SOCIAL ORGANIZATION. GOVERNMENT. THE VILLAGE
The village is the social unit within which there are no clans,
no political, or other divisions. The Tinguian are familiar with the
Igorot town, made up of several _ato_ [168] but there is no indication
that they have ever had such an institution.
The head of the village is known as _lakay_. He is usually a man
past middle age whose wealth and superior knowledge have given him
the confidence of his people. He is chosen by the older men of the
village, and holds his position for life unless he is removed for
cause. It is possible that, at his death, his son may succeed him,
but this is by no means certain.
The _lakay_ is supposed to be well versed in the customs of the
ancestors, and all matters of dispute or questions of policy are
brought to him. If the case is one of special importance he will summon
the other old men, who will deliberate and decide the question at
issue. They have no means of enforcing their decisions other than the
force of public opinion, but since an offender is ostracised, until
he has met the conditions imposed by the elders, their authority is
actually very great. Should a _lakay_ deal unjustly with the people,
or attempt to alter long established customs, he would be removed from
office and another be selected in his stead. No salary or fees are
connected with this office, the holder receiving his reward solely
through the esteem in which he is held by his people.
In former times two or three villages would occasionally unite to
form a loose union, the better to resist a powerful enemy, but with
the coming of more peaceful times such beginnings of confederacies
have vanished. During the Spanish regime attempts were made to
organize the pagan communities and to give titles to their officers,
but these efforts met with little success. Under American rule local
self government, accompanied by several elective offices, has been
established in many towns. The contest for office and government
recognition of the officials is tending to break down the old system
and to concentrate the power in the _presidente_ or mayor.
It is probable that the early Tinguian settlement consisted of one
or more closely related groups. Even to-day the family ties are so
strong that it was found possible, in compiling the genealogical
tables, to trace back the family history five or six generations.
These families are not distinguished by any totems, guardian spirits,
or stories of supernatural origin, but the right to conduct the
more important ceremonies is hereditary. Descent is traced through
both the male and female lines, and inheritance is likewise through
both sexes. There are no distinguishing terms for relations on the
father's or mother's side, nor are there other traces of matriarchal
institutions.
Families of means attain a social standing above that of their
less fortunate townsmen, but there is no sharp stratification of
the community into noble and serf, such as was coming into vogue
along many parts of the coast at the time of the Spanish conquest,
neither has slavery ever gained a foothold with this people. The
wealthy often loan rice to the poor, and exact usury of about fifty
per cent. Payment is made in service during the period of planting
and harvesting, so that the labor problem is, to a large extent,
solved for the land-holders. However, they customarily join the
workers in the fields and take their share in all kinds of labor.
The concubines, known as _pota_ (cf. p. 283), are deprived of certain
rights, and they are held somewhat in contempt by the other women,
but they are in no sense slaves. They may possess property, and their
children may become leaders in Tinguian society.
The only group which is sharply separated from the mass is composed
of the mediums, and they are distinctive only during the ceremonial
periods. At other times they are treated in all respects as other
members of the community.
On three occasions the writer has found men dressing like women,
doing women's work, and spending their time with members of that
sex. Information concerning these individuals has always come by
accident, the people seeming to be exceedingly reticent to talk about
them. In Plate XXXVI is shown a man in woman's dress, who has become
an expert potter. The explanation given for the disavowal of his sex is
that he donned women's clothes during the Spanish regime to escape road
work, and has since then retained their garb. Equally unsatisfactory
and unlikely reasons were advanced for the other cases mentioned.
It should be noted that similar individuals have been described from
Zambales, Panay, from the Subanun of Mindanao, and from Borneo. [169]
It has been suggested, with considerable probability, that at least
a part of these are hermaphrodites, but in Borneo, where they act
as priests, _Roth_ states that they are unsexed before assuming
their roles.
_Laws_.--Law, government, and custom are synonymous. Whatever the
ancestors did is right, and hence has religious sanction. The _lakay_
and his advisors will give their decisions according to the decrees
of the past, if that is possible, but when precedent is lacking,
they will deliberate and decide on a course. The following may be
taken as typical of the laws or customs which regulate the actions
of the people, within a group, toward one another.
_Rules governing the family._--A man may have only one wife, but
he may keep concubines. If the wife's relatives suspect that a
mistress is causing the husband's affections to wane, they may hold
the _Nagkakalonan_ or "trial of affection" (cf. p. 282), and if their
charges are sustained, the husband must pay them a considerable amount,
and, in addition, stand all the expenses of the gathering. If it is
shown that they are not justified in their suspicions, the expense
falls on the accusers.
The wife may bring a charge of cruelty or laziness against her husband,
and if it is substantiated, he will be compelled to complete the
marriage agreement and give the woman her freedom. Unfaithfulness on
the part of a wife, or a betrothed girl, justifies the aggrieved in
killing one or both of the offenders. He may, however, be satisfied
by having the marriage gift returned to him, together with a fine
and a decree of divorce.
A man who has a child by an unmarried woman, not a _pota_, must
give the girl's people about one hundred pesos, and must support the
infant. Later the child comes into his keeping, and is recognized as
an heir to his estate.
Marriage is prohibited between cousins, between a man and his adopted
sister, his sister-in-law, or mother-in-law. Union with a second cousin
is also tabooed. It is said that offenders would be cut off from the
village; no one would associate with them, and their children would
be disinherited.
A widow may remarry after the _Layog_ ceremony (cf. p. 290), but all
the property of her first husband goes to his children.
If a wife has neglected her husband during his final illness, she may
be compelled to remain under two blankets, while the body is in the
house (cf. p. 286), unless she pays a fine of ten or fifteen pesos
to his family.
Children must care for and support infirm parents. Should there be
no children, this duty falls upon the nearest relative.
_Inheritance_.--Although a price is paid for the bride, the Tinguian
woman is in no sense a slave. She may inherit property from her
parents, hold it through life, and pass it on to her children.
Following the death of a man, enough is taken from his estate to pay
up any part of the marriage agreement which may still be due, and
the balance is divided among his children. If there are no children,
it is probable that his personal possessions will go to his father
or mother, if they are still living; otherwise, to his brothers and
sisters. However, the old men in council may decide that the wife
is entitled to a share. Should she remarry and bear children to her
second husband, she cannot give any part of this property to them,
but upon her death it goes to the offspring of the first marriage, or
reverts to the relatives. Land is divided about equally between boys
and girls, but the boys receive the major part of the animals, and the
girls their mother's beads. Oftentimes the old men will give the oldest
child the largest share, "since he has helped his parents longest."
Whatever the husband and wife have accumulated in common during their
married life is divided, and the man's portion is disposed of, as
just indicated. Illegitimate children and those of a _pota_ receive a
share of their father's property, but not in the same proportion as
the children of the wife. No part of the estate goes to a concubine
unless, in the judgment of the old men, it is necessary to provide
for her, because of sickness or infirmity.
_Transfer and sharing of property._--Land and houses are seldom
transferred, except at the death of the owner, but should a sale or
trade be desired, the parties to the contract will make the bargain
before the _lakay_ and old men, who thus become witnesses. A feast
is given at such a time, and is paid for by either the seller or
the buyer. The sale or barter of carabao, horses, valuable jars, and
beads may be witnessed in this manner, but the transfer of personal
property is purely a matter between the parties concerned.
If a man works the property of another, he furnishes the seed and
labor, and the crop is divided. If an owner places his animals in the
care of another, the first of the increase goes to him, the second
to the caretaker. Should an animal die, the caretaker must skin
it, and give the hide to the owner, after which he is freed from
responsibility, but he is liable for the loss, theft, or injury to
his charges.
_Murder and Theft._--The relatives of a murdered man may kill his
assailant without fear of punishment, but, if they are willing,
the guilty party may settle with them by paying in Chinese jars,
carabao, or money. The usual payment varies from fifty to one hundred
pesos. A thief is compelled to make restitution, and is also subject
to a small fine.
The practice of evil magic, and the breaking of a taboo, are considered
serious crimes, but as they have been treated under Religion and Magic,
they will not be repeated here.
_Lying, Cheating, Breaches of Etiquette._--Falling outside the realm
of law are those things which may be considered right and wrong,
but the infraction of which carries with it no penalty. Lying, for
instance, is not bad, if it is done to protect yourself or a friend,
but falsifying without purpose is mean and to be despised. Cheating
is not wrong. Your ability to outwit the other person is proof that
you are the smarter man.
It is bad manners for a man to sit with his legs far apart or to
expose all of his clout, or for a woman to sit on the floor with one
leg drawn up. A person should not walk about while others are singing
or dancing. Basi should never be drunk, until it has been offered to
every one present, especially the elders.
Before eating, a person should invite all in the room to join him,
even though he does not expect them to accept. A visitor should never
eat with the wife of another during his absence.
Always call before entering a house. Never enter a dwelling, when
the owner is away, and has removed the ladder from the door. Never
enter a village dirty; stop and bathe at the spring before going up.
Only dogs enter the houses without bathing.
_The Village_ (Plate XXXVIII).--A village generally consists of two
or three settlements, situated near together, and under the authority
of a single _lakay_ or headman. There is no plan or set arrangement
for the dwellings or other structures, but, as a rule, the house,
spirit structure, and perhaps corrals are clustered closely together,
while at the edge of the settlement are the rice granaries and garden
plots. Formerly a double bamboo stockade surrounded each settlement,
but in recent years these have disappeared, and at the time of our
visit only one town, Abang, was so protected.
The dwellings vary in size and shape. They conform in general to
two types. The first and most common is a single room with a door
at one end opening off from an uncovered porch (Plate XXXIX). The
second consists of three rooms, or rather two rooms, between which
is a porch or entry way, all under one roof. There is seldom an outer
door to this entry way, but each room has its own door, and oftentimes
windows opening on to it, so that one has the feeling that we have
here two houses joined by the covered porch. In such buildings this
entry way is a convenient place for hanging nets or for drying tobacco.
In one room is the hearth, the water pots, and dishes, while the
other is the family sleeping-room.
The construction of the dwelling is shown in Plates XL-XLI. A number
of heavy hard-wood posts are sunk deeply into the ground and project
upward 10 or more feet. At a height of 4 or 5 feet above the ground,
crossbeams are lashed or pegged to form the floor supports, while
at the tops are other beams on which the roof rests. Plate XL shows
the skeleton of this roof so plainly that further description is
unnecessary. This framework, generally constructed on the ground, is
raised on to the upright timbers, and is lashed in place. A closely
woven mat of bamboo strips, or of bamboo beaten flat, covers each
side of the roof, and on this the thatch is laid. Bundles of _cogon_
grass are spread clear across the roof, a strip of bamboo is laid
at the upper ends, and is lashed to the mat below. A second row of
thatch overlaps the top of the first, and thus a waterproof covering
is provided.
Another type of roofing is made by splitting long bamboo poles,
removing the sectional divisions and then lashing them to the
framework. The first set is placed with the concave sides up, and runs
from the ridge pole to a point a few inches below the framework, so
as to overhang it somewhat. A second series of halved bamboos is laid
convex side up, the edges resting in the concavity of those below,
thus making an arrangement similar to a tiled roof.
For the side walls this tiled type of construction is commonly used
(Plate LXXVIII). A coarse bamboo mat is likewise employed, while a
crude interweaving of bamboo strips is by no means uncommon. Such a
wall affords little protection against a driving rain or wind, but the
others are quite effective. Well-to-do families often have the side
walls and floors of their houses made of hard-wood boards. Since planks
are, or have been until recently, cut out with knives, head-axes,
or adzes, much time and wealth is consumed in constructing such a
dwelling. When completed, it is less well adapted to the needs of
the people than the structures just described, but its possession is
a source of gratification to the owner, and aids in establishing him
as a man of affairs in his town.
The floor is made of poles tied to the side-beams, and on these strips
of bamboo are laid so as to leave small cracks between them. This
assists in the house-cleaning, as all dirt and refuse is swept through
the openings on to the ground. When the floor is made of wood, it is
customary to leave one corner to be finished off in the bamboo slits,
and it is here that the mother gives birth to her children. This
is not compulsory, but it is custom, and indicates clearly that the
planked floor is a recent introduction.
Entrance to the dwelling is by means of a bamboo ladder which is
raised at night, or when the family is away. Windows are merely square
holes over which a bamboo mat is fitted at night, but the door is a
bamboo-covered framework which turns in wooden sockets.
Such a house offers no barriers to mosquitoes, flies, flying roaches,
or white ants, while rats, scorpions, and centipedes find friendly
shelter in the thatch roof. Quite commonly large but harmless snakes
are encouraged to take up their residence in the cook room, as their
presence induces the rats to move elsewhere. Little house lizards
are always present, and not infrequently a large lizard makes its
home on the ridge pole, and from time to time gives its weird cry.
The ground beneath the house is often enclosed with bamboo slats, and
is used for storage purposes, or a portion may be used as a chicken
coop. It is also customary to bury the dead beneath the dwelling,
and above the grave are the boxes in which are placed supplies for
the spirits of the deceased.
With some modification this description of the Tinguian house and
village would apply to those of the western Kalinga and the Apayao,
[170] and likewise the Christian natives of the coast, but a very
different type of dwelling and grouping is found among the neighboring
Igorot. [171] It is also to be noted that we do not find to-day any
trace of tree dwellings, such as were described by _La Gironière_ [172]
at the time of his visit scarcely a century ago. Elevated watch-houses
are placed near to the mountain fields, and it is possible that in
times of great danger people might have had similar places of refuge
in or near to their villages, but the old men emphatically deny that
they were ever tree-dwellers, and there is nothing in the folk-tales
to justify such a belief; on the contrary, the tales-indicate that
the type of dwelling found to-day, was that of former times. [173]
_House Furnishings_.--The average house has only one room. Inside the
door, at the left, one usually finds the stove, three stones sunk in a
box of ashes or dirt, or a similar device of clay (Fig 5, No. 1). Above
the fire is suspended a hanger on which are placed dishes and food, in
order that they may not be disturbed by insects. Along the wall stands
a small caldron, jars for water and rice, and the large Chinese jars,
tke latter as a general rule heirlooms or marriage gifts. These are
sometimes used for _basi_, but more often they contain broken rice,
cotton, or small articles. Above the jars is a rack or hangar on which
dishes or coconut shells are placed. At one end of the room a set of
pegs, deer horns, or a cord supports a variety of clothes, blankets,
a woman's switch, and perhaps a man's belt. The sleeping-mats either
hang here or occupy a rack of their own. Below the cord stand chests
secured in early years through trade with the Chinese. In these are
the family treasures, valuable beads, coins, blankets, ceremonial
objects, and the like. Piled on the boxes is a variety of pillows,
for no Tinguian house is complete without a number of these (Plate
LXVI). The other house furnishings, consisting of a spinning wheel,
loom, coconut rasp, and clothes beater (Fig. 5, No. 10) find space
along the other wall. Behind the door, except in the valley towns,
stand the man's spear and shield; above or near the door will be the
spirit offering in the form of a small hanger or a miniature shield
fastened against the wall. The center of the floor affords a place
for working, eating, and sleeping. If there are small children in
the family a cradle or jumper will be found suspended from a beam or
a bamboo pole placed across one corner of the room (cf. p. 272).
The type of jars made by the Tinguian is shown in Fig. 5, No. 7,
while those of foreign introduction have been fully described in a
previous publication. [174]
The native jars are used both for cooking and as water containers. With
them will be found pot rings and lifters. The first is a simple ring of
plaited bamboo, which fits on the head or sets on the floor, and forms
a support for the rounded bottom of the jar. The second (Figure 5,
No. 3) consists of a large rattan loop, which is placed over the neck
of the jar. The hands are drawn apart, and the weight closes the loop,
causing it to grip the jar. Long bamboo tubes with sections removed are
used as water containers, while smaller sections often serve as cups
or dippers. Gourds are also used in this manner (Fig. 5, Nos. 8-9).
Food is removed from the jars with spoons and ladles (Fig. 6) made of
wood or coconut shells, but they are never put to the mouth. Meat is
cut up into small pieces, and is served in its own juice. The diner
takes a little cooked rice in his fingers, and with this dips or scoops
the meat and broth into his mouth. Greens are eaten in the same manner.
Halved coconut shells serve both as cups and as dishes (Fig. 5,
No. 6). Wooden dishes are likewise used, but they are employed chiefly
in ceremonies for the feeding of the spirits or to hold the rice from
which a bride and groom receive the augury of the future (Fig. 5,
Nos. 4-5).
Baskets, varying considerably in material, size and type, are
much used, and are often scattered about the dwelling or, as in
the case of the men's carrying baskets, are hung on pegs set into
the walls. Somewhere about the house will be found a coconut rasp
(Fig. 5, No. 11). When this is used, the operator kneels on the wooden
standard, and draws the half coconut toward her over the teeth of
the blade. The inside of the shell is thus cleaned and prepared for
use as an eating or drinking dish. Torches or bamboo lamps formerly
supplied the dwellings with light. Lamps consisting of a section
of bamboo filled with oil and fitted with a cord wick are still in
use, but for the most part they have been superseded by tin lamps of
Chinese manufacture. Oil for them is extracted from crushed seeds of
the _tau-tau_ (_Jatropha grandulifera_ Roxb.)
A very necessary article of house furnishing is the fire-making
device. In many instances, the housewife will go to a neighboring
dwelling and borrow a light rather than go to the trouble of building
a fire, but if that is not convenient, a light may be secured by one
or two methods. The first is by flint and steel, a method which is
probably of comparatively recent introduction. The second and older is
one which the Tinguian shares with all the neighboring tribes. Two
notches are cut through a section of bamboo, and tree cotton is
placed below them. A second section of bamboo is cut to a sharp edge,
and this is rubbed rapidly back and forth in the notches until the
friction produces a spark, which when caught on tinder can be blown
into a flame. [175] At the door of the house will be found a foot
wiper (Fig. 5, No. 12) made of rice-straw drawn through an opening
cut in a stick, or it may consist of coconut husks fastened together
to make a crude mat, while near by is the broom made of rice-straw or
grass. Rice-mortars, pestles, and similar objects are found beneath
the dwellings.
_The Village Spring_.--Each village is situated near to a spring or
on the banks of a stream. In the latter case deep holes are dug in the
sands, and the water that seeps in is used for household purposes. In
the morning, a number of women and girls gather at the springs,
carrying with them the plates and dishes used in the meals, also
garments which need to be laundered. The pots and dishes are thoroughly
scoured with sand and water, applied with a bundle of rice-straw or
grass. The garments to be washed are laid in the water, generally in
a little pool near to the main spring or beside the stream. Ashes from
rice-straw are then mixed with water and, after being strained through
a bunch of grass, are applied to the cloth in place of soap. After
being thoroughly soaked, the cloth is laid on a clean stone, and is
beaten with a stick or wooden paddle. The garment is again rinsed,
and later is hung up on the fence near the dwelling to dry.
Before returning to her home, the woman fills her pots with water, and
then takes her bath in a pool below the main spring (Plate XLII). All
garments are removed except the girdle and clout, and then water,
dipped up in a coconut shell, is poured on to the face, shoulders,
and body. In some cases sand is applied to the body, and is rubbed in
with the hand or a stone; rinsing water is applied and the garments
are put back on without drying the body. Every one, men, women,
and children, takes a daily bath, and visitors will always stop to
bathe at the spring or river before entering a village. Promiscuous
bathing is common, and is accepted as a matter of course, but there
is no indication of embarrassment or self-consciousness. When she
returns to the village, the woman will often be seen carrying one
or two jars of water on her head, her washing under her arm, while
a child sets astride her hip or lies against her back (Plate XLIII).