WARFARE, HUNTING, AND FISHING
Head-hunting and warfare are practically synonymous. To-day both are
suffering a rapid decline, and a head is seldom taken in the valley of
the Abra. In the mountain district old feuds are still maintained, and
sometimes lead to a killing, and here too the ancient funerary rites
are still carried out in their entirety on rare occasions. However,
this peaceful condition is not of long standing. In every village the
older men tell with pride of their youthful exploits, of the raids
they indulged in, the heads they captured; and they are still held
in high esteem as men "who fought in the villages of their enemies."
During the time of our stay in Abra, the villages of the Buklok
valley were on bad terms with the people of the neighboring Ikmin
valley, and were openly hostile to the Igorot on the eastern side of
the mountain range. Manabo and Abang were likewise hostile to their
Igorot neighbors, and the latter village was surrounded with a double
bamboo stockade, to guard against a surprise attack. Manabo at this
time anticipated trouble with the warriors of Balatok and Besao, as a
result of their having killed six men from those towns. The victims
had ostensibly come down to the Abra river to fish, but, judging by
previous experience, the Tinguian believed them to be in search of
heads, and acted accordingly. This feud is of old standing and appears
to have grown out of a dispute over the hunting grounds on Mt. Posoey,
the great peak which rises only a few miles from Manabo. There have
been many clashes between the rival hunters, the most serious of
which occurred in 1889, when the Tinguian had twenty-nine of their
number killed, and lost twenty-five heads to the Igorot of Besao.
The people of Agsimo and Balantai suffered defeat in a raid carried on
against Dagara in 1907, and at the time of our visit a number of the
warriors still bore open wounds received in that fight. In the same
year at least three unsuccessful attacks, probably by lone warriors,
were made against individuals of Lagangilang, Likuan, and Lakub.
Accounts of earlier travelers offer undoubted proof that head-hunting
was rampant a generation ago; while the folk-tales feature the taking
of heads as one of the most important events in Tinguian life.
The first incentive for head-taking is in connection with funeral
rites. According to ancient custom it was necessary, following
the death of an adult, for the men of the village to go out on a
headhunt, and until they had done so, the relatives of the deceased
were barred from wearing good clothing, from taking part in any
pastimes or festivals, and their food was of the poorest and meanest
quality. To remove this ban, the warriors would don white head-bands,
arm themselves, and sally forth either to attack a hostile village
or to ambush an unsuspecting foe. Neighboring villages were, out
of necessity, usually on good terms, but friendly relations seldom
extended beyond the second or third settlement, a distance of ten or
fifteen miles. Beyond these limits most of the people were considered
enemies and subject to attack.
While such a raid was both justifiable and necessary to the village
in which a death had occurred, it was considered an unprovoked attack
by the raided settlement; a challenge and an insult which had to be
avenged. Thus feuds were established, some of which ran through many
years, and resulted in considerable loss of life. A town, which had
lost to another a greater number of heads than they had secured, was
in honor bound to even the score, and thus another cause for battle
was furnished. The man who actually succeeded in taking a head was
received with great acclaim upon his return to the village; he was
the hero in the festival which followed, and thereafter was held in
high esteem, and so another motive was furnished. [176]
There is an indication in the _Saloko_ ceremony that heads may have
been taken to cure headache and similar ills (cf. p. 319); while the
presence of the head-basket, of the same name, in the fields suggests
a possible connection between head-hunting and the rice culture,
such as still exists among the neighboring Kalinga. [177]
The Tinguian do not now, and apparently never have practised human
sacrifice, but this custom and head-hunting seem to be closely
related, and to have as a primary cause the desire to furnish slaves
or companions for the dead. This idea was found among the ancient
Tagalog, Visayan, and Zambal, and still exists among the Apayao
of Northern Luzon; the Bagobo, Mandaya, Bila-an, and Tagakaola of
Mindanao; as well as in Borneo and the islands to the south. [178]
That it once had a strong hold on the Ilocano of the coast is made
evident by the mysterious cult known as _axibrong_, which at times
terrifies whole communities. In 1907 the region about Bangui, in
Ilocos Norte, was greatly excited over several attempts to kill people
of that settlement, and it was whispered that when a leading man,
who had recently died, was placed in his coffin, his right hand had
suddenly raised up with four fingers extended. This, it was said, was a
demand on the part of the dead for four companions, and the subsequent
attacks on the villagers were thought to be due to the activities of
the bereaved family in complying with the wishes of the deceased.
The raids following a death were usually carried out as a village
affair, and many warriors participated, but it seems that by far the
greater number of heads were secured by individuals or couples, who
would lie in ambush near to the trails, or to the places, where the
women had to pass in carrying water from the streams to the village.
While the Tinguian always chose to attack from ambush, yet he did
not hesitate to fight in the open when occasion demanded it. For a
distance of fifteen or twenty feet he depended on his spear, but for
close quarters he relied on his shield and head-axe. An examination of
Plate XLIV will show that the shield has three prongs at the top. These
the warrior seeks to slip between the legs of his enemy to trip him
up, then one stroke downward with the axe, and the opponent is put out
of the fight. The two lower prongs are meant to be slipped about the
neck. One more stroke of the head-axe, and the victor takes his trophy
and starts for home, while the relatives of the dead man seek to secure
the remains to carry them back to their village. As the loss of a head
reflects on the whole party, and in a like manner its acquisition adds
distinction to the victors, a hot fight usually develops over a man
who is stricken down, and only ceases when the enemy is beaten off,
or has been successful in getting away with the trophy.
If a war party finds it necessary to make a night camp, or if they
are hard pressed by the foe, they plant long, thin strips of bamboo
or _palma brava_ [179] in the grass. The ends of these are cut to
sharp points, and they are so cleverly concealed that pursuers must
use great care, and consequently lose much time, or they will have
their legs and feet pierced with these needle-like blades.
Upon their return to the village, the warriors were formerly met
at the gate by their relatives, who held two ladders in A shape,
thus forming a pathway over which each had to climb. Once inside
the town, the heads were placed on a bamboo spike known as _sagang_
(cf. p. 310), or in the _saloko_ (cf. p. 310), and for three days
were exhibited beside the gate. In the meantime messages were sent
to friendly villages to invite the people to the celebration.
On the morning of the last day, the heads were carried up to the center
of the village, where, amid great rejoicing, the men sang the praises
of the victors or examined the skulls of the victims. Sometime during
the morning, the men who had taken the heads split them open with
their axes and removed the brains. To these they added the lobes of
the ears and joints of the little fingers, and they placed the whole
in the liquor which was afterwards served to the dancers. There seems
to be no idea here of eating the brains of the slain as food. They are
consumed solely to secure a part of their valor, an idea widespread
among the tribes of Mindanao. [180] The writer does not believe that
any people of the Philippines indulges in cannibalism, if that term
is used to signify the eating of human flesh as food. Several, like
the Tinguian, have or still do eat a portion of the brain, the heart
or liver of brave warriors, but always, it appears, with the idea of
gaining the valor, or other desirable qualities of the victims.
The balance of the head festival consisted in the drinking of sugar
cane rum, of songs of praise by the headmen, and finally all joined
in dancing _da-eng_. Just before the guests were ready to depart, the
skulls were broken into small bits, and the fragments were distributed
to the guests so that they might taken them to their homes, and thus
be reminded of the valor of the takers. [181] This disposition of
the skull agrees with that of many Apayao towns, [182] but it does
not conform with the description of ancient times afforded us in the
tales, [183] nor with the practices of the Kalinga and Igorot people,
both of whom preserve the trophy.
The weapons of the warriors consists of a spear, head-axe, and shield,
and the small bamboo spikes known as _soga_. They do not make use
of the bow and arrow, although they have been credited as possessing
them. [184] The old men claim it has not been used in their lifetime,
nor is mention made of it in the folk-tales. The only time it appears
is in the crude weapons used in shooting fish in the rice-fields,
and in the miniature bow and arrow, which hang above the heads of a
newborn child.
Bolos, or long knives, are carried at the side suspended from the belt,
and upon occasion may be used as weapons. However, they are generally
considered as tools (Fig. 7).
_The Head-Axe_, _aliwa_ or _gaman_ (see Fig. 8).--The axes made by
the Tinguian and Kalinga are identical, probably due to the fact that
the center of distribution, as well as the best iron work of this
region, is found in Balbalasang--a town of mixed Tinguian and Kalinga
blood. The blade is long and slender with a crescent-shape cutting
edge on one end, and a long projecting spine on the other. This
projection is strictly utilitarian. It is driven into the ground
so as to support the blade upright, when it is desired to have both
hands free to draw meat or other articles over the cutting edge. It
is also driven into the soil, and acts as a support when its owner
is climbing steep or slippery banks.
The blade fits into a long steel ferrule which, in turn, slips onto
a wooden handle. The latter may be straight or plain, but commonly
it has a short projection midway of its length, which serves as a
finger-hold and as a hook for attachment to the belt. Quite frequently
the handle is decorated with thin circles or bands of brass, while
ornamental designs sometimes appear on the blade.
While the axe is primarily a weapon, its use is by no means confined
to warfare. It is used in house and fence building, in cutting up
game and forest products, and in many other ways. Fig. 8 shows three
types of head-axes, the first two, the Tinguian-Kalinga axe; third,
the Igorot; fourth, the Apayao. There is a noticeable difference
between the slender blades of the first group and the short, thick
blade of the Igorot, yet they are of the same general type. The
Apayao weapon, on the other hand, presents a radical difference in
form. Despite these variations, the axes of these three tribes present
an interesting problem. So far as it known, these are the only tribes
in the Philippines which make use of a head-axe, and it is believed
that no similar weapon is found in the Malayan Islands. However,
blades of striking resemblance do occur among the Naga of Assam. [185]
It is possible that the weapons of these far separated regions may hark
back to a common source, from which they received their instruction
in iron working.
_The Spear_, _pika_.--The various types of spears used by the Tinguian
are shown in Fig. 9.
A considerable part of these are made in the villages along the upper
reaches of the Buklok river and in Balbalasang, but many come into
Abra through trade with the Igorot and Kalinga. They are used for
hunting and fighting, and are intended both as thrusting and throwing
weapons. In the lowlands the older type of spear-head is a modified
leaf shape, attached to a ferrule which slips over the shaft. In the
mountains, heads with two or more barbs are set into the handles,
and are held in place by means of wooden wedges and by metal rings
which surround the ends of the shafts. A metal end or shoe covers the
butt end of the weapon, thus converting it into an excellent staff
for mountain climbing.
Occasionally a hunting spear is fitted with a detachable head, which
will pull out of the socket when an animal is struck. The shaft is
attached to the point by means of a heavy line, and as this drags
through the undergrowth, it becomes entangled and thus delays the
flight of the game.
_Shields_, _kalásag_.--Mention has already been made of the typical
Tinguian-Kalinga shield (cf. p. 373). While this is the common type
of the region (Fig. 10, Nos. 1-1a), others, which approach those of
the Bontoc Igorot, are frequently used (Fig. 10, No. 2). As a rule,
these come from Balatok, Lubuagan, Guinaan and the villages along
the Malokbot river, all of which are strongly influenced in blood
and culture by the Igorot. In the latter shields we find the prongs
at the top and bottom, but they are no longer of sufficient size and
opening to be of practical value. The clue to their origin is probably
afforded us in their use by the Tinguian.
Across the top and bottom of each shield, near to the prongs, are two
or three braided bands which appear to be ornamental, or to strengthen
the weapon. Their real use, however, is to hold the _soga_, the pointed
bamboo sticks which are planted in the grass to delay pursuers. A half
dozen or more of these are usually to be found under the braiding at
the back of the shield.
All shields are of very light wood, and can easily be pierced by
a spear. They are intended to be used in deflecting missels rather
than actually to stop them. To aid in this purpose, there is a hand
grip cut into the center of the back. This is large enough to admit
the first three fingers, while the thumb and little finger are left
outside to tilt the shield to the proper angle.
_Hunting_ (Plates XLV-XLVI).--Hunting must be considered more in the
nature of a sport than as a necessity, for, while a considerable amount
of game is taken each year, it is not enough to furnish an important
part of the food supply. As we have already noted, a great part of the
country occupied by this tribe is devoid of forests. Dense growths
do occur in some valleys and ravines, and a few of the mountains,
like Posoey, are heavily forested, but for the most part the western
slopes of the Cordillera Central are covered with rank _cogon_
grass. In the ravines and on the wooded slopes are deer, pig, wild
carabao, and wild chickens, and during the dry season of the year it
is no uncommon thing to see a considerable number of men leaving the
village at daybreak with their dogs, spears, and nets. The customary
method of hunting the larger animals is to stretch long nets across
the runway of the game. A number of the hunters, armed with spears,
conceal themselves near by, while the balance of the party take the
dogs to a distance and then, spreading out fan-shape, will converge
on the net, beating the brush and shouting in order to stir up the
game. The dogs, sullen, half-starved brutes, take little interest
in the chase until an animal is started, then they begin to bay,
and the whole pack is in pursuit. As the quarry rushes into the net,
the concealed hunters fall upon it and spear it to death, at the
same time fighting back the hungry dogs which would quickly devour
it. Sometimes an animal escapes from the net, but if wounded, it is
almost certain to fall a prey to the pack. Many deer are taken by
this method in the course of a year. Sometimes a wild pig is netted,
and on exceedingly rare occasions a carabao. However, the wild carabao
is a dangerous animal, and hunters will not attack it unless it is so
entangled in the nets that it is practically helpless. Still hunting
for deer, near to the feeding grounds, yields a few animals each year,
and during the period when the _lumboy_ (_Eugenia jambolana_ Lam.) are
in fruit, the hunters often hide themselves in the trees at night,
and spear the pigs which come below them to feed.
Wild hogs are also secured by placing a close fence about a field. One
or two small entrances are left open and inside of these, deep pits
are dug, and are covered with brush. As the animal pushes in, it
steps on the frail covering, and is hurled to the bottom of the pit,
where it is easily dispatched with the spear.
Among the smaller game, the wild chicken is the most important. These
fowls seldom fly, but seek safety by running through the
underbrush. The Tinguian takes advantage of this trait, and stretches
nets loosely in the probable runway of the birds, and then drives
them toward it in the same manner, as he does the deer. As the fowl
runs full speed into the loose net, it folds about him, and he is
easily taken.
The most common method of securing wild roosters is by means of a
series of slip nooses attached to a main cord or band (Fig. 11). This
is set up so as to enclose a square or triangular space, and a tame
rooster is put inside. The crowing of this bird attracts the attention
of the wild fowl who comes in to fight. Soon, in the excitement of
the combat, one is caught in a noose, and the harder it pulls, the
more securely it is held. At times the trap is baited with worms or
grain. The snare is carried in a basket-like case, which is often
fitted with a compartment for the decoy rooster. [186]
Another type of chicken snare consists of a single noose, which
rests on two elevated strips of bamboo. The other end of the cord
is attached to a bent limb, held down by means of a small trigger,
which slips under a cross strip. The game is led onto the trap by
scattering grain. The weight of the bird releases the trigger, the
bent twig flies up, and the noose is drawn tightly.
Small birds are captured in considerable numbers by the boys who, for
this purpose, make use of three types of snares. The first and most
common is a simple slip noose made of human or horse hair attached to
a stick. Several of these are driven into the ground close together,
and grain is scattered between them. A second type of noose trap
is shown in Fig. 12, No. 1. A Bamboo pole _a_ with sharpened end
has a spring _b_ of the same material attached to its side. A cord
from this passes through a small hole in the top of _a_, and then
forms a slip noose. A small stick or trigger _c_ is forced into the
hole until firm enough to keep the line held taut, and the noose is
spread on it. Bait is placed on the point of _a_ in such a manner
that the bird has to alight on _c_ to secure it. Its weight releases
the trigger, and the noose is drawn tightly around its legs. Another
trap of this nature is illustrated by Fig. 12, No. 2. Here a branch is
bent down and a line is attached. The trigger stick _a_ slips outside
_b_, and the pressure holds the free stick _c_ in place against the
crotch. Bait is so placed on _d_ that a bird coming to secure it must
stand inside the slip noose which is spread on _c_. The weight and
movement of the victim releases the trigger, draws the line taut,
and closes the noose about its legs.
In the lowland villages, blowguns (_salbalana_) are used to a limited
extent in hunting birds. Two long strips of palm wood are grooved and
fitted together. Over these the intestines of a carabao are drawn, and
the whole is wrapped tightly with cord and covered with beeswax. The
guns vary from 12 to 16 feet in length, and are often excellently made,
yet they are little better than toys, for the missels used are only
clay balls. Poison darts are unknown in this region, and the weapon
is confined to the villages near to the coast. This, together with
the fact that the blowgun does not appear in the lore or ceremonies,
suggests that it of recent introduction (Plate XLVII).
Locusts are considered excellent food, and when they are flying in
great numbers, are taken by means of small nets. These are attached
to poles, and are swung into the swarm. Sometimes nearly the whole
village will unite in such a hunt, the catch being stored in large
bottle-shaped baskets until needed.
Bats and rats are not eaten, but the latter are trapped and killed
because of the grain they destroy and the injury they do to the houses
and their contents. The most common trap is made from a section of
bamboo in one side of which a spring is inserted. A line attached
to this leads to a slip noose which fits inside the tube. Bait is
attached to a trigger which, when disturbed, releases the spring and
closes the loop around the intruder.
_Fishing_.--Mention has already been made of the capture of fish
by the children. Older people likewise devote some time to fishing,
but not to the extent of making it an occupation. Nearly every family
has a collection of traps and lines, and at times quite a number of
fish and eels are secured.
The common trap is shown in Fig. 13, No. 1. The entrance is made of
sharp bamboo splints, which converge toward a small hole opening into
the trap proper. The device is then placed in the water in such a way
that fish coming downstream will be diverted into the opening. The
current and the natural inclination of the fish to go into a dark
hiding-place causes them to force their way into the trap, and once
in they cannot emerge. The water escapes through the bamboo slits,
but the fish can only be released by opening the small end of the trap.
Many of the women carry baskets attached to the belt at the hip. The
tops of these baskets have funnel-shaped openings, and are immediately
available for use as traps, if a good catch is in prospect (Fig. 13,
No. 2). These are usually employed for shrimps and minnows. Eels are
caught in long, round traps of rattan and bamboo. A frog is fastened
in the far end of the tube, usually with a fish-hook. This is attached
to a rattan spring, which is connected with the door of the trap. The
eel enters and seizes the frog, but as it starts to back out, it
releases the bent rattan, and the door is pulled shut.
Small hand nets, spread apart by means of sticks held in the hands,
are used by women in scooping up small fish. Ordinarily, it is scooped
away from the body, but if a fish takes refuge under a rock, the net
is placed under the opposite side, and the stone is turned over with
the foot.
The most effective fishing-device is a large throw net made
cornucopia shape. The large net is open and weighted with many
sinkers of lead. The man throws the net with a full arm sweeping
motion, so that it spreads to its full extent, and all the sinkers
strike the water at the same time. The splash causes all the fish
inside the circle to dart inward, and as it sinks, the net settles
over them. The fisherman draws in the cord attached to the small end,
causing the sinkers to drag along to the bottom until directly beneath
him, when their weight closes the net. It requires much skill and
practice to throw this net properly, but once the art is mastered,
the fisherman is very successful.
Blanket fishing similar to that in use by the neighboring Igorot is
found here. A large blanket is weighed down with stones, and is placed
in the river. After one or two hours have elapsed, a number of men form
a wide circle around it. Often they drag between them a rope to which
many corn husks are attached. As they advance toward the blanket, they
turn the larger stones with their feet so that any fish hiding beneath
them will be frightened away. The circle of men and corn husks causes
the fish to go toward the blanket, and finally to take refuge under
the stones piled upon it. When the blanket is reached, the men seize
the corners and lift it out of the water on to the bank, where the
stones are thrown out and the fish secured. A somewhat similar idea
is found in the _lama_. Quantities of leaf branches are sunk into a
still pool, and are left for a few days until the fish have come to
use them as a hiding-place. A number of men make a close fence of
bamboo sticks about them, then go inside, throw out the branches,
and catch the fish with their hands or with the nets. Streams are
often diverted from their course, for a time, and then returned,
leaving the fish in the artificial channels stranded.
A curious method of fishing was seen in the Ikmin river. A hook was
fastened in the end of a bamboo pole, and close to this a minnow
was attached to a short line, to act as a lure. When the other fish
approached the captive, the pole was jerked sharply, in an attempt
to snag them. On one occasion the writer saw fifty fish taken by this
method in less than an hour.
Short lines attached to sticks are often baited, and are set along
the embankments of the flooded rice-fields. Small fish spears with
detachable heads are also used in the rice lands, as well as in
the clear pools. The only occasion when the bow and arrow is used
in this region is when the rice fields are flooded. At such times a
short bow and an arrow with fork-shaped head are employed (Fig. 13,
Nos. 3-3a). A fish poison or stupifier is occasionally used. A small
red berry known as _baiyatin_ is crushed, and the powder is thrown
into or just above quiet pools, where fish abound. Some of the fish
become stupified and float on the surface, where they are quickly
speared or scooped up. They are eaten without any ill effects.