.[1]

It will be seen that it was in virtue of his new commission, and in

expectation of encountering a superior French force, that Narbrough

issued his orders, and they may be profitably compared with those of

Lord Sandwich on the eve of the Second Dutch War as the typical

Fighting Instructions for a small British fleet. No collision however

occurred; for Louis could not face the threatened coalition between

Spain, Holland, and England, and was forced to assent to a general

peace, which was signed at Nymwegen in the following September.

FOOTNOTE:

[1] Corbett, _England in the Mediterranean_, ii. 97-104. The official

correspondence will be found in Mr. Tanner's _Calendar of the Pepys

MSS._, vol. i., and in the _Lettres de Colbert_, vol. iii.

_SIR JOHN NARBROUGH_, 1678.

[+Egerton MSS. 2543, f. 839+.]

_Sir John Narbrough, Knight, admiral of his majesty's fleet in the

Mediterranean seas for this expedition.

Instructions for all commanders to place their ships for their better

fighting and securing the whole fleet if a powerful enemy sets upon

us_.

When I hoist my union flag at the mizen peak, I would have every

commander in this fleet place himself in order of sailing and battle

as prescribed, observing his starboard and larboard ship and leader,

either sailing before or by the wind, and so continue sailing in order

so long as the signal is abroad.

In case a powerful squadron of ships falls with our fleet, and will

fight us, and we see it most convenient to fight before the wind, and

the enemy follow us, I would have every commander place his ships in

this order of sailing prescribed as followeth, and so continue sailing

and fighting, doing his utmost to annoy the enemy, so long as shall be

required for defence of himself and whole fleet.

_Larboard side_. Portsmouth frigate.

Newcastle frigate.

Samuel and Henry 30

Advice 20

Diamond.

Friendship 12

Lion 20

Bonaventure. 11

John and Joseph 10

Pearl frigate.

Return 10

Benjamin and Elizabeth 14

Concord 26

Fountain 8

Leopard 20

Boneto sloop, Baltam^r.[1]

Plymouth, Admiral.

Spragge frigate, Batchelor.[1]

St. Lucar Merchant 20

Prosperous 30

Sapphire frigate

Mary and Martha 30

Delight 9

Olive Branch 10

Italian Merchant 30

Tiger 30

James galley

Dragon 18

Samuel and Mary 24

Mediterranean 16

James Merchant 20

King-fisher frigate.

_Starboard side_. Portland frigate.

In case the enemy be to leeward of us, and force us to fight by the

wind, then I would have each ship in this fleet to follow each other

in a line as afore prescribed, either wing leading the van as the

occasion shall require.

In case I would have the van to tack first (in time of service) I will

spread the union flag at the flagstaff at the fore topmast-head, and

if I would have the rear of the fleet to tack first I will spread the

union flag at the flagstaff at the mizen topmast-head, each commander

being [ready] to take notice of the said signals, and to act

accordingly, following each other as prescribed, and be careful to

assist and relieve any that is in necessity.

In case of separation by foul weather, or by any inevitable accident,

and the wind blows hard westerly, then Zante Road is the place

appointed for rendezvous.

Given under my hand and on board his majesty's ship Plymouth, at an

anchor in Zante Road.

This 4th of May, 1678.

JOHN NARBROUGH.

FOOTNOTE:

[1] Neither Baltimore nor Batchelor nor any similar names of

commissioned officers occur in Pepys's Navy List, 1660-88. Tanner, _op.

cit._

III

THE LAST STUART ORDERS

INTRODUCTORY

The next set of orders we have are those drawn up by George Legge,

first Lord Dartmouth, for the fleet with which he was entrusted by

James II, to prevent the landing of William of Orange in 1688. The

only known copy of them is in the _Sloane MSS._ 3650. It is

unfortunately not complete, the last few articles with the date and

signature being missing, so that there is no direct evidence that it

related to this fleet. There can however be no doubt about the

matter. For it is followed by the battle order of a fleet in which

both ships and captains correspond exactly with that which Dartmouth

commanded in 1688. The only other fleet which he commanded was that

which in 1683 proceeded to the Straits to carry out the evacuation of

Tangier, and it was not large enough to require such a set of

instructions.

We know moreover that in this year he did actually draw up some

Fighting Instructions, shortly after September 24, the day his

commission was signed, and that he submitted them to King James for

approval. On October 14 Pepys, in the course of a long official letter

to him from the admiralty, writes: 'His majesty, upon a very

deliberate perusal of your two papers, one of the divisions of your

fleet and the other touching your line of battle, does extremely

approve the same, commanding me to tell you so.[1]

Lord Dartmouth's articles follow those which James had last drawn up

in 1673 almost word for word, and the only alterations of any

importance all refer to the handling of the line in action. There can

be practically no doubt therefore that we here have the instructions

which Pepys refers to, and that the new matter relating to the line of

battle originated with Dartmouth, as the result of a considerable

experience of naval warfare. After leaving Cambridge he joined, at the

age of 17, the ship of his cousin, Sir Edward Spragge, and served with

him as a volunteer and lieutenant throughout the Second Dutch War. In

1667, before he was 20, he commanded the Pembroke, and in 1671 the

Fairfax, in Sir Robert Holmes's action with the Dutch Smyrna fleet,

and in the battle of Solebay. In 1673 he commanded the Royal Catherine

(84), and served throughout Rupert's campaign with distinction. Since

then, as has been said, he had successfully conducted the evacuation

of Tangier. If on this occasion he needed advice he had at hand some

of the best, in the person of his flag officers, Sir Roger Strickland

and Sir John Berry, two of the most seasoned old 'tarpaulins' in the

service, and both in high estimation as naval experts with James.

The amendments introduced into these instructions, although not

extensive, point to a continued development. We note first that

James's Articles 3 and 4 are combined in Dartmouth's Article 3, so as

to ensure the close-hauled line being formed before any attempt is

made to divide the enemy's fleet. No such provision existed in the

previous instructions. Another noteworthy change under the new article

is that, whether by intention or not, any commander of a ship is given

the initiative in weathering a part of the enemy's fleet if he sees an

opportunity. If this was seriously intended it seems to point to a

reaction to the school of Monck and Rupert, perhaps under Spragge's

influence. Dartmouth's next new article, No. 5, for reforming line of

battle as convenient, regardless of the prescribed order of battle,

points in the same direction.

The only other change of importance is the note inserted in the sixth

article, in which Dartmouth lays his finger on one of the weak points

in James's method of attack from windward by bearing down all

together, and suggests a means by which the danger of being raked as

the ships come down may be minimised.

FOOTNOTE:

[1] _Dartmouth MSS. (Historical MSS. Commission_, XI. v. 160.)

_LORD DARTMOUTH, Oct._ 1688.

[+Sloane MSS. 3650, ff. 7-11+.]

_George, Lord Dartmouth, admiral of his majesty's fleet for the

present expedition_.

_Instructions for the better ordering his majesty's fleet in

fighting_.

1 and 2. _[Same as in Duke of York's_, 1673.]

3. If the enemy have the wind of his majesty's fleet, and come to

fight them, the commanders of his majesty's ships shall endeavour to

put themselves into one line as close upon a wind as they can lie,

according to the order of battle given, until such time as they shall

see an opportunity by gaining their wakes to divide the enemy's fleet,

&c. _[rest as in Article 3 of_ 1673].

4. [_Same as_ 5 _of_ 1673.] [1]

5. If the admiral should have the wind of the enemy, when other ships

of the fleet are in the wind of the admiral, then upon hoisting up a

blue flag at the mizen yard or mizen topmast, every such ship is to

bear up into his wake or grain upon pain of severe punishment. In this

case, whether the line hath been broke or disordered by the shifting

of the wind, or otherwise, each ship or division are not unreasonably

to strive for their proper places in the first line of battle given,

but they are to form a line, the best that may be with the admiral,

and with all the expedition that can be, not regarding what place or

division they fall into or between.

If the admiral be to leeward of the enemy, &c. [_rest as in 6

of 1673_].

6. In case his majesty's fleet have the wind of the enemy, and that

the enemy stands towards them and they towards the enemy, then the van

of his majesty's fleet shall keep the wind, and when they are come at

a convenient distance from the enemy's rear they shall stay until

their own whole line is come up within the same distance from the

enemy's van; and then the whole line is to tack, every ship in his own

place, and to bear down upon them so nigh as they can without

endangering the loss of the wind--[Note that they are not to bear down

all at once, but to observe the working of the admiral and to bring to

as often as he thinks fit, the better to bring his fleet to fight in

good order; and at last only to lask away[2] when they come near

within shot towards the enemy as much as may be, and not bringing

their heads to bear against the enemy's broadsides]--and to stand

along with them the same tacks on board, still keeping the enemy to

leeward, and not suffering them to tack in their van. And in case the

enemy tack in the rear first, he who is in the rear of his majesty's

fleet is to tack first with as many ships or divisions as are those of

the enemy's, and if all the enemy's ships tack, their whole line is to

follow, standing along with the same tacks aboard as the enemy doth.

7 to 9. [_Same as 8 to 10 of 1673_.]

10. [_Same as 11 of 1673, but with yellow flag instead of red_.]

11. When the admiral would have the other divisions to make more

sail, though himself shorten sail, a white ensign shall be put on the

ensign staff for the vice-admiral, a blue for the rear, and for both a

striped.

12. As soon as the fleet shall see the admiral engage or make a

signal by putting out a red flag on the fore topmast-head, each

division shall take the best advantage they can to engage the enemy,

according to such order of battle as shall be given them, and no ship

or division whatsoever is upon any pretence to lie by to fight or

engage the enemy whereby to endanger parting the main body of the

fleet till such time as the whole line be brought to fight by this

signal.

13 to 18. [_Same as 14 to 19 of 1673_.]

18. The several commanders in the fleet are to take special care, upon

pain of severe punishment, that they fire not over any of their own

ships.

19. [_Same as 20 of 1673_.]

20. The fireships in their several divisions are to endeavour to keep

the wind, and they with the small frigates to be as near the great

ships as they can, attending the signal and acting accordingly.

21. [_Same as 22 of 1673_.][3]

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Article 4 of 1673 is omitted, being included in Article 3 above.

[2] To sail with a quartering wind. Morogues urged this precaution a

century later (_Tactique Navale_, p. 209).

[3] The MS. ends abruptly in the middle of this article.

Fighting Instructions, 1530-1816 Publications of the Navy Records Society Vol. XXIX. · 第 6 / 10 章