rejoicing at its accomplishment without bloodshed. Persons
then residing in the city who had favored the movement had
their names inserted in a book. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent.
Am._, i. 27-30.
[III-7] Another committee was to count the population in
order to apportion the deputies to congress. _Gracias_,
_Cuad. Estad._, 28.
[III-8] Before the news reached Spain of the change in
Guatemala, Deputy Milla spoke, on the 18th of Nov., in
the córtes of the insufficiency of Spanish bottoms for
the transportation of American produce, and demanded the
privilege of using foreign vessels therefor. He alluded
also to the inability of the royal navy to protect Spanish
merchantmen, in proof of which he stated the fact that five
vessels had been carried off by insurgent privateers from
Nicaraguan ports. _Córtes_, _Diario Extraord._, Nov. 18,
1821, iv. 12-13.
[III-9] Men who had relations with Delgado, one of the junta
in Guatemala. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 9-10.
[III-10] Delgado assumed authority on his arrival at Santa
Ana, and used it effectively, though without violence.
_Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 36-7. The extent of
the province of Salvador was 50 leagues long and 30 wide;
it was divided into the partidos of Santa Ana, San Salvador,
San Vicente, and San Miguel, with three cities, five villas,
and 140 pueblos. _Mendez_, _Mem._, 9-10. The following were
the signers of independence: Pedro Barriere, Casimiro García
Valdeavellano, José Ignacio Saldaña, José Rosi, Millan
Bustos, Gerónimo de Ajuria, Francisco del Duque, Santiago
Rosi, Trinidad Estupinian, Juan B. de Otonto, Francisco
Ignacio de Urrutia, Narciso Ortega, and Pedro Miguel Lopez,
secretary. _Ruiz_, _Calend. Salv._, 67-8; _Salv._, _Diario
Ofic._, Jan. 26, 1875, 5; _Bustamante_, _Cuad. Hist._, vi.,
no. 187, 1-29; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 2, 9-10. Alaman has it
that Delgado seized the government by a revolution in 1822.
_Hist. Méj._, v. 474-5.
[III-11] In the Spanish córtes, March 29, 1813, was read
and passed to a committee a petition of the ayuntamiento of
Comayagua, objecting to the limited scope of the decree of
May 24, 1812, which authorized the establishment of only
two diputaciones in the whole of Guatemala, and asked for
one in Comayagua with Omoa, Trujillo, and the partido of
Tegucigalpa, and that of San Miguel in Salvador, within
its jurisdiction, which would give the new diputacion a
territory of 140 leagues from N. to S., and as many from
E. to W. _Córtes_, _Diario_, 1813, xviii. 61. I have no
evidence as to when Honduras was granted the diputacion,
but the fact appears that it had such a corporation in
September 1821. The province was larger than Nicaragua,
and divided into the partidos of Comayagua and Tegucigalpa,
and the nine sub-delegations of Gracias á Dios, San Pedro
Zula, Tencoa, Yoro, Olanchito, Olancho Viejo, Tegucigalpa,
Choluteca, and Trujillo, having within it the ports of Omoa,
Puerto Caballos, Puerto Sal, Triunfo de la Cruz, Trujillo,
and Cartago. The bishopric of Comayagua embraced the whole
intendencia, with 35 parishes, one mission, and 145 churches.
_Mendez_, _Mem._, 8, 21. In 1821 there lived in Trujillo
about 2,500 Caribs, the original inhabitants of Saint
Vincent, later occupying the island of Roatan, whence they
removed to Trujillo. They were a rather industrious, honest
people. _Coggeshall's Voy._, 2d ser., 161-3.
[III-12] Omoa by Captain Bernardo Caballero, P. Pedro Brito,
and others, who seized and imprisoned the commandant, Antonio
Prado. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 35.
[III-13] The junta in Guatemala passed an act on the 11th of
Dec. to reward the villa of Tegucigalpa, raising it to the
rank of a city, and bestowing on its ayuntamiento the title
of 'patriótico.' _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 35.
[III-14] As a matter of fact, ill feeling had always
existed in the provinces against the capital. This hatred
was intensified by the respective intendentes in forwarding
their ambitious purposes. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 2. Lieut-col
Miguel Gonzalez Saravia, son of the old lieut-gen. shot
in Oajaca, was the gov.-intendente of Nicaragua since
1818. Naturally he hated the independents for his father's
execution. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 34; _Ayon_,
_Apuntes_, 22; _Juarros_, _Guat._ (Lond. ed. 1823), 337-8.
[III-15] They would remain independent of the Spanish crown,
they said, until the clouds disappeared. _Mem. Rev. Cent.
Am._, 8; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 34; _Ayon_,
_Apuntes_, 22; _Suarez y Navarro_, _Hist. Méj._, 387;
_Bustamante_, _Cuad. Hist._, vi., no. 187, 1-29; _Alaman_,
_Hist. Méj._, v. 346-8; _Wells' Hond._, 468. Tomás Ayon,
_Apuntes sobre algunos de los acontecimientos políticos de
Nicaragua_, Leon, 1875, 8vo, 50 pp., gives a few important
memoranda on the political events of Nicaragua in 1811-24, in
a clear, concise, and apparently impartial manner.
[III-16] Saravia kept up a sort of underhanded war against
Granada, obstructing her relations with Guatemala. _Marure_,
_Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 35. The extent of the province
of Nicaragua was 85 leagues long by 75 wide; detaching
Nicoya, there were four partidos, Leon, Realejo, Sutiaba,
and Matagalpa, with 88 towns in all. _Mendez_, _Mem._,
7. According to Miguel G. Saravia, _Bosquejo político
estadístico de Nicaragua_, its population in 1813 was of
149,751, a very imperfect census. _Squier's States Cent.
Am._, 50. The bishopric of Leon comprised all the intendencia
of Costa Rica, with 40 parishes, 3 missions, and 88 churches.
_Mendez_, _Mem._, 20. A considerable military force had
been, since 1796, kept at San Juan del Norte; and in 1821
additional defences were erected, by government order of
May 2d. This force was expelled after the declaration of
independence by the patriots. _Squier's Trav._, i. 83.
[III-17] On the 11th of Nov. he answered in similar terms the
diputacion at Comayagua. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._,
i. 44-6.
[III-18] Its members were to be chosen by electors appointed
by the ayuntamientos supporting the Granada régime. These
members to choose every month from their own number the
president. _Perez_, _Biog. Sacasa_, 5-6. _Perez, Jerónimo_,
_Biografía del coronel Don Crisanto Sacasa_, 1875, fol., 18
pp., furnishes important data on the origin and life of a
man who figured prominently and honorably in the affairs of
Nicaragua from 1821 to his death in 1824. In connection with
them appear several official letters on events during the
period between secession from Spain and annexation to Mexico.
[III-19] The people acted prudently; they could but reap
trouble from the political complications. _Mem. Rev. Cent.
Am._, 2; _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa Rica_, 4-5, 17-18; _Salv._,
_Diario Ofic._, May 23, 1875; _Lond. Geog. Soc._, vi. 135.
[III-20] It had, from the time of the conquest, a civil and
military government of its own, but under dependence of the
audiencia and captain-generalcy at Guatemala. In matters
ecclesiastic and financial it had been under Leon. _Molina_,
_Bosq. Costa Rica_, 92; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 2. The Spanish
constitution gave it, together with Nicoya, a diputacion
provincial. _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 54. In 1812 the
province had 22 towns—12 of Indians and 10 of white and black
men—besides farms, large estates, etc. The extent in 1821 was
160 by 60 leagues. The cities were Cartago and Esparza; the
villas, San José de Ujarráz, Villa Vieja, and Villa Hermosa;
the villages, Espíritu Santo, Pueblo Nuevo, Escasu, Alajuela,
Bagasses, Las Cañas, Barba, San Fernando, and the Indian
towns and settlements; adding Nicoya and Guanacaste, there
would be 27 towns. The population was computed at between
60,000 and 70,000, besides the three nations of heathen
Indians in the mountains and northern coasts, and known
respectively as indios de la Talamanca, indios del norte,
and indios Mosquitos, all quite numerous. _Córtes_, _Diario_,
1813, xix. 404-5. In 1813 the deputy from Costa Rica in the
Spanish córtes petitioned for a bishopric; but at the time
of the separation the matter had not been acted on. _Mendez_,
_Mem._, 7.
[III-21] Juan de Dios Mayorga and the provincial of la
Merced, Fray Luis García, were selected for Comayagua; the
prelate of the Franciscans, Fray José Antonio Taboada, for
Leon; the prebendado José María Castilla, Pedro Molina, and
José Francisco Barrundia, for Mexico. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist.
Cent. Am._, i. 37-9.
[III-22] Some of them asked for titles, decorations, and
other rewards for their services in harnessing their country
to Mexico's imperial car. _El Progreso_, Apr. 11, 1850. The
organ of the empire spoke of the chimerical ideas of the
republicans and federalists, adding that the opposition to
them was large, and to be found in the officials, the higher
classes, and indeed all sensible persons, who well knew how
small was the number of the educated among them. It claimed
that the journals published in Guatemala expressed the
views of only a few deluded men, whose ranks were becoming
thinner every day. That same organ had given to the public
certain letters from the ayuntamiento of Comitan, in Chiapas,
objecting to the 2d art. of the Guatemalan acta of Sept.
15th, on the ground that the country had no resources to
sustain a separate government, which had been evident since
the yearly allowance of $12,000 ceased; superadded to which,
they said, the safety of Mexico might be imperilled should
Spain at some future time recover possession of Cent. Am.,
which the latter, if independent, could not prevent, and
vindicate her authority over the former. _Méx._, _Gaceta
Imp._, i., Nov. 24 and Dec. 8, 1821, 202-7, 281-2.
[III-23] Dated Oct. 19th, and brought by José de Oñate.
[III-24] 'Guatemala no debia quedar independiente de Méjico,
sino formar ... un gran imperio bajo el plan de Iguala,
y tratados de Córdoba: que Guatemala se hallaba todavía
impotente para gobernarse por sí misma, y que podría ser
por lo mismo objeto de la ambicion extranjera.' _Marure_,
_Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 39-41. The aristocrats, now sure
of Iturbide's aid, grew bolder in their plotting. _Squier's
Trav._, ii. 378; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 35-9.
Iturbide directed the conde de la Cadena, on the 20th of
Nov., to write very courteously to Mariano de Aycinena, who
was well connected and had addressed a communication to the
liberator. _Bustamante_, _Cuad. Hist._, vi., no. 187, 28;
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 20-2, 35-9.
[III-25] The circular directed the ayuntamientos to read at a
public sitting Iturbide's letter, and express their opinion
upon each point embraced in his proposal. Their answers
as to whether they wanted annexation at once, or to await
the action of congress, were to be in Guatemala city on or
before the 31st of Dec., 1821. _Petén-Itzá_, _Manif. de la
Just._, 2. This circular was drawn up by Valle. The elections
for members of the congress that had been called to meet in
February were to be made as formerly directed. In Guatemala
the votes of heads of families were taken at each house by
municipal agents in the presence of a notary public, and duly
registered. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 10-11; _Alaman_, _Hist.
Méj._, v. 475-6.
[III-26] The exile of Barrundia, Molina, and others was
demanded by Pedro Arroyave, síndico of the ayuntamiento.
Gainza was suspected of inciting certain imperialists to
prefer charges against these parties.
[III-27] A number of republicans, when acclaiming their
principles near San José church, were fired upon by an armed
force patrolling the town with the alcalde Mariano Larrave,
and two killed outright, Mariano Bedoya and Remigio Maida.
Several were wounded; some arrests were made. _Salv._,
_Gaceta_, Oct. 12, 1854; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent.
Am._, i. 41-2, 47; _Dicc. Univ. Hist. Geog._, app., i. 342;
_Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 157.
[III-28] _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i., ap. v.; _Mem.
Rev. Cent. Am._, 11; _Alaman_, _Hist. Méj._, v. 474.
[III-29] His arguments were not founded on fact. Subsequent
events proved it. Men of greater weight than Gainza, such
as Mora, Pecchio, and Zavala, have since contradicted his
assertions. Zavala said that Guatemala gained nothing by
the union, and that it had resources of its own to exist
as an independent nation. He added that the provinces
viewed with dislike the course of the aristocrats at the
capital. It could not be otherwise. Where was the advantage
of a connection with the city of Mexico, which was almost
inaccessible to them? But the rich men of Guatemala would
have it, regardless of consequences. _Ensayo Hist. Revol.
Mex._, i. 186-7.
[III-30] See _Hist. Mex._, iv. 710, 728-9, this series.
[III-31] The junta had on the 3d indicated to Iturbide that
its duty was to annex the country to Mexico; 'como ya se le
indicó en oficio de tres del corriente.' Other reasons were
given by it for the action taken, the chief one being the
necessity of preserving the country's entirety and repose,
which had been in danger of a rupture. The names affixed to
the manifesto are: Gavino Gainza, Marqués de Aycinena, Miguel
de Larreinaga, José del Valle, Mariano de Beltranena, Miguel
Antonio Molina, Antonio Rivera, José Mariano Calderon, José
Antonio Alvarado, Angel Mª. Candina, Eusebio Castillo,
José Valdés; José Domingo Dieguez and Mariano Galvez,
secretaries. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 14-16; _Marure_,
_Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i., ap. iv.-vi.; _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, iv. 18-23, 40-2; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 8-9, 11;
_Bustamante_, _Cuad. Hist._, vi., no. 187, 1-29; _Alaman_,
_Hist. Méj._, v. 476; _Suarez y Navarro_, _Hist. Méj._,
386-7; _Lastarría_, in _La América_, 249; _Salv._, _Diario
Ofic._, Feb. 13, 1875, 4, and March 28, 1876, 603; _Rivera_,
_Hist. Jalapa_, ii. 218; _Squier's Trav._, i. 383: _Kewen's
Nic._ and _Walker_, MS., 33-6; _Romero_, _Bosq. Hist._,
103-6.
[III-32] 'Las ideas de prosperidad, objeto de la
independencia, van á substituirse á los partidos ominosos
... neutralizar las tentativas del poder arbitrario y de los
movimientos populares.' _Gainza_, _Manifiesto_, _Gaceta Gob.
Guadal._, 1822, March 2, 302-4; _Méx._, _Gaceta Imp._, ii.
657-9; _Kewen_, _Nic. and Walker_, MS., 30-6.
[III-33] He now gives himself a long list of titles,
viz.: knight of justice of the sacred religion of St John
of Jerusalem; lieutenant-general by acclamation of the
independent army of Guatemala; decorated with the banda
nacional; her captain-general; inspector-general of all
her arms; superior political chief, intendent-general,
and president of the junta provisional consultiva. _Méx._,
_Gaceta Imp._, i. 557-9; _Gaceta Gob. Guadal._, March 2,
1822, 304.
[III-34] Only two months earlier the diputaciones of
Comayagua and Leon were told that neither the junta
consultiva nor any other body then existing had any such
power.
[III-35] It was rumored, and doubtless believed by the
people, that a formidable force was on the way—5,000
men—which Central America in its present divided condition
could not resist; hence the premature submission with an
apparent good grace. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 10-11.
[III-36] _Gaceta Imp._, i. 162-3. According to Bustamante,
_Cuad. Hist._, vi., no. 187, 1-29, the party in favor of
absolute independence in Guatemala sustained itself till
a Mexican force was sent, and it was by this means the
absorption was effected. The force had not arrived, but was
certainly expected. Luis G. Cuevas, a Mexican senator, tells
us that the people of Cent. Am. were mostly very enthusiastic
for Iturbide, and at the same time anxious to rid themselves
of the liberal party, whose members he calls an unbridled set
of demagogues. Moreover, they wanted to belong to a nation
having so much credit abroad, and such large resources to aid
them. _Porvenir de Méx._, 252.
[III-37] Conde de la Cadena was first in command, but he
resigned it on account of sickness. _Alaman_, _Hist. Méj._,
v. 474-8; _Suarez y Navarro_, _Hist. Méj._, 387-8; _Filisola
á la Junta Soberana_, note 3.
[III-38] Squier, _Guat._, 580-1, has it 700.
[III-39] The 3d. It was installed March 29, 1822. _Marure_,
_Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 47; _Id._, _Efemérides_, 5.
[III-40] Among them were José del Valle, Juan de Dios
Mayorga, and Marcial Zebadúa. _Zavala_, _Ensayo Hist. Rev.
Mex._, i. 187. Suarez y Navarro says that Mayorga had a
secret mission from Salvador near the Mexican government.
_Hist. Méj._, 387.
[III-41] _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 11-12. The province was ruled
by a junta gubernativa, one of whose members was Antonio José
Cañas, one of the most distinguished among Cent. Americans.
He soon after became the second in command of the 'batallon
fijo,' organized to resist Iturbide's pretensions. _Salv._,
_Diario Ofic._, Feb. 13 and 19, 1875.
[III-42] Gainza had meantime stationed troops in Sonsonate,
a town which hitherto belonged to the province of Guatemala
proper, and afterward became a part of Salvador.
[III-43] _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 12-13.
[III-44] The rest of the province had accepted that
arrangement. Gov. Tinoco had made himself master of Omoa, but
a revolution released it from his grasp. His authority over
Trujillo ceased about the middle of January 1822. _Id._, 7-9.
[III-45] The inhabitants were influenced to that course
by Canon Nicolás Irias and Juan Lindo. The diputacion sent
Tinoco to Mexico to report the state of affairs in Honduras.
_Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, 37.
[III-46] There was, in consequence, a bitter correspondence
between Saravia and Gainza. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 14.
[III-47] This man was of the lowest class; had been a common
servant, and afterward an artilleryman. He was once confined
in a dungeon at Trujillo, from which he escaped. When he
began to figure in politics his wit made him popular with the
citizens. It was said that he had some knowledge of medicine,
and had written some creditable poetry. He was, however,
given to cards and free-love, but abstained from the bottle.
He was twice married, but left no children. _Perez_, _Biog.
Sacasa_, 8; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 14; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist.
Cent. Am._, i. 73-4.
[III-48] Ordoñez had Sacasa and others confined in irons
in Fort San Cárlos. Public opinion accused him of being the
most active instigator of hatred between the white and other
races. _Id._, 74; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 14; _Salv._, _Diario
Ofic._, Feb. 19, 1875.
[IV-1] His orders were to take the city of San Salvador on or
before the 5th of April. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 12.
[IV-2] They claimed that their declaration of independence
did not imply hostility to Guatemala, and in support of
it expressed a willingness to furnish hostages. Their
representations were of no effect, however; 'habia empeño
en sojuzgar á San Salvador, y á este interés se sacrificaba
todo.' _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, 51.
[IV-3] Against Filisola's expressed wishes. That general was
then in Chiapas, and had forbidden all military operations
till his arrival. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 13; _Alaman_, _Hist.
Méj._, v. 478; _Filisola á la Junta Soberana_, note 6.
[IV-4] He went in by the road sloping from the volcano to
the west, from which quarter, owing to the roughness of the
ground, no attack had been expected.
[IV-5] The casualties were not heavy on either side. _Mem.
Rev. Cent. Am._, 12-13.
[IV-6] It was chiefly on the superiority exhibited on this
occasion that Salvador subsequently based her claim to a
prominent place in the councils held upon Cent. American
affairs. Many of the internal wars which for a number of
years ravaged the country may be traced to this pretended
superiority.
[IV-7] To answer charges preferred against him. _Id._,
15; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 53, followed by
_Alaman_, _Hist. Méj._, v. 478. Cuevas, _Porvenir de Mex._,
253-4, makes the doubtful assertion that Gainza went of his
own accord. At any rate, he afterward was made a lieut-gen.
of the imperial army, and an aide-de-camp of Iturbide's.
[IV-8] His proclamation of July 8, 1822, expressed his desire
to be guided only by the best interests of the country.
_Méx._, _Gaceta Imp._, 1822, 657-9.
[IV-9] Duly authorized agents of Salvador were to go for that
purpose to Mexico in Nov. 1822; the districts of San Miguel
and Santa Ana being permitted to recognize the government
at Guatemala till an understanding should be arrived at in
Mexico. Other clauses referred to the surrender of arms
seized by Arce in Sonsonate, to the commercial interests
of the two provinces, and to rules to be observed before
renewing hostilities. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._,
56-7.
[IV-10] Oct. 31, 1822. See _Hist. Mex._, v., this series.
[IV-11] _Filisola á la Junta Soberana_, notes 9, 10.
[IV-12] His force consisted of about 2,000 men, chiefly from
Guatemala, Santa Ana, San Miguel, Sonsonate, and Honduras.
[IV-13] _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, 60-1; _Molina_,
_Costa Rica_, 93; _Squier's Travels_, ii. 383. The decree
never went into effect, however.
[IV-14] The principal conditions were: establishment in
Mexico of a representative government; Salvador's absolute
independence from Guatemala; participation of her delegates
in framing the national constitution; continuation in office
of the present incumbents; and erection of an episcopal see.
For less important terms demanded on that occasion, see also
_Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 16-17; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent.
Am._, 62.
[IV-15] It seems that he again asked for instructions from
the emperor, who peremptorily directed him not to lose more
time in negotiations. 'V. S. no es mas que un soldado que
debe atacar la ciudad, posesionarse de ella y tratar á los
cabecillas como perturbadores del órden.' _Mem. Rev. Cent.
Am._, 17. Filisola himself confirmed the above in his address
to the junta soberana of Cent. Am. of June 24, 1823, note 10.
[IV-16] Squier, in his _Travels_, ii. 383-4, rather
emphatically comments on this 'step expressive of sympathies
and sentiments which still exist.'
[IV-17] 'With a declaration that he was not waging war on the
U. S., he continued his operations.'
[IV-18] Feb. 7, 1823. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 17-18.
[IV-19] Filisola issued passports to all who wished to quit
the country, and even furnished them money to leave. To
the poor soldiers he afforded every facility to reach their
homes.
[IV-20] It must be acknowledged that to the gallantry and
constancy of the sons of this little province, Central
America owed to a great extent its existence as a sovereign
commonwealth. _Zavala_, _Rev. N. Esp._, i. 142. See also
_Alaman_, _Hist. Méj._, v. 476; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent.
Am._, i. 47; _Suarez y Navarro_, _Hist. Méj._, 387; _Mem.
Rev. Cent. Am._, 11-12.
[IV-21] Col Felipe Codallos was appointed governor of the
province.
[IV-22] Tinoco had gone to Mexico.
[IV-23] _Hist. Mex._, v., this series.
[IV-24] Filisola's course has been open to criticism. Some
attributed it to a conviction that Cent. Am. could not
be held as a province dependent from a republic, which
was practicable as a dependence of an empire. Others have
supposed that he was prompted by personal ambition. Marure,
_Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, 73, and _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 19,
claim that it was the unavoidable result of the situation,
which is not exactly true. With the force at his command,
he might have maintained supremacy for a considerable time
at least. Filisola himself said that his object had been
to avert civil war. In his address of July 24, 1823, to the
junta of Guatemala, he assured that body that his recognition
of its sovereignty had been with the sanction of the supreme
executive government of Mexico, communicated to him on the
18th of June. _Filisola á la Junta Soberana de Guat._, 1-8;
_Id._, _El Ciudadano_, 16-17.
[IV-25] Among others, that of seizing, without any legal
formality, the Spanish vessel _Sinacam_, whose cargo he sold
to procure provisions and other supplies for his garrison.
_Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 75; _Ayon_, _Apuntes_,
22-3.
[IV-26] It was installed at Leon on the 17th of April, 1823.
_Marure_, _Efem._, 6.
[IV-27] On the 15th of April. _Marure_, _Efem._, 6.
[IV-28] Several of the conspirators were imprisoned at the
capital, though only for a short time. _Molina_, _Costa
Rica_, 94; _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 12.
[IV-29] According to Marure, _Efemérides_, 6, reserving
the liberty of recognizing anew Iturbide as the legitimate
emperor, should he be again restored to the imperial throne.
[IV-30] Deputies from Cent. Am. to the Mexican congress
complained of outrages committed by Filisola's soldiers,
to which his attention was called to correct them by the
executive of that republic.
[IV-31] Cuevas, _Porvenir de Méx._, 254-6, laments it,
considering it an act injurious to Cent. America's best
interests.
[IV-32] The imperialists 'se limitaron á oponerles algunas
maniobras sordas, no teniendo ánimo de disputarlas á cara
descubierta.' _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, 82-3. The
independents 'contrajeron sus planes á ganar las elecciones,
y á hacer odiosas las tropas mejicanas, procurando á toda
costa, y por todos los medios posibles, hacerlas evacuar la
república.' _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 20.
[IV-33] The 1st of June had been the date originally fixed
upon, but some preliminary work not having been completed
in time, the installation was necessarily delayed. _Marure_,
_Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 83.
[IV-34] Chiapas was not represented, that province having
continued detached from Cent. Am.
[IV-35] It is said that Filisola installed the congress, the
Mexican troops taking part with the native ones in paying
honors to the national representatives. Till the organization
of an executive, the first decrees were addressed to
Filisola, as superior political chief, for their execution.
_Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 20. That body, the first as well as
the most numerous, was at the same time the most enlightened
that the republic ever had. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent.
Am._, i. 83; _Id._, _Efem._, 7; _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i.
16-24.
[IV-36] The full text with the names of the delegates
present appears in _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i.
xiii.-xviii.; and _Rocha_, _Código Nic._, i. 19-23. Its
principal clauses were: 'That the said provinces ... are
free and independent from old Spain, from Mexico, and every
other power, alike of the old and the new world, y que no son
ni deben ser el patrimonio de persona ni familia alguna.'
Translations into other languages may be seen in _Revue
Américaine_, i. 377-97; _Democratic Rev._, i. 486-7. The act
was drawn up by the deputy José Francisco Córdoba, who was a
member of the committee to whom the matter had been referred.
_Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 21.
[IV-37] _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 24-32.
[IV-38] Aug. 20, 1824. _Dublan_ and _Lozano_, _Leg. Mex._, i.
713; _Alaman_, _Mem. á las Cám._, 9.
[IV-39] Decree of July 15, 1823. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i.
32-3.
[IV-40] The party was mainly composed of members of the
so-called noble families, Spaniards, civil and military
officers, the clergy, and the most ignorant class of the
population. It was therefore the most numerous. _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, iv. 259.
[IV-41] As he was then in the United States, the canon
Antonio de Larrazábal was to be his substitute during his
absence. Larrazábal having declined the position, it was
given to Antonio Rivera Cabezas. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_,
i. 164-70; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 88; _Id._,
_Efem._, 8; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 22.
[IV-42] The moderados wanted José Dionisio Herrera of
Honduras, in the triumvirate, to avoid the undue influence
Salvador would exercise, having two of her citizens in the
executive, and because they considered Herrera intellectually
superior to Villacorta. No one thought of José del Valle,
who was then in Mexico. Cuevas, _Porvenir de Mex._, 256-7,
erroneously states that the supreme authority was offered
Filisola and he declined it. He declined the office of jefe
político of Guatemala.
[IV-43] Just in some instances, no doubt; but it became known
that Guatemalans disguised as Mexicans committed hostile acts
to bring the soldiers into discredit. Filisola certainly
strove to maintain order and discipline. _Marure_, _Bosq.
Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 89-93; _Filisola_, _El Ciudadano_, 22-8.
[IV-44] José Francisco Barrundia, of whom prominent mention
is made in this history, severely attacked Filisola's
course in a pamphlet, which was replied to in a small book
entitled _El Ciudadano ... Vicente Filisola á José Francisco
Barrundia_, Puebla, 1824, 132 p. The author defends himself,
employing strong invective against his accuser, charging him
with hypocrisy and cowardice. The book gives some historical
data, but owing to its bitterness, must be received with
caution. Filisola after that time figured as a prominent
soldier of the Mexican republic in Texas, and during the war
of the U. S. and Mexico in 1846-8.
[IV-45] _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 877-8.
[IV-46] Practically, the word 'don' never fell into disuse.
The manner of ending official letters was changed from the
former 'Dios guarde á ... muchos años,' to 'Dios, Union,
Libertad.' _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 94; _Id._,
_Efem._, 7.
[IV-47] Decrees of the national assembly of Aug. 21 and Nov.
5, 1823. _Rocha_, _Código Nic._, i. 162; _Guat._, _Recop.
Leyes_, i. 54-5.
[IV-48] _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 33-8, 461-3; _Méx._,
_Col. Dec. Sob. Cong._, 219.
[IV-49] Even the statistics that might have served as a
basis for establishing imposts were not to be found. It was
said that they had all been forwarded to Mexico during the
imperial rule.
[IV-50] He was offended at not being appointed commanding
officer of the battalion.
[IV-51] The author of _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 23-7, accused
the government of allowing the conspiracy to assume serious
proportions with the view of obtaining larger powers,
including that of levying forced loans.
[IV-52] The 14th and 15th had been designated to commemorate
the independence.
[IV-53] A number of persons were killed and others wounded
in the street fight. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i.
102-3. On the 10th of Jan. following those who perished in
defence of the assembly were declared 'beneméritos de la
patria en grado heróico.' _Id._, _Efem._, 8.
[IV-54] Marure, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 104, gives the
almost incredible account that the soldiery behaved in an
orderly manner.
[IV-55] His principal assistant and second in command, Manuel
Estrada, was imprisoned and executed. An erroneous account of
Ariza's revolt is given by Puydt and Binckum, _Colonisation_,
118-19, who place it in 1825, and assert it was effected by
order of the government in Spain.
[IV-56] It found support among some of the deputies who
had not been present at the election of the members of the
executive. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 25.
[IV-57] The last named being a foreigner, congress repealed
the law which admitted only natives to the executive
power, passed July 8th, when Filisola had been proposed as
a candidate. Foreigners who had rendered services to the
republic were made eligible. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent.
Am._, 107.
[IV-58] Villacorta at first declined the position, on the
ground that to exercise, as a mere substitute, the functions
he had just been discharging as proprietary in the office,
affected his honor, 'era un paso que lastimaba su honor.' A
unanimous resolution, however, of the congress, directing him
to fill the office, induced him to accept it. _Id._, 107-8.
It has been said of him for his final acceptance: 'Tuvo la
falta de delicadeza de admitir la suplencia.' _Mem. Rev.
Cent. Am._, 26.
[IV-59] The Salvadoran commander alleged instructions from
his government not to go back till he became convinced that
the assembly could continue its labors without hindrance
in the future. In Guatemala it was said that he had been
prevailed on by the liberal party, somewhat displeased at
the last elections for executive, not to heed the command
to retire. In consequence of the events of Sept. 14th in
Guatemala, the diputacion provincial at San Salvador on the
27th of Oct. assumed the powers of a junta gubernativa, and
exercised them till the constituent congress of the state was
installed. _Marure_, _Efem._, 8.
[IV-60] 'No sin algunos aparatos escandalosos y hostiles de
parte de los salvadoreños.' _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 27.
[IV-61] They had been reported to the chamber by its
committee on the 25th of Oct. _Marure_, _Efem._, 8.
[IV-62] The states had already constituted their governments
by Sept. 1824. Chiapas was not included among the new states.
Her admission was left open for such a time as she should
apply for it, the belief in Cent. Am. being that the province
had not voluntarily attached itself to Mexico. _Guat._,
_Recop. Leyes_, i. 40-2, 59-62, 68, 96-7; _Mem. Rev. Cent.
Am._, 27; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 120-1, 149;
_La Tribuna_, ii., no. 2.
[IV-63] Marure, _Efem._, 12, gives the date as April 10th.
[IV-64] _Cent. Am._, _Informe sobre la Constituc._, 1-73,
and 1-30. This constitution has been called 'el bello
ideal de copiantes y teoristas que soñaron un pueblo para
constituirlo, y que no conocian el país en que nacieron.'
_Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 36.
[IV-65] The asamblea, foreseeing this, had designed La
Antigua as the meeting place of the local congress; but the
latter at its first sittings selected for future times the
capital. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, 179.
[IV-66] Such as to determine the military and financial
budgets, superintend the education of the people, declare war
and conclude peace, and regulate the financial and commercial
interests of the country. Its members were to be elected
at the rate of one for every 30,000 inhabitants. _Id._,
174-5. There were 17 representatives for Guatemala, nine for
Salvador, five for Honduras, six for Nicaragua, and two for
Costa Rica. _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 13. Dunlop, _Cent.
Am._, 164, says Honduras had six representatives.
[IV-67] _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 13. Molina, _Costa Rica_,
19, criticises this organization as follows: 'Se estableció
un senado nulo, un Ejecutivo impotente y un congreso
absoluto.' Necessarily the greater number of representatives
of Guatemala would outweigh those of the other states, and
thus make the constitution only an imperfect copy of that
which had originally served as a model.
[IV-68] Part of the constitution is given in _Rocha_, _Código
Nic._, i. 37-9; on the following pages will be found such
clauses of the old Spanish constitution as were retained
under the new system. See also _Peralta_, _Costa R._, 5;
_Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 13-5.
[IV-69] 'Se hacen libres los esclavos que de reinos
extranjeros pasen á nuestros Estados, por recobrar su
libertad.' _Rocha_, _Código Nic._, i. 212-13; _Guat._,
_Recop. Leyes_, i. 217-9; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._,
i. 133-5; _Id._, _Efem._, 10.
[IV-70] Holders of slaves thus emancipated were to be
indemnified. We are assured that no one ever applied for such
indemnification.
[IV-71] In 1840 Great Britain, would-be champion of the
world's high morality, on one occasion claimed the return
of some fugitive slaves from Belize, and supported the
demand with the presence of a man-of-war. Notwithstanding
her weakness, Central America refused to comply, on the
ground that under her constitution there were no slaves in
the country. _Crowe's Gospel_, 121-2; _Squier's Travels_,
ii. 385-6; _Revue Américaine_, ii. 550; _Dunlop's Cent.
Am._, 163. According to Molina, the number of slaves thus
emancipated was about 1,000.
[IV-72] 'Una confederacion general que representase unida
á la gran familia americana.' _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent.
Am._, 138.
[IV-73] Barclay, Herring, Richardson, & Co., whose agent was
J. Bailey. _Thompson's Guat._, 266; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist.
Cent. Am._, i. 143.
[IV-74] One of the conditions was that the republic should
not contract for another loan within two years. It was
estimated that the debt could be paid in 20 years. _Asamblea
Nac._, _Decreto_, Dec. 6, 1824, in _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist.
Cent. Am._, i. 144. That expectation was not realized.
Details will appear in connection with the finances of the
republic, elsewhere in this volume.
[IV-75] The total number of decrees passed was 137, and of
orders 1186. _El Indicador de Guat._, 1825, no. 16.
[V-1] He is represented as an able man, who had formerly
favored the union with Mexico, but afterward joined
the liberal party, becoming one of its most prominent
members. The author of _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 39-41, 46,
while acknowledging his ability, says that he was 'de
poca delicadeza ... de un carácter falso, y afectando una
franqueza y una moderacion que no le es propia.'
[V-2] The delegates of the different states were in the
following proportion: Guatemala 17, Salvador 9, Honduras and
Nicaragua 6 each, Costa Rica 2. The total number being 40,
and not 34 as Squier erroneously has it. _Travels_, ii. 388.
[V-3] Arce had in his favor the prestige of past services,
and his sufferings in the cause of independence. Valle had
the support of those who objected to Salvadoran predominance.
Moreover, he had been educated in Guatemala, and had property
there; from which circumstances it was surmised that he
would be more in sympathy with that state and the so-called
serviles. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 150; _Mem.
Rev. Cent. Am._, 28-9.
[V-4] The total number of votes for the whole republic was
82, but three had been rejected by congress for various
reasons. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 210-11; _Mem.
Rev. Cent. Am._, 40-1.
[V-5] Salvador insisted on having an episcopal see, in order
to be independent of Guatemala in ecclesiastical affairs.
This was the chief question at issue. Arce promised to
leave its decision to the next congress. _Arce_, _Mem._, 3.
Valle really had obtained more votes than Arce, and congress
defrauded him of his election. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i.
268.
[V-6] Barrundia had been elected upon Valle's refusal to
accept the office, and likewise declined it. Valle protested
against Arce's election as illegal, in several writings,
apparently to little purpose. _El Indicador_, 1825, no. 26
et seq.; _El Liberal_, 1825, no. 7, 8; _Nulidad de la prim.
elec._, passim; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 212-13;
_Id._, _Efem._, 13.
[V-7] Arce, _Mem._, 4, has it April 30th, but in view of the
numerous misprints in his work, the date given in the text is
probably more correct. It is the one supported by _Marure_,
_Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 213; _Squier's Travels_, ii.
388; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 164. Its first president was
Tomás Antonio O'Horan. This court superseded the audiencia
founded in 1544 at Gracias á Dios, and transferred in 1549 to
Guatemala. _Marure_, _Efem._, 14.
[V-8] It was for a defensive and offensive alliance and
equal privileges of trade. It was ratified by the Cent.
Am. govt Sept. 12, 1825. The full text is given in _Rocha_,
_Código Nic._, i. 95-9; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._,
i. xxxviii.-xlvii. See also _Ayon_, _Consid. Lím._, 28-9;
_Gaceta de Salv._, Oct. 12, 1854.
[V-9] It was therein stipulated that the citizens of both
republics should enjoy all the rights granted by one or
the other to the most favored nation. The same rights for
political purposes were also agreed upon, that of free
exercise of religion being included. All clauses of a
commercial character were to be in force 12 years; the others
perpetually. Privileges and rights enjoyed by the citizens of
either republic were to be also allowed to those immigrating
from the other. This treaty was ratified by the younger
republic on the 28th of June, 1826. The text in both English
and Spanish may be seen in _U. S. Govt Doc._, U. S. Acts,
Cong. 19, Sess. 2, Sen. Doc. 1, i. 149-70; _Am. St. Pap._,
For. Rel., v. 774-82; _Gordon's Digest of Laws_, 328-35;
_Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. xlvii.-lxv.
[V-10] Arce's Mess., March 1, 1826, in _Repertorio Am._, i.
274-9; _Santangelo_, _Congreso Panamá_, 73-5.
[V-11] Their newspapers, _El Liberal_ and _Don Meliton_,
charged him with partiality and incapacity. The latter, for
its satire and ridicule, was the more formidable foe, as Arce
himself acknowledges. _Mem._, 5.
[V-12] The departmental chief of Guatemala claimed that he
was not under Arce's authority, but under that of the state,
then residing at La Antigua. Congress empowered the executive
to compel the local authorities to attend the celebration,
and it was done. _Arce_, _Mem._, 8.
[V-13] The total number of decrees enacted was 92, and that
of orders submitted to the executive 308. For more details,
see _El Centro Americano_, 1826, 38.
[V-14] One half of the representatives of every state had to
retire, according to the constitution.
[V-15] He had at first declined the connection, but afterward
accepted it 'para dar rienda suelta á sus resentimientos y
pasiones contra el presidente Arce.' _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._,
48.
[V-16] Text in _Repertorio Am._, i. 273-89.
[V-17] He brought letters of recommendation from Pedro
Molina, who was representing Cent. Am. at Bogotá, and had
a high opinion of him, as he had served under Napoleon.
_Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 230.
[V-18] After he completed that work he was ordered to remain
on the coast till further orders from the government. The
congress tried in vain to prevent it.
[V-19] The reasons adduced by him in his _Mem._, 22-4, and
comments on the same in _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i.
236-7.
[V-20] 'Este asunto se renovaba cada vez que á los diputados
ministeriales convenia paralizar algun golpe contra el
ejecutivo.' _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 51.
[V-21] The deputies of Salvador defended their course in a
long argument, June 8, 1826, calling it an inevitable result
of the unlawful conduct of the majority of congress. _Doc._,
in _Arce_, _Mem._, 10-17.
[V-22] Restricting the archbishop's powers, and placing
him to some extent under civil authority; suppressing the
subventions of curates, and abolishing certain privileges
the clergy had till then enjoyed; tithes were reduced,
and persons under 25 years of age were not allowed to take
monastic vows. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 244-5.
[V-23] The full text of the resignation is given in _Arce_,
_Mem._, 25-7.
[V-24] 'Pondrá sobre las armas toda la fuerza que crea
necesaria.... En caso de resistencia repelerá la fuerza con
la fuerza.' _Id._, 32.
[V-25] On the ground that only Guatemala had paid such
contingent, and even more, and the other states had
arbitrarily eluded payments. Arce was accused, not without
foundation, it seems, of allowing such discrimination.
[V-26] On September 3, 1826; the document merely stipulates
a temporary suspension of hostilities, without further
entering into the question. _Arce_, _Mem._, 39. It has been
asserted that Espínola held a favorable position, and adds:
'A pesar de esto, capituló vergonzosamente'—a charge without
much foundation, in view of the numerical superiority of the
Guatemalan forces. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 52-3.
[V-27] Arce, _Mem._, 39-41, gives a lengthy account of his
deliberations, and doubts whether it would or not be just,
and consistent with his duties, to imprison Barrundia, all of
which is at least doubtful.
[V-28] _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 53. _Crowe's Gospel_, 127,
and _Squier's Travels_, ii. 395, confound the jefe with his
brother José Francisco. The orders were, 'Que en el caso
de resistencia obre fuertemente hasta concluir el arresto y
ocupacion de las armas.' _Arce_, _Mem._, 41-2.
[V-29] This non-resistance is attributed to treachery on
the part of Vera, a Mexican commanding the state forces, who
subsequently entered the federal service. _Marure_, _Bosq.
Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 254-5.
[V-30] _Doc._, in _Arce_, _Mem._, 26.
[V-31] It is a long doc., giving details, and dwelling
specially on the part Raoul had played. _Id._, 27-31.
[V-32] Comments and details on the subject in _Marure_,
_Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 255-8; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._,
53-4.
[V-33] 'Este desenlace hizo ridículo todo lo que antes habia
parecido un golpe maestro.' _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 54.
[V-34] To save appearances, Arce pretended to induce his
supporters to assume their positions in the chamber, but
there is little doubt of its being mere sham. It has been
intimated that even some liberals declined to sit, from
apprehension that an investigation of Arce's conduct might
lead to civil war.
[V-35] Still declaring its allegiance to the federation.
_Gaz. de Méx._, Jan. 25. 1827; _Arce_, _Mem._, 51.
[V-36] The impossibility of obtaining a quorum of members
chosen to the 2d congress, and impending civil war, were
among the reasons assigned for his action. The elections
were to be made on the basis of two deputies for every 30,000
inhabitants, and Cojutepeque in Salvador was appointed as the
place of meeting. This measure was at first well received by
the states, but afterward rejected in consequence of a decree
of the Salvador government on the 6th of Dec., inviting
the federal deputies to meet at the villa of Ahuachapan.
_Marure_, _Efem._, 17; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 56.
[V-37] Oct. 11, 1826. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i.
273; _Corres. Fed. Mex._, Nov. 27, 1826.
[V-38] He sought refuge in the parish church, but was
pursued by the crowd. His only safety lay in the pulpit,
the remonstrances of the religious, and the presence of
the host. The religious succeeded at times in calming the
rabble, promising that Flores should be sent into exile.
But Antonio Corzo, who was in the court-yard with a few
poorly armed militiamen, fired a volley upon the mob, which
became still more excited. The women dragged Flores from the
pulpit, took him out of the temple, 'y le inmolaron en un
claustro bárbara y horrorosamente.' _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._,
57-8. _Squier's Travels_, ii. 396, has it that the Indians
had been infuriated by the harangues of a friar from the
pulpit, and that the rabble slaughtered Flores at the very
foot of the altar, literally rending his body in pieces;
the apparent cause of this vindictiveness of the priests
being that in the general levy of taxes for the state the
property of the convents had not been spared. 'And thus was
the movement started by the aristocrats, seconded by their
allies, the priests.' Ex-president Morazan, referring to that
catastrophe, uses these words: 'Puesto en manos de un feroz
populacho, instigado por las funestas ideas que le inculcaron
sus sacerdotes, pereció al pié de las imágenes de los santos,
á la vista de sus inicuos jueces, y en presencia de la
eucaristía, que estos cubrieran.' _Apuntes_, MS., 4. Flores
had been noted for his charity to the poor, specially to the
Indians, to whom he constantly gave medical aid, medicines,
and other necessaries. The state assembly, after being
restored in 1829, decreed honors to his memory, and ordered
placed in its hall of sessions an inscription in letters of
gold, as follows: 'Al inmortal Vice-jefe Ciudadano Cirilo
Flores, mártir de la Libertad, sacrificado en Quezaltenango,
en las aras de la ley.' In May 1831 the name of Ciudad Flores
was given in his honor to the head town of the district of
Peten. _Marure_, _Efem._, 17, 28.
[V-39] The liberals looked upon it as the result of an
arrangement of Arce and his partisans; the latter declared
it to have resulted from an accident, or rather from violent
acts on the part of liberals in Quezaltenango, such as
forcibly taking horses in the night from private houses and
the Franciscan convent. Marure states that he thoroughly
examined every document bearing on the subject, and found no
evidence against Arce or his party. _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._,
i. 275-85. The author of _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 58, acquits
_Arce_, attributing the act to a sudden popular excitement.
See also _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 15; _Crowe's Gospel_,
127-8; _Pineda_, in _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, iii. 348;
_Corres. Fed. Mex._, Nov. 9, 1826; _Doc._, in _Arce_, _Mem._,
32-3.
[V-40] There was an effort toward reconciliation, the
liberals offering to make concessions, and Arce favoring
their proposals; but the serviles haughtily refused.
[V-41] Owing, it was said, to the publication of a pontifical
bull, which, under Arce's exequatur, had been restricted to
Guatemala by the archbishop, a step that Delgado supposed
to have been by Arce's instigation, or at least a lack of
interest on his part for San Salvador. _Mem. Rev. Cent.
Am._, 60. Arce himself attributed the estrangement to party
intrigues. _Mem._, 60. Dunlop, _Cent. Am._, 165, assigns
disputes about the erection of the bishopric as the cause of
the rupture.
[V-42] Arce, _Mem._, 61, finds fault with Prado's act, when
his own had been just as illegal.
[V-43] Colonel Milla invaded the state with a federal force,
captured Comayagua on the 9th of May, 1827, and arrested
the jefe of the state, Herrera. The whole was a wanton
proceeding. _Morazan_, _Apuntes_, MS., 6-9.
[V-44] The commander of the Salvadorans was unable to explain
his illegal proceeding. _Doc._, in _Arce_, _Mem._, 45-6.
[V-45] Detailed accounts, with copies of the official
exaggerated reports, are given in _Gaz. de Méx._, Apr. 26
till May 1 and May 22, 1827; _Marure_, _Efem._, 19; _Mem.
Rev. Cent. Am._, 62-4. Decree of government of Guatemala on
the subject, March 28, 1827. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 250.
[V-46] Beltranena and several of Arce's officers disapproved
the retaliatory plan. Aycinena, on the contrary, favored it,
though willing to abide by Arce's decision.
[V-47] Both districts had seceded from the state government
of Salvador, attaching themselves to the federal cause.
[V-48] He committed the error of entertaining peace
proposals, which were made only to gain time. He endeavored
to explain it away on the plea of Cent. Am. brotherhood:
'Puedo yo dejar de tener un corazon Centro Americano? No
es posible.' _Arce_, _Mem._, 69. On the same and following
pages is a detailed account of the action, carefully worded
and extolling the bravery of his Guatemalan soldiers.
The official reports are in _El Sol_, Mex., July 3, 1827;
_Marure_, _Efem._, 19.
[V-49] The government of Salvador had in May made peace
proposals, but the federal authorities rejected them.
_Docs._, in _Arce_, _Mem._, 47-57.
[V-50] It was decided in secret session of the state assembly
on the 16th of Oct. that the state had a right to intervene,
and if it was ignored, and treaties displeasing to the state
were concluded, the latter should detach itself from the
federation, and its troops continue occupying the towns they
then held. Arce's letter of Oct. 17, 1827, to Brig. Cáscaras,
in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 22.
[V-51] It may have been of his own seeking, for he must have
seen ere this the great difficulty of conquering San Salvador
with his small force, and that to continue longer in the
field would only bring him into further disrepute.
[V-52] Ex-marqués de Aycinena, brother of the jefe of
Guatemala, called the decree impolitic, illegal, and
arbitrary. The serviles could see that it would restore
the old congress, so hostile to them; and with a majority
against them in both houses, they might have to resort to
the dangerous expedient of driving away the senators and
deputies at the point of the bayonet. It was ridiculous in
them to rail against arbitrariness, when they had arbitrarily
deposed Barrundia in Guatemala and Herrera in Honduras. It
was arbitrary to keep the nation without a congress, which
was their work. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 9, 23.
[V-53] Three brothers Merino, and a Frenchman named
Soumaestra. Rafael Merino was made commander-in-chief. _Mem.
Rev. Cent. Am._, 75; _Arce_, _Mem._, 77.
[V-54] Near the hill of La Trinidad the federal forces which
had control of Honduras were defeated by Nicaraguans and
Salvadorans under Lieut-col Remigio Diaz. _Marure_, _Efem._,
20.
[V-55] It is difficult to see how the Guatemalans could place
faith on pledges so often violated; evidently given to gain
time.
[V-56] This ended the second campaign between Salvadorans and
Guatemalans.
[V-57] This army was to be used, first in subduing Salvador,
and next Guatemala, where Arce encountered more and more
opposition to his plans. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 81-2.
[V-58] The commissioners, as agreed upon, were to meet at
Jutiapa. Those of the general government went there and
waited several days; no Salvadorans appeared.
[V-59] The mutiny took place at Xalpatagua on the 9th of Feb.
_Marure_, _Efem._, 20; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 83-5. Aycinena
wrote his cousin Antonio, who was in the theatre of war, that
in order to hinder all peace arrangements, measures would be
resorted to that were unknown even to Machiavelli. The mutiny
against Perks was evidently one of these measures.
[V-60] He alleged as a reason the unwillingness of Salvador
to enter into negotiations as long as he remained at the head
of affairs. _Arce_, _Mem._, 84-7. The real cause, however,
was a resolution of the assembly of Guatemala demanding his
resignation, and he was unable to disregard it. This course
of the assembly was altogether illegal, but the time for the
expiation of Arce's political sins had arrived. According
to his own statement, he retired to his plantations at Santa
Ana.
[V-61] This was the most bloody fight of the war of 1826-9,
and opened the third campaign between Guatemala and Salvador.
_Marure_, _Efem._, 21.
[V-62] Their supply of ammunition had been destroyed by fire,
and their commander had received a serious contusion. This
fight has been since known as the 'ataque del viérnes santo,'
having taken place on good-friday, March 12, 1828. _Id._, 21.
[V-63] April 13th, action of Quelepa, in which the
Salvadorans were defeated. With that victory, and another at
Guascoran on the 25th of the same month, the whole department
of San Miguel was brought under subjection to the federal
government. June 12th, peace stipulations were signed at the
house of Esquibel, Manuel F. Pavon acting for the federal
government and Matías Delgado for Salvador, by which the
former was to be recognized by the latter, a general diet
was to meet at Santa Ana, and a federal force occupy San
Salvador; but the Salvador government refused to sanction the
arrangement, and the war continued with more fury than ever.
Details on those preliminaries are given in _Mem. Rev. Cent.
Am._, 100-1. July 6th, battle of Gualcho, on the banks of
the Lempa, in the department of San Miguel, between Hondurans
and Guatemalans. The latter, under Col. Dominguez, hitherto
victorious, were utterly defeated. _Marure_, _Efem._, 21-2;
_El Espíritu Púb._, Jan. 18, 1829.
[V-64] Arzú had abandoned them to their fate. _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, i. 47-51.
[V-65] _Morazan_, _Apuntes_, MS.; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._,
i. 53-4. Thus ended disastrously for the federal forces
their third invasion of Salvador territory. The actions of
Gualcho and San Antonio were the first in which the great
Central American soldier and statesman Francisco Morazan
figured as a general. Morazan will stand in history in many
respects as the best, and in all as the ablest, man that
Central America had. He was born in Honduras in 1799, his
father being a French creole from the W. I., and his mother
of Tegucigalpa, in Honduras. His education was such as he
could obtain in the country at that time; but his quickness
of apprehension and thirst for knowledge soon placed him far
above his countrymen. He was of an impetuous temperament, and
possessed at the same time great decision and perseverance.
His bearing was free and manly, and his manner frank and
open. These qualities could not fail to and did secure him
the love and respect of his fellow-citizens, giving him an
immense influence over them. In 1824 he was already occupying
the position of secretary-general of Honduras, and later
was senator, and for a time acting jefe of that state; but
his temperament soon made him turn his attention to martial
affairs. He ever after was noted as a republican of very
liberal views. _Squier's Travels_, ii. 400; _Dunlop's Cent.
Am._, 170-1; _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 17. The writer of
_Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 92, says that Morazan had been at
one time a clerk in a notary's office at Comayagua, where he
'habia dado á conocer disposiciones muy felices, pero poco
honrosas, para la imitacion de letras ó firmas.' It has been
said that Morazan joined the party opposed to the existing
federal government at the instigation of Pedro Molina.
_Gaceta de S. Salv._, Oct. 3, 1851. A portrait of Morazan is
given in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 72.
[V-66] It has been asserted that he offered his services to
Salvador, and was slighted, _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 97-8,
which finds confirmation in Arce's own statement. _Mem._,
88-9. Squier has it that Arce went to Mexico, _Travels_, ii.
402; but this seems to be a mistake, for he was in Guatemala
in 1829.
[V-67] A few days previously, on the 20th, the assembly of
Guatemala decreed a renewal of all the powers of the state,
with the vain purpose of removing one of the obstacles to the
termination of the war. _Marure_, _Efem._, 22.
[V-68] Prado and Morazan offered peace to the Guatemalans
on condition that the federal government should be fully
restored. _El Espíritu Púb._, Feb. 14, 1829.
[V-69] He established his general headquarters in Ahuachapan,
whence raids were constantly made into the enemy's territory.
[V-70] This took place on the 22d of Jan., 1829. The
sedition, though soon quelled, rather hastened the action of
Morazan with his allied Salvador and Honduras force.
[V-71] The repulse was so unimportant, however, that Morazan
does not even mention it in his memoirs. _Marure_, _Efem._,
23; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 61.
[V-72] _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 123; _Marure_, _Efem._, 23,
gives the 18th as the date. Morazan, _Apuntes_, MS., 14,
says with reference to that defeat, 'Cerda acreditó en esta
derrota su ineptitud y cobardía y el enemigo su crueldad
con el asesinato de los vencidos.' After that the town was
given the title of Villa de la Victoria; but later resumed
its original name. This defeat was exaggerated in San
Salvador, where it was reported that Morazan was besieged in
La Antigua, and preparations to meet another invasion were
hastily made.
[V-73] Morazan might have been besieged in La Antigua; for
during his stay there he despatched a force to Quezaltenango,
that should have been followed by another from Guatemala,
and destroyed between the latter and the few forces that
Irisarri might have brought against it in the hard roads of
Istaguacan and Laja; instead of which, Irisarri retreated
toward Soconusco, to be afterward undone and taken prisoner.
Morazan's force occupied Los Altos, took many prisoners,
levied contributions which Irisarri had failed to get from
the Quezaltecs, and left the enemy powerless to recuperate.
_Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 124; _Morazan's Memoirs_, quoted in
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 63.
[V-74] March 6, 1829. The disaster occurred at San Miguelito.
_Morazan_, _Apuntes_, MS., 15. The place received, for that
reason, the name of San Miguel Morazan. The Frenchman Raoul,
now a general under Morazan, figures prominently in the
military operations at this time.
[V-75] On the 15th of March. _Marure_, _Efem._, 23;
_Morazan_, _Apuntes_, MS., 15; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i.
62-3.
[V-76] The federal force that succumbed in Las Charcas was
commanded by their mayor-general, Agustin Prado, not Col
Pacheco, as supposed by some. The federals had no general
now. Cáscaras had lost his reputation, and was distrusted
by the serviles. Arzú would not take the command, or was not
trusted on account of his ill success in the third invasion
of Salvador. Morazan had defeated Milla, Dominguez, Aycinena,
Pacheco, and Prado. _Id._, 63-4.
[V-77] The representatives were, Arbeu for Vice-president
Beltranena, Pavon for Guatemala, Espinosa for Salvador, and
Morazan for Honduras and Nicaragua. The last propositions
of Espinosa and Morazan were the following, namely: 1st.
That a provisional government should be formed in Guatemala,
composed of the chief of the state Mariano Aycinena, Mariano
Prado, and Morazan; 2d. That the two armies should be reduced
to 1,000 men, Guatemalans and Salvadorans in equal parts;
3d. That the provisional government should be installed in
Pinula, and afterward enter Guatemala with that force to
give it strength and preserve order in the state; 4th. A
general forgetfulness of the past. _Morazan_, _Apuntes_, MS.,
5, 16; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 65. It is claimed,
on the other hand, that Morazan really wanted the federal
vice-president and the chief of the state of Guatemala
to throw up their offices, the legislative assembly and
representative council to cease exercising their functions;
and that of 1826, sitting at La Antigua, and which had made
Zenteno chief, was also to dissolve; the supreme court of
justice was to stop acting. Meantime, and until new elections
took place, Morazan was to be clothed with executive,
representative, and judicial powers. Under the pretext
of restoring the sway of law and constitutional order, a
dictatorship, emanating from a war treaty, would have been
created, whose sole object was to reward the victor with
an unlimited authority. The commissioners of the federal
and Guatemalan governments refused to accede, and presented
counter-propositions of a different nature, namely, to the
effect that the existing high functionaries should resign
their powers, and a provisional government be established,
with one representative from each state, to govern till new
elections and the restoration of the constitutional régime.
There were also propositions respecting the government of
the state of Guatemala. Full details in _Mem. Rev. Cent.
Am._, 125-9, 231-6, which are widely different from those in
_Morazan_, _Apuntes_, MS., 16. The government of Mexico, at
the request of that of Guatemala, tendered its mediation on
the 20th of February, but it arrived too late, and there was
nothing left for it to do but to tender the hospitalities
of the Mexican soil to the victims of persecution. The full
correspondence is to be found in _Méx._, _Mem. Rel._, 1830,
2-3; also in _Suarez y Navarro_, _Hist. Méj._, 407-14; this
authority claims that Mexican mediation might have been
finally successful in restoring peace but for the opposition
of the new chief of Guatemala.
[V-78] A long account of the alleged outrages of Morazan's
forces appears in _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 132-3. Marure,
_Efem._, 24, in referring to the capture of Guatemala, makes
no mention of any such abuses.
[V-79] Morazan's answer was addressed to Gen. Aycinena,
not recognizing the latter as chief of Guatemala, Juan
Barrundia's term not having expired when Arce deposed him,
in consequence of which act Aycinena rose to that position.
The dissolved authorities of 1826 were now assembled in La
Antigua, and Morazan held relations with them. Aycinena had
changed his tone; he was no longer the man of the manifestoes
of 1827, of the proscriptive decrees, nor of the stringent
military orders of the first months of 1829. He did not
now call his opponents 'un puñado de enemigos del órden,
descamisados y forajidos.' _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i.
72-5, 79-86.
[V-80] Astaburuaga, _Cent. Am._, 18, erroneously places the
surrender on the 20th. The terms of the capitulation are
given in _Arce_, _Mem._, 98-4; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._,
i. 76-7. Only the life and property of the inhabitants
were guaranteed; the vanquished were in all else subject to
the good-will of the victor. José Milla y Vidaurre, in his
biographical sketch of Manuel Francisco Pavon, who figured
in these events, claims that the capitulation was contrary
to Aycinena's wishes, who was ready to defend the place foot
by foot. Montúfar, quoted above, denies the statement, adding
that it was advanced solely to make the chief of the serviles
and head man of the nobles appear as a hero, and refers to
the correspondence, which will show Aycinena quite anxious to
accept the guarantee of life and property.
[V-81] According to Miguel García Granados, who in later
years was a liberal leader and acting president of Guatemala,
Arce had remained unmolested at his house in sight of the
besiegers during the three days' attack. _Id._, 103.
[V-82] This was done pursuant to orders from the governments
of the states. So says Morazan himself, adding that the
measure was in consonance with his own views, to reduce the
number of prisoners to a minimum, 'y tenia tambien por objeto
poner en absoluta incapacidad de obrar á los principales
jefes que habian llevado la guerra á los Estados.' _Apuntes_,
MS., 16-17.
[V-83] He took charge of the provisional government at the
end of April. Mariano Zenteno, who had held the position
ad int., was given a vote of thanks for his patriotism and
courage. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 127.
[V-84] The federal authorities alleged that their soldiers
only had 431 muskets, and not 1,500, as demanded from them.
_Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 236-9. Morazan says that soldiers were
allowed to leave the city with their arms, infringing the 4th
clause of the capitulation, and he could get only evasive
answers. _Apuntes_, MS., 17; _Arce_, _Mem._, 58-9, 98-103,
from which the conclusion will be drawn that the charges
against the federal party were not unfounded. _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, i. 109-17. On this subject Morazan himself
said: 'No one was put to death, or had money exacted from
him by me. The capitulation was faithfully carried out,
even after being annulled. Duty gave way to magnanimity, and
there was no cause to regret it. Not that there was no blood
to avenge, grievance to punish, and reparation to demand.
Among many other victims sacrificed, there were, calling
for vengeance, generals Pierzon and Merino, the one shot,
without even the form of a trial, the other taken out of a
Chilian vessel on which he intended to return to Guayaquil,
his country, to be murdered in the city of San Miguel. There
were, besides, the burning and plundering of the towns of
Salvador and Honduras, which demanded a just reparation.'
_Apuntes_, MS., 10, 17.
[V-85] He called them to the palace, and some of them
mistaking the object of the summons made their appearance
in full uniform. When all were assembled they were taken to
prison and kept in confinement till July 9th, when most of
them were sent out of the country. _Marure_, _Efem._, 24.
[V-86] _Marure_, _Efem._, 24.
[V-87] Among its acts was one recognizing the services of
Morazan, to whom was due its reinstallation. He was voted
a gold medal, with the word 'benemérito' before his name.
A full-length portrait was ordered placed in the hall
of sessions. The decree, however, was never carried out.
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 129; _Marure_, _Efem._, 25.
[V-88] 'Son reos de alta traicion, y como tales, acreedores á
la pena capital.' _Arce_, _Mem._, 108; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._,
151; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 130.
[V-89] The text is given in full in _Id._, 131-4; _Mem. Rev.
Cent. Am._, 253-7; _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 254-6.
[V-90] 'Y por lo mismo sujetos á la jurisdiccion militar de
los mismos Estados.' _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 134-5.
[V-91] Crowe, _Gospel Cent. Am._, 131, erroneously asserts
that all their property was confiscated.
[V-92] Arce addressed to Morazan a most virulent protest.
He afterward boasted that he had bearded the tyrant. The
very fact that he dared to send such a document, and did
not lose his head, proves that Morazan was not a tyrant.
_Arce_, _Mem._, 113-14. Antonio José Irisarri, Manuel and
Juan Montúfar, protested before the assembly and government
of Salvador, before the assemblies of all the states of
the union, before Gen. Morazan, before all the republics of
America, and before all the free people of the world. The
document was drawn up by Irisarri, who was not a soldier,
though a colonel of militia; the language was pure and
elegant, but it was virulent and full of sophistry. Irisarri
also in several publications boasted of his courage in having
sent such a document. He must have known that it would not
have any effect on Morazan. The latter was a generous man.
The effect would have been different on Rafael Carrera, whom
the serviles at a later period made their master, as well as
of the whole country. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 135-6.
[V-93] Marure has it in _Efem._, 25; _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, i. 137-9.
[V-94] Portrait in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 138.
[V-95] The senate, dissolved in 1826, was reinstalled July
9th. _Marure_, _Efem._, 25.
[V-96] Arce, _Mem._, 122-3, and _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._,
167-9, assert that they were not even allowed to make
preparations for the journey, and many had furthermore to
start on foot. The decree of expatriation was not, however,
issued till August 22d, and José del Valle is said to have
been its author. The persons thus exiled for life were
Arce and Beltranena, and their ministers, Aycinena and
his secretaries, Cáscaras, Villar, and other high military
officers, Spaniards not naturalized that served the usurping
governments, and many other prominent officers. Others were
expatriated for various terms of years. _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, i. 144-50; _Marure_, _Efem._, 26. Arce and Aycinena
left Guatemala on the 7th of Sept. They were required to
reside in the U. S. of Am.; embarked at Omoa for Belize, and
thence went to New Orleans.
[V-97] Dunlop, _Cent. Am._, 177, and Squier, _Travels_, ii.
408, speak of plots against the republic as the reason, but
it was probably what the liberal party alleged.
[V-98] This step was subsequently approved by the federal
congress. _Marure_, _Efem._, 25; _Rocha_, _Código Nic._, ii.
373. The friars sent away were the Dominicans, Franciscans,
and Recollects. Those of the order of Mercy were not
banished; they were but few, and had not been active against
the liberal cause. The Bethlehemite hospitallers, who devoted
their time to teaching and to the care of convalescents,
were also allowed to remain. The author of _Mem. Rev. Cent.
Am._, 170, says that the exiled priests were on the passage
vilely treated, for they were allowed only sailors' rations.
Montúfar confesses that it is not likely that the 289 friars
had the succulent viands that were usually prepared for them
in their convents, nor the dainty dishes they were so often
favored with from the nuns, beatas, and all the daughters
of confession. As for the archbishop, he journeyed with
every comfort. Juan B. Asturias, who made the inventory of
his property, reported on 31st of Dec., 1829, that $218 had
been paid for a saddled mule to take the archbishop to the
coast; he was allowed $2,000 for the expenses of his journey,
and $1,008.50 were given to the pages for conveying him and
his effects. A person having all that cannot be said to be
unprovided with edibles. Saint Peter would not have needed so
much. _Reseña Hist._, i. 156-7.
[V-99] In June 1830 he was declared a traitor. It has been
said that it was because he accepted a pension of $3,000
from the Spanish government at Habana. Archbishop Casaus was
later appointed to administer the vacant see of Habana, and
held the office till his death. The above-mentioned law was
revoked by the constituent assembly on the 21st of June,
1839, and Casaus was restored to all his former rights,
and recognized as legitimate archbishop. He was repeatedly
invited to return, but never would do so. _Guat._, _Recop.
Leyes_, i. 242-3.
[V-100] This declaration was subsequently confirmed by
all the states. At a later time—Feb. 27, 1834—a further
step was taken to consummate the suppression of monastic
establishments, ordaining that the authorities should not
retain the nuns refusing to reside in the convents where
they professed. These measures continued in force till June
21, 1839, when the second constituent assembly of Guatemala
repealed them, decreeing, consequently, the reëstablishment
of the suppressed convents. _Marure_, _Efem._, 25.
[V-101] He had been declared elected on the 22d of Aug.,
1829. Antonio Rivera Cabezas had been chosen vice-jefe.
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 172-4, giving also a portrait
of Molina.
[V-102] Because the number of Guatemalan representatives in
the federal congress would be greatly decreased. Moreover,
several of the best public buildings in the city would become
national property. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 200.
[V-103] By his plan a congress representing the entire union
was to wield the executive powers in foreign affairs. The
scheme fell through, owing to the little interest shown
by the states, and to the powerful opposition of persons
holding or aspiring to federal offices, among the most
prominent being Morazan. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 201-3, dwells
extensively and comments on the subject.
[V-104] Full particulars in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i.
205-17.
[V-105] This report came from Gen. Mariano Mantilla,
commanding the Colombian district of the Magdalena, dated
Jan. 8, 1829, and addressed to the jefe of Nicaragua. It was
a long time in getting to Guatemala, and the government and
Gen. Morazan at once made preparations for the defence of the
coast.
[V-106] See my _Hist. Mex._, v. 72-6.
[V-107] Under this decree some of the Spanish property was
sold; but after a while, upon the receipt of favorable news
from Mexico, and when there was a quasi certainty that Spain
would not again make such attempts as that against Tampico,
the law was revoked. But property already sold was declared
to be legally disposed of, adding that the former owners
should not be indemnified therefor till Spain had recognized
Central American independence. The texts of both the federal
and Guatemalan decrees may be seen in _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, i. 182-7.
_Memorias para la Historia de la Revolucion de Centro
América. Por un Guatemalteco._ Jalapa, 1832. 16mo, 257 pp.
The authorship of these memoirs was attributed by
well-informed men, namely, Morazan, ex-president of Central
America, and the distinguished statesman and diplomate of
that country, Lorenzo Montúfar, to Manuel Montúfar, who had
been chief of staff of the first president of the republic,
Manuel José Arce. The work begins with the geography and
political and ecclesiastical divisions of the country,
accompanied with data on each of the states and
territories; namely, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Poyais,
Honduras, Salvador, Guatemala, and Chiapas, together with
some remarks on mining and other industries, military
defences, and financial condition. The political portion,
as the author himself acknowledges, is loosely put
together, and lacks many necessary details, which he
attributes to absence from home when the first sheets went
to the press. He claims, however, to have impartially and
correctly narrated the events of Cent. Am. history from
1820 to 1829. This to some extent is true; nevertheless
there crops out in places class-bias, particularly in
describing the events from 1826 to 1829, by the ideas which
prevailed in the moderado, otherwise called servile, party,
in which he was affiliated and serving, and for whose acts
he, like many others, was driven into exile after the
defeat of that party on the field of battle.
_Manuel José Arce_, _Memoria de la Conducta Pública y
Administrativa de ... durante el período de su
presidencia._ Mex., 1830. 8vo, p. 140 and 63. This work
purports to be a defence of his administration by the first
president of the republic of Central America, against what
he calls the slanders heaped upon his name by those who
rebelled against the government and the nation, with
documents bearing on the revolts, the whole having been
prepared while the author was in exile. The book is a
disconnected, disjointed patchwork, incomplete in its
various records of events, and indicates, as does Arce's
career, a weak character. A number of meaningless and inapt
quotations from the old classics and from law-books help to
confuse the narrative still more.
[VI-1] Most of them had been agents of Milla, and contributed
to the overthrow of the state government. A number had moved
to Guatemala, Salvador, and elsewhere. The most prominent
in the list were the ex-provisor, Nicolás Irias, and Pedro
Arriaga. The latter was sent out of the country from the
port of Omoa. He had been Milla's chief agent and adviser,
and brought about the destruction by fire of Comayagua, his
native place. This will account for his hostility in after
years to liberals, and for his active coöperation with the
despots of Guatemala. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 190.
[VI-2] The pretext for the movement was to resist a moderate
tax established by the legislature; the real object was to
bring on a reaction.
[VI-3] The friendship existing between Barrundia and Molina,
from the earliest period of their political life, previous to
the independence, became weakened, threatening a disruption
of the liberal party. The disagreement was increased by
Molina's opposition to the federal government remaining in
Guatemala.
[VI-4] The same who made the revolt of Xalpatagua, murdered
Gen. Merino at San Miguel, and was defeated at Gualcho.
[VI-5] _Marure_, _Efem._, 26.
[VI-6] Forty-one of them, including the clergyman Antonio
Rivas, were sentenced to military duty in the castle of San
Felipe for five years. Father Rivas, after serving out his
term, said that he was an innocent victim and a martyr of
religion, and prayed upon the liberals all the maledictions
of the 108th psalm. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 196.
[VI-7] Composed of the citizens Nicolás Espinosa, José
Antonio Larrave, Manuel José de la Cerda, and Jacobo Rosa.
[VI-8] Barrundia did not want the position, and did not
work for it. He wished Morazan to be elected. Morazan had
in his favor the prestige of a victorious general. He was
somewhat in the position of Bonaparte when he returned from
Egypt. Valle was recognized to be the best informed man of
Central America; none could compete with him in literary
or scientific attainments. In politics he was always an
opponent of the aristocracy, who execrated his memory, and
even impudently pretended to deny his literary merits. But
we have seen elsewhere that he was not, like Barrundia,
an uncompromising opponent of all governments not based on
democracy and republicanism. He compromised with the Mexican
empire, was a deputy to the imperial congress, where he made
a brilliant record, and became a minister of the emperor, who
sent him to prison when he dissolved the congress. After the
emperor's overthrow, Valle maintained that the provinces of
Central America were free to act their own pleasure. He was a
popular man, but Morazan's victorious sword eclipsed all else
just then. _Id._, 268.
[VI-9] It was the same question that occurred in 1825
between Arce and Valle. The congress at that time, in order
to exclude Valle, decided in favor of the former. Valle
published pamphlets in favor of the latter principle, and the
congress of 1830 acted upon his arguments.
[VI-10] Among the warmest were those of the legislature of
Guatemala. The spokesman for the committee presenting them
was Alejandro Marure.
[VI-11] This was a common course with our brethren across the
Atlantic. _Marure_, _Efem._, 27; _Squier's Travels_, ii. 414.
[VI-12] This was on the 21st of Nov., at about 11 p. m.
[VI-13] _Larrainzar_, _Soconusco_, 80; _Morazan y Carrera_,
MS., no. 3, 9, say troops from Mexico, which is doubtful.
[VI-14] Details on this campaign are given in _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, i. 348-65.
[VI-15] The national armed schooner _Deseada_ took the
_Ejecutivo_. The Spanish flags that waved over the fort
and the latter vessel were dragged through the streets of
Guatemala, tied to the tails of horses, on the day of the
national anniversary. Ramon Guzman was executed at Omoa
on the 13th of Sept., by order of Col Agustin Guzman, who
commanded, Terrelonge being bedridden by a serious illness.
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 377-81; _Marure_, _Efem._, 29.
[VI-16] A man who, though amenable to exile under the law of
expulsion, had been pardoned at his repeated supplications.
[VI-17] Duplessis died like a hero. His execution was a
murder, similar to that of Gen. Merino. Both instances
served as an example of what the liberals might expect if the
serviles got the upper hand again.
[VI-18] Among them were a number of rosaries and prayers to
the virgin of Guadalupe, supposed to possess the power of
benumbing the enemy in the fight.
[VI-19] He is said not to have shown at the hour of his
execution that courage which was manifested by his victims at
the scaffold.
[VI-20] It was probably unfounded; and yet the fact stands
that though often requested to make Arce reside farther
in the interior, the Mexican authorities never did it.
Arce recruited his men, issued proclamations, and built
forts undisturbed by the Chiapanec officials, who, on the
other hand, exerted themselves to hinder the action of the
government forces.
[VI-21] This man was a servile at heart, and undoubtedly
had secret relations with the invaders; as was shown in the
proclamation of Dominguez and Father Herrera, in the praises
the serviles awarded him, and in his rebellion. _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, i. 334, 382.
[VI-22] It is understood they were jealous in Salvador
of Guatemala's influence in the federal policy. Cornejo
claimed that what he wanted was reforms in the national
constitution. Reforms were certainly necessary, and if they
had been adopted in good faith by the states, the union
might have been saved. The executive had no participation
in the framing of laws, either directly or indirectly; he
had not the sanction of them, nor could he veto or suspend.
It was the senate, as the council of the government, that
sanctioned the laws. That body, elected very like the
chamber of deputies, was the judge of ministers and other
functionaries. It nominated the officials, and at the same
time had legislative, administrative, and judicial powers.
The president of the republic had no independent place of
abode, and was ever at the mercy of the state where the
federal government had its seat; at best, he was the object
of that state's benevolent hospitality. On the other hand, he
was the target of all the assaults promoted by the spirit of
localism for or against that state. It was therefore evident
that a federal district was a necessity; one which the states
would look upon as common property, and would foster and
advance.
[VI-23] Galvez' record is not clean in the eyes of many
liberals. He had belonged to the imperial party, and had been
leagued with the aristocracy. He was a patriot, it is true,
but his patria was Guatemala; his patriotism did not embrace
all Central America. Such is the opinion given of him, with
his portrait, by Montúfar, in _Reseña Hist._, i. 296.
[VI-24] Besides, Cornejo had officially said that Morazan had
neither supporters nor prestige in Salvador.
[VI-25] Galvez had wanted arrangements made to repel
invaders, but leaving Cornejo, though he disliked his
indiscreet acts, in his position. Morazan was, on the
contrary, impressed with the idea that Cornejo's deposal was
a necessity.
[VI-26] The act outlawed all persons who having been expelled
from Nicaraguan territory should uphold the authorities of
Salvador. Correspondence with the enemies of the country, or
any expression, verbal or written, favoring them, were made
punishable by death. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 338.
[VI-27] Cornejo had consented to negotiate, believing the
force on the frontier to be controlled by Guatemala; but on
ascertaining that it was under Morazan's orders, and that
Galvez had merely intended a mediation without being recreant
to his federal obligations, his commissioners broke off the
conferences under various pretexts.
[VI-28] It was a great mistake, perhaps, not to have given
the state time to reflect, when it might have gone back
quietly to the union. As it was, liberals were for the first
time arrayed against liberals, and the shedding of blood
begat animosities that never could be healed. The serviles,
of course, gladly fanned the flame.
[VI-29] In fact, they hardly made any resistance. The
president's casualties were trifling. _Marure_, _Efem._, 30;
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 340.
[VI-30] The following facts are taken from _Bosq. Hist.
Cent. Am._, lib. iii., chap. 14. Filisola in 1823 needed
2,000 bayonets to take San Salvador. In 1827-8, Arce, Arzú,
and Montúfar failed to do it with an equal, if not a larger
force. In 1832 Morazan with only 800 men made himself
master of the place in less than two hours. The object of
these remarks was to show that no credit should be given to
Morazan's detractors in their attempts to lessen his military
reputation. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 343.
[VI-31] There were 38 of them, including Cornejo and Antonio
J. Cañas.
[VI-32] The new rulers, raised to power under the auspices of
the victor, declared those of 1831 and the beginning of 1832
to have been illegitimate, and organized courts for the trial
of treason. The decrees of June 7 and 26, and July 28, 1832,
were severe; fortunately, they were not executed with the
same animosity displayed in enacting them. _Marure_, _Efem._,
30.
[VI-33] Nicaragua seceded Dec. 3, 1832; Guatemala, Jan. 27,
1833; Salvador repeated her declaration on Feb. 13, 1833;
Honduras and Costa Rica separated themselves, respectively,
on the 19th of May and 18th of Sept., 1833. _Marure_,
_Efem._, 32; _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 42-3; _Astaburuaga_,
_Cent. Am._, 20; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 184; _Crowe's Gospel_,
134; _Squier's Travels_, ii. 417.
[VI-34] 'Todos los habitantes de la república son libres para
adorar á Dios segun su conciencia, y que el gobierno nacional
les proteje en el ejercicio de esta libertad.' _Marure_,
_Efem._, 31. José F. Barrundia is said to have effectively
fathered this resolution. _Salv._, _Gaceta_, Oct. 12, 1854.
[VI-35] July 8, 1833. Barrundia's speech in closing the
congress is given in _El Centro Americano_, July 11, 1833,
57-69.
[VI-36] This jealousy had developed during the states' rights
agitation.
[VI-37] Guatemala rejected this convocation by an act of
June 2, 1833. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 240-1. A project
appeared in the _Centro Americano_ of June 11, 1833, 28-30,
to terminate the question of equal numerical representation
in congress for the five states. It was proposed to divide
the territory into three states of about the same population
each, the executive authority to be alternately held by the
presidents of the three states. The plan was impracticable.
[VI-38] The adoption of such a plan by the federal congress
could not be secured until July 18, 1838. The decree of
convocation issued on that date was generally accepted,
and yet the diet never met till March 17, 1842. _Marure_,
_Efem._, 33.
[VI-39] The correspondence between the state governments for
the strict vigilance on the coast of that state appears in
_El Centro Americano_, Oct. 18, 1833; _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, ii. 41-2.
[VI-40] Pursuant to a resolution of the national congress
of June 25, 1833. As early as 1826 the government of
Salvador had tried to have the federal authorities reside
at least 40 leagues from Guatemala. Similar requests
had been subsequently made by other states; and even in
the legislature of Guatemala reiterated motions had been
presented to the same effect. But the federalist party,
as long as it was in the majority in congress, strenuously
opposed the removal, believing that it would bring about, as
it actually did, the downfall of the federal system, and the
dissolution of the federal authorities. _Marure_, _Efem._,
34. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 58-9, remarks that
Marure when he wrote the first two volumes of his _Bosquejo
Histórico_ was a liberal; in his _Efemérides_, written
later, he speaks like a conservative. The change of tone is
attributed to the iron influence of the government from whom
he had a salary as a professor. Lastarría, in _La América_,
250, erroneously attributes the transfer to Morazan's action
to break up the influence of the oligarchical party in
Guatemala.
[VI-41] The affray lasted five hours; the federal force being
under Gen. Salazar, and that of Salvador under Col. José D.
Castillo. _Marure_, _Efem._, 36.
[VI-42] Decree of vice-president of Sept. 1, 1834.
[VI-43] The legislature of the state had made a cession of
the territory for the purpose on the 28th of Jan., 1835. On
the 9th of March, 1836, the district was enlarged by the
addition of Zacatecoluca. The national government had its
capital in San Salvador till the 3d of May, 1839, when the
assembly of San Salvador resumed possession of the whole
territory that had been ceded. _Id._, 37; _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, ii. 165-7. Dunlop, _Cent. Am._, 187, says that the
district occupied San Salvador and ten leagues of territory
surrounding it. _Squier's Travels_, ii. 419; _Crowe's
Gospel_, 136.
[VI-44] The opposition came not only from the serviles,
but from not a few liberals. It contained many liberal and
equable modifications. _Marure_, _Efem._, 37, says it did not
contain 'las alteraciones sustanciales que reiteradas veces
se habian propuesto por las legislaturas de los estados,'
for which reason it was not accepted by the states, except
Costa Rica, which expressed assent May 7, 1835. Squier,
_Travels_, ii. 422, also says that only Costa Rica expressed
an acceptance of the proposed constitution, adding that
the opposing states wanted different, and in most cases
irreconcilable, reforms. Montúfar, _Reseña Hist._, ii.
169-73, giving details, asserts that both Nicaragua and Costa
Rica accepted the reforms.
[VI-45] The assembly of Guatemala decreed, after hearing
several eulogistic motions, that all the state officials
residing in the capital should wear the badge of mourning
three days; that the bells of the churches should be tolled
morning, noon, and eve of each day; that a portrait of Valle,
contributed by the members of the legislature, should be
placed in its hall of sessions; and that the other states
should be requested to make manifestations of sorrow for the
loss of their distinguished statesman and savant. Salvador,
on the 9th of Apr., 1834, decreed similar honors. Marure, in
his _Efemérides_, 35, bestows the highest praise on Valle.
'Perdió Centro América, con el fallecimiento del licenciado
José del Valle, uno de sus mas distinguidos hijos.' This
remark is followed by a sketch of Valle's career, which has
been given by me elsewhere. Montúfar, _Reseña Hist._, ii.
95-9, also eulogizes Valle and gives his portrait.
[VI-46] It was so formally declared by the federal congress,
Feb. 2, 1835, with the clause that he should be placed in
possession of the office on the 14th. _Id._, 155-7.
[VI-47] Feb. 15, 1835. _El Correo Atlántico_, May 9, 1835.
[VI-48] The first colonists, 63 in all, arrived from London
on the schooner _Mary Ann Arabella_, under a Mr Fletcher.
Their settlement took the name of Abbotsville. _Marure_,
_Efem._, 38.
[VI-49] Many of the immigrants died, while others returned
to England or went to the West Indies, but few remaining.
Dunlop, _Cent. Am._, 191, makes appropriate remarks on
the 'infatuation in Europeans to attempt colonizing on
pestiferous shores, under a burning sun, where no native of a
temperate region, not even those of the interior of the same
country, can enjoy tolerable health.' See also Astaburuaga's
comments on the undertaking. _Cent. Am._, 25. A glowing and
favorable account of the enterprise was issued as late as
1839. See _Cent. Am., Brief Statement_, 1 _et seq._
[VI-50] On the 6th of March, 1837. _Marure_, _Efem._, 39;
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 353.
[VI-51] B. Lambur, commissioned by Galvez, jefe of Guatemala,
to report on the origin and progress of the disease, wrote
from Aceituno April 3d: 'There can be no doubt that cholera
came by way of Omoa to Gualan, thence went to Zacapa and to
Esquipulas, this last-named town being the focus whence it
has irradiated with such velocity to the towns at present
infested.' Esquipulas is a species of Mecca which people from
all parts of Central America and Mexico visit in January of
each year, to worship an image of Christ, to which countless
miracles have been attributed. In the _Boletin de Noticias
del Cólera_ of Apr. 4, 1837, appear the following words, 'En
San Sur han muerto muchos romeristas de Esquipulas.' _Id._,
351-3. The fact is, that the disease had been doing havoc in
the towns near the northern coast since Feb., and gradually
spread throughout the rest of the state and republic till
toward the end of the year, when it abated. The first case
in the city of Guatemala occurred on the 19th of April.
The mortality in that city during the invasion was 819, or
a little over the 44th part of the population, which was
much smaller than in other less populated cities. _Marure_,
_Efem._, 40. See also _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 193-4; _Salv.
Diario Ofic._, Feb. 14, 1875; _Rocha_, _Código Nic._, i.
215-16; ii. 163-4.
[VI-52] _Squier's Travels_, ii. 427-8. Montúfar, _Reseña
Hist._, ii. 370-2, gives copies of the documents that were
circulated.
[VI-53] Such as making them swallow the contents of their
medicine-chests, or pouring water down their throats till
they died, a circumstance that was always looked upon as
an evidence of guilt. _Crowe's Gospel_, 141. Montgomery,
_Guat._, speaks of an Englishman who was nearly killed by the
water torture inflicted by an enraged Indian mob.
[VI-54] On the plains of Ambelis, near Santa Rosa,
accompanied with imprecations against the ley de jurados
and the so-called 'envenenadores.' It was the beginning of a
struggle which, in less than two years, wrought a complete
change in public affairs. _Marure_, _Efem._, 41, copied by
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 353; _Squier's Travels_, ii.
428.
[VI-55] Tempsky, _Mitla_, 337, says that Carrera was born
in Santa Rosa, misled probably by the circumstance that the
first Indian outbreak under his lead occurred there. He was
born about 1815 or 1816, and was the illegitimate offspring
of Antonio Aycinena, a member of one of the chief families
of Guatemala, and of Manuela Carrillo, a servant in the
paternal mansion. Through the influence of the Aycinenas he
was immediately after his birth adopted by one Juana Rosa
Turcios, whose husband's name of Carrera the boy subsequently
was given. Such is the version of the author of a manuscript
written in July 1844, and entitled _Orígen de Carrera_, in
_Morazan y Carrera_, no. 4, 1 _et seq._, the authenticity
of which is made doubtful by some inaccuracies in other
statements, the object evidently being to give Carrera's
descent a little respectability. Stephens, _Cent. Am._, i.
225, says that in 1829 he was a drummer-boy, leaving the
army after the capture of Guatemala by Morazan, and retiring
to Mataquescuintla, where he became a pig-driver, or, as
Montgomery, _Guat._, 143-4, has it, a dealer in hogs, having
risen in the federal army as high as corporal. Dunlop, _Cent.
Am._, 195, followed by _Crowe's Gospel_, 141, and _Squier's
Trav._, ii. 429, essentially confirms Stephens' statements.
Belly, _Nic._, i. 75, adds that Carrera was for a time
employed in the plantation of a Frenchman named Laumonier,
near La Antigua. Montúfar says of him: 'Un joven como de
25 años, sin ninguna educacion, ni conocimientos de ningun
género, pues no conocia siquiera el abecedario. Los primeros
años de su vida los empleó, ya de sirviente doméstico, ya
de apacentador de cerdos, ya de peon en los trabajos de
campo.' The same authority refers to Milla's eulogies of
Carrera, where the words occur, 'Carrera á pesar de su falta
de educacion, y de los hábitos de la vida del campo,' which
might have secured for Milla lodgings in the dungeons of the
castle of Guatemala. The same writer repeats the assertion
often made against the jesuit Paul, later bishop of Panamá,
and raised to the position of archbishop of Bogotá, that he
said at Carrera's death, in his funeral oration, that the man
whose corpse was descending into the tomb was on the right
side of God the father. All repentant villains are given
some such post-mortem place by sympathizing ministers of the
gospel.
[VI-56] In the early days they assured the Indians that he
was their protecting angel Rafael, and resorted to tricks to
favor the delusion. _Squier's Travels_, ii. 429-30.
[VII-1] On the 15th of June. _Marure_, _Efem._, 41. Gen.
Carrascosa's report of his victory, with details, in
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 356-9.
[VII-2] Among the sufferers was Carrera's wife, which
circumstance, it is said, awakened in him an implacable
hatred. _Stephens' Cent. Am._, i. 226; _Crowe's Gospel_,
142. Montgomery, _Guat._, 144, states that Carrera was then
commanding a few men of the military cordon established
because of the epidemic, which he induced to rebel.
[VII-3] The hostilities now carried on partook more of the
character of highway robbery than of orthodox war, both
parties being plundered; but the liberals were the greater
sufferers.
[VII-4] The provisional government constituted at La
Antigua placed itself under the protection of the federal
authorities. _Marure_, _Efem._, 42.
[VII-5] The division was created by José Francisco Barrundia.
It is said that he joined the discontented because the jefe
Galvez refused him a high office for one of his relatives.
_Stephens' Cent. Am._, i. 227. But looking over the
correspondence that passed between them in June 1837, the
conclusion is that the cause of the disagreement was not
a personal one. Barrundia opposed the convocation of the
assembly to an extra session, and all the decrees enacted by
it. The correspondence produced much sensation. Galvez ended
accusing Barrundia of having adopted, when he was president
of the republic, some measures similar to those he had now
censured. The most serious charge against Barrundia was his
persecution of Padre Rojas, to which the former answered
that the priest had been at the head of the insurgents who
proclaimed the Spanish domination on the Atlantic coast,
and though outlawed for that offence, was not executed.
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 377-407.
[VII-6] The battalion La Concordia mutinied on the 26th of
January.
[VII-7] Stephens, loc. cit., places these events in February,
but he is evidently mistaken. Marure, _Efem._, 43, gives the
29th of Jan. as the date.
[VII-8] At 4 P. M. of Jan. 28, 1838. _Id._, ii. 543.
[VII-9] Galvez well knew of the relations existing between
Carrera and the revolutionists of La Antigua. The convention
of Guarda Viejo would have saved the situation. Had the
forces of the city, consisting of 411 men, been placed under
Morazan, they with those of Sacatepequez would have been too
strong for Carrera, and he would not have entertained the
idea that a powerful party looked to him for aid.
[VII-10] Full details appear in Gen. Carrascosa's
correspondence given in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii.
589-97.
[VII-11] Among them were Miguel García Granados, the brothers
Arrivillaga, and their relations the Zepedas, together with
the Barrundias.
[VII-12] He was in all this affair guided by the priests.
Barrundia was accused throughout Central America of having
brought about Carrera's invasion of the capital. The
serviles, who were responsible for all Carrera's iniquities,
have endeavored to place some of the odium on that patriot,
who had nothing to do with it. Indeed, had Barrundia gone
to Carrera's headquarters, he would probably have been shot.
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 573; _Squier's Travels_, ii.
432.
[VII-13] The chiefs of Sacatepequez had become convinced of
their inability to take the city, or even to properly besiege
it.
[VII-14] Dunlop, _Cent. Am._, 198, and Crowe, _Gospel_, 143,
erroneously say it was on the 30th of January.
[VII-15] _Marure_, _Efem._, 43, places this event on the 2d
of Feb., 1838.
[VII-16] Carrera himself is described as having on a pair of
coarse frieze trousers, and a fine coat with gold embroidery
belonging to Gen. Prem, which had been taken by Monreal.
For a chapeau the new general wore a woman's hat with a
green veil, the property of Prem's wife, who was known as
La Colombiana. In lieu of decorations Carrera had on his
breast a number of 'escapularios del Cármen,' symbolizing the
religion he had come to protect. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._,
ii. 574.
[VII-17] It seems that a large portion of the men and women
had never seen a city before.
[VII-18] The physician Quirino Flores, who belonged to the
opposition party, and was an intimate friend of Carrascosa
and Carballo, believing that his house would be a place of
safety, induced the vice-president and his family to use
it. It so happened that a small force of Galvez entered the
house, fired upon the invaders from the windows and retired.
The men fired upon were not of the force from La Antigua,
but some of Carrera's savage horde, called from that time
'cachurecos,' who rushed into the house, fired upon the
family, wounding one of the women and a child, and killing
José Gregorio Salazar, the vice-president. Salazar was born
in San Salvador in 1793, and had two brothers, Cárlos,
the general, and Francisco, who as a captain was killed
in action on the 23d of June, 1834. José Gregorio Salazar
was one of the leaders in whom Morazan reposed the highest
trust. As senator, president of the senate, jefe of Salvador,
vice-president of the republic, and acting executive at such
times as Morazan assumed personal command of the troops,
Salazar unswervingly supported progressive principles. His
portrait shows a fine and intelligent face. The murder of
the vice-president, instead of calling for execration on the
part of the priests, Duran, Lobo, Nicolás Arellano, Antonio
Gonzalez, and others, only brought out their diatribes
against the victim. _Id._, 576-9.
[VII-19] It was found at first difficult to elicit a
satisfactory answer from him. The pillaging, though not
officially decreed, had been carried on mostly in the houses
of foreigners. Charles Savage, U. S. consul at Guatemala,
has been highly praised for his intrepidity in protecting
from the infuriated Indians the foreign residents and their
property. _Montgomery's Guat._, 146; _Stephens' Cent. Am._,
i. 233-4.
[VII-20] There being no money in the treasury, it was
borrowed from private persons. _Stephens' Cent. Am._, i. 227
et seq., copied by Larenaudière, _Mexique et Guat._, 298-9.
The facts appear in the records of the asamblea.
[VII-21] Had he resisted, the reënforced troops of La Antigua
would in all probability have defeated his undisciplined
rabble. This would not have suited Father Duran and the other
priests, who expected their own triumph through Carrera's
success. Those same priests aided Barrundia and Valenzuela
to rid the city of himself and his men. _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, ii. 584.
[VII-22] The priest who seemed to exercise the greatest
influence on Carrera was named Lobo, a man of dissolute
character, who always accompanied him as a sort of
counsellor.
[VII-23] _Los Altos, Manif. Document._, 1-28. The federal
congress ratified the separation on the 5th of June,
1838; the departments were, however, reincorporated a year
after. _Marure_, _Efem._, 43; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 198;
_Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 28. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._,
iii. 9-23, furnishes a detailed account of the events
preceding and following the separation. The provisional
government then established was a triumvirate formed by
Marcelo Molina, José M. Galvez, and José A. Aguilar.
[VII-24] Stephens, _Cent. Am._, i. 239-42, details some of
the military movements, which are not of sufficient interest
to reproduce here. Marure, _Efem._, 43-4, says that Morazan
attacked the rebels on the hill of Mataquescuintla; 'pero
despues de tres meses de combates, marchas, contramarchas,
y todo género de maniobras, el ejército de operaciones tiene
que replegarse á la capital ... sin haberse adelantado nada
en la pacificacion de aquellos pueblos.'
[VII-25] On the 18th of June, 1838, the vice-jefe Valenzuela,
and the deputies Pedro Molina, José Gándara, José F.
Barrundia, Bernardo Escobar, Pedro Amaya, Felipe Molina, and
Mariano Padilla, laid a paper before the federal congress
on the war and its consequences. In this document they say,
among other things, that it had been moved in the asamblea
of Guatemala to authorize the restoration of the archbishop
and of the religious orders, to abolish divorce, and to
declare void the decrees of 1829, 'decretos que sostuvieron
entónces la revolucion en favor de las instituciones y de la
libertad.' They accuse the serviles of perversely attempting
to render the representatives of liberalism and progress
hateful in the eyes of the ignorant populace. _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, iii. 47.
[VII-26] Arguments, cajolery, entertainments, and every
other possible means were employed to induce him to swerve
from the principles he had always upheld. Barrundia looked
aghast on their proceedings, and describing them, says it is
impossible to realize 'el envilecimiento, la miseria ruin de
este partido noble aristocrático.' The haughty patricians,
represented by Pavon, Batres, Aycinena, and their confreres,
fawned at his feet, covered him with flowers, disgusted him
with their flattery, feasted him to satiety, and patiently
bore his contemptuous rebuffs as long as they hoped to win
him over. After their failure, sarcasm, ridicule, and abuse
were heaped upon him and his name. Had Morazan's morals been
equal to those of the serviles, he might have accepted the
dictatorship, assumed the full powers, and then crushed them;
but he was an honest man, who always acted in good faith.
_Id._, 175-9.
[VII-27] On the 30th of May it passed an act declaring
the states free to constitute themselves as they might
deem best, preserving, however, the popular representative
form of government. This amendment to the 12th art. of
the constitution of 1824 was accepted by all the states,
excluding the restrictions contained in the federal decree
of June 9, 1838, which was rejected by a majority of the
legislatures. _Marure_, _Efem._, 44-5. The federal congress
passed, on the 7th of July, 1838, an act as follows: 'The
federated states of Cent. Am. are, and by right should be,
sovereign, free, and independent political bodies.' _Guat._,
_Recop. Leyes_, i. 69.
[VII-28] It was the spontaneous act of the citizens of the
capital, who, in view of the progress made by the rebels of
Mita, deemed it necessary to provide for their own safety.
Valenzuela resigned, on the 23d, the executive office into
the hands of the asamblea. _Marure_, _Efem._, 45; _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, iii. 181-5. Crowe, _Gospel_, 144, attributes
to Morazan the authorship of the act adopted by the citizens.
[VII-29] On the 20th of July, 1838, he was required to give
himself up; failing to do so, a reward was offered for his
apprehension, alive or dead—$1,500 and two caballerías of
land, besides a full pardon for any offences against the laws
his captor or captors might have committed. _Stephens' Cent.
Am._, i. 242.
[VII-30] Squier, _Travels_, ii. 435, says that Carrera
entered Guatemala; he probably meant Old Guatemala, or
La Antigua. Carrera, at Jalapa, had 2,000 men, while his
opponent, Col Manuel Bonilla, had about 500. The latter were
nearly annihilated. The few officers and soldiers who escaped
with life found refuge in Salvador territory. Carrera's
excesses at this time knew no bounds. He not only ravished
women, but amused himself cutting off their tresses and ears.
Some of these earless women entered the city of Guatemala,
and their stories produced great indignation. _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, iii. 204; _Marure_, _Efem._, 45.
[VII-31] This action took place early in the morning of
Sept. 11th. Salazar at once despatched a courier to Guatemala
with the news of his success, which caused the utmost joy.
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 206-8; _Marure_, _Efem._,
46. Dunlop, _Cent. Am._, 201, asserts that no mercy was
shown by the federal troops in this encounter. By a decree
of Sept. 13, 1838, pensions were granted to the wounded, and
to the widows and orphans of the slain federals. Badges of
honor were also conferred on the survivors. _Guat._, _Recop.
Leyes_, ii. 636-7.
[VII-32] This man's life was then spared, but some time
afterward he was shot, for which the serviles called Morazan
a murderer. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 208.
[VII-33] His resignation was made before the body of his
officers, which implied a disregard of the authority of the
government. The officers eluded all responsibility, alleging
that they had nothing to do with his resignation. The
government then revoked the extraordinary powers conferred on
him two months previously. _Marure_, _Efem._, 46.
[VII-34] In the _Observador_ and the _Apéndice_.
[VII-35] _Exhortacion cristiana que el vicario capitular ...
dirige á los pueblos, etc._, 17 p.
[VII-36] Text of his funeral oration on the 14th of Sept. in
honor of the slain on the government side at Villanueva, in
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 216-21.
[VII-37] José Francisco Barrundia, who fought in that action,
said: 'He [Carrera] could have been captured or annihilated
had he been forthwith pursued; but no advantage was derived
from such a glorious victory, and in a few days vandalism
became again menacing.' Salazar was blamed, Montúfar thinks
unjustly. According to him, the victorious troops were
not in condition to pursue. This authority, partly on the
testimony of Gen. Carballo, lays the blame on Rivera Paz, who
had no interest in destroying a faction on which his party
relied in the emergency of Morazan refusing his aid to the
serviles. Morazan, on the 24th of Oct., declared martial law
in portions of Guatemala, peremptorily refused to listen to
the proposals of the recalcitrants, and marched to Guatemala,
leaving the government in charge of the vice-president,
Diego Vijil, whom congress had chosen to succeed the murdered
Salazar. _Id._, 223-6.
[VII-38] His hordes committed all sorts of outrages in these
departments of Salvador. _Barrundia_, in _El Progreso_ of S.
Salv., 1850, no. 3.
[VII-39] 'Les causó un descalabro de entidad la division del
coronel Carballo.' _Marure_, _Efem._, 46.
[VII-40] Once he was almost starved to death on the top of a
mountain, surrounded at its base by a large force; but owing
to some neglect he escaped.
[VII-41] Stephens, _Cent. Am._, i. 244, erroneously has it
that the delivery was to be of only 1,000 muskets.
[VII-42] The president of the republic ratified the agreement
on the 25th of Dec.
[VII-43] The fact was that the arrangement at Rinconcito
was prompted to Gen. Agustin Guzman by Manuel Pavon, whom
he believed to be a friend that would give him nothing but
honorable advice. He had good reason at a later date to think
differently, when he was taken into Guatemala in rags, tied
on a mule, as a trophy of Carrera's success. _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, iii. 228-9.
[VII-44] After that Diego Vijil represented the unity in
the federal district as vice-president. The conventicle of
the four nobles, Pavon, Batres, and the two Aycinenas, had,
however, during Rivera Paz's rule in Guatemala, arranged
matters to their own satisfaction, in order to break up
the union, having at their disposal the requisite number
of municipal districts. Their emissaries supported the
separation in Honduras and Nicaragua. Costa Rica was governed
by Carrillo, a declared foe to Central American nationality.
They were now working with Rivera Paz's successor, Gen.
Cárlos Salazar, with almost a certainty of carrying their
point. Salazar was a good soldier, but as a politician,
without guile, and easily deceived. _Id._, 241-3.
[VII-45] And also to protect other states against all
interference on the part of the late federal government. Full
text of the convention in _Cent. Am. Constitutions_, no.
4, 1-5. By virtue of this arrangement, the combined forces
of the two states invaded Salvador. _Marure_, _Efem._, 47.
This treaty brought about Morazan's ruin, and the disruption
of the federal union. Francisco Ferrera, commander of the
forces of Honduras, himself made it known to Carrera, and it
prompted the latter's rebellion on the 24th of March, 1839,
and his march against Guatemala. It enabled Pavon, Batres,
and the Aycinenas to take Carrera in triumph into that city
on the 13th of Apr., 1839.
[VII-46] The jefe of Guatemala, on the 17th of April, 1839,
declared the federal compact dissolved, and the resumption
by the state of its absolute sovereignty. This declaration
was ratified by the constituent assembly on the 14th of June
of the same year. Guat. on the 11th of May entered into a
treaty of amity and alliance with Honduras; on the 5th of
June, 24th of July, and 1st of Aug., made similar treaties
with Salv., Nic., and Costa R., respectively. July 1st, Hond.
and Costa R. for the first time made a treaty of friendship
and alliance as sovereign states. Aug. 10th was signed at
Quezaltenango the first treaty of a similar nature between
the new state of Los Altos and Salv. _Marure_, _Efem._,
48-50. Costa Rica had in Nov. 1838 assumed the plenitude
of her sovereignty. In obedience to a decree of Braulio
Carrillo, the supreme chief of the state, dated Aug. 4, 1838,
her representatives and senators had left their seats in
the federal congress. The state recognized its share of the
federal debt and paid it at once. Carrillo's decree shows
that the Costa Ricans were dissatisfied with the inequality
of their representation in the national lower house, where
Guatemala had 19 more deputies than Nicaragua, 17 more than
Honduras, 15 more than Salvador, and 23 more than Costa Rica,
which had only four representatives in the 'congreso,' as
the lower house was called. The representation in the senate
was equal to that of the other states; but if the latter
chamber refused its sanction to any bill adopted, the former
could, under the 83d art. of the constitution, make it a law
by three fourths of the votes present. Thus was Costa Rica
made a nonentity in the legislative body. There were other
reasons for complaint. By a good management of her finances,
Costa Rica always had available resources, and punctually
paid her contingent to the national treasury in money. She
was therefore taxed while virtually without representation.
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 266-73, 310, 313-41.
[VII-47] It was a force from Leon, under Col B. Mendez,
who had entered by the frontier of San Miguel. _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, iii. 292-3.
[VII-48] The allied commander was Francisco Ferrera, an
Hondureño, who had been connected with the incendiaries of
Comayagua. This victory was mainly due to Morazan's daring.
He was seriously wounded in the right arm. Col Benitez,
who was a Colombian, was slain. _Marure_, _Efem._, 48;
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 293-5.
[VII-49] Brigadier Cabañas occupied the capital Aug. 28th. He
defeated the Hondurans at Cuesta Grande Sept. 6th, and then
entered Tegucigalpa. On the 25th, after quelling a revolt
which took place on the 16th, in San Salvador, Morazan was
again victorious at San Pedro Perulapan with 600 Salvadorans
over a double force of Hondurans and Nicaraguans, who, under
Ferrera, had entered that town on their way to San Salvador,
to destroy the 'simulacro de gobierno federal que existia
aun en aquella capital.' Cabañas triumphed again at Soledad
on Nov. 13th. _Marure_, _Efem._, 48-51; _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, iii. 354-6, 446.
[VII-50] Ferrera was without a command for some time, owing
to his continual defeats. Quijano was another 'notabilidad
del partido servil aristocrático.'
[VII-51] Cabañas' official report of Feb. 3d from San Antonio
del Sauce says that the enemy's force being superior, he had
resolved to retire to San Miguel in Salv. _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, iii. 451-2.
[VII-52] Stephens, _Cent. Am._, i. 245, quaintly remarks, 'It
must have been quite new to him, and a satisfaction to find
out what principles he sustained.'
[VII-53] Among them were Mariscal and Del Rio. War had been
declared between Guatemala and Salvador. The fiction of
Atescatempa, Carrera's proclamations against Morazan the
chief magistrate of Salv., the movement of the 16th of Sept.,
1839, against the lawful authorities of Salvador prompted
and aided by Carrera, the destruction of Los Altos the friend
and ally of Salv., and many other causes, constituted a real
state of war. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 456.
[VII-54] Their head men sought refuge with the nuns of La
Concepcion.
[VII-55] Made up exclusively of Indians, as Carrera wanted no
white soldiers or officers. _Stephens' Cent. Am._, ii. 111.
[VII-56] The worshippers of Carrera have said that he
intentionally allowed Morazan to enter the city, with the
view of besieging him, which is absurd. The city was full of
war material, and was plentifully supplied with meat.
[VII-57] His officers who distinguished themselves in the
operations were Generals Cabañas and Rivas, colonels Antonio
Rivera Cabezas and Ignacio Malespin, and Lieut-col Bernardo
Rivera Cabezas.
[VII-58] Carrera's official report is dated at Guatemala on
the 23d of March. He does not speak of the assassination of
Col Sanchez, Morazan's aide-de-camp, by order of his brother,
Sotero Carrera; nor of the wanton massacre of many others;
nor of the maltreatment of women, followers of the Salvadoran
camp, which caused the French consul to raise his voice in
protest. Carrera gave full sway to his ferocious instincts
on that day, taking the greatest delight in butchering the
vanquished. Many of the pursued sought an asylum in the
house of Chatfield, the British consul, and a word from him
on their behalf would have saved their lives; but he did not
utter it, and they were put to death. _Id._, 460-7; _Marure_,
_Efem._, 52.
[VII-59] Their hatred against Morazan was shown in their
cries, accompanying those of 'Viva la religion! Guanacos,
entreguen á ese canalla, entreguen á ese hereje; nosotros,
defendemos á Dios y á sus santos.' They called their
opponents 'guanacos, pirujos, malvados, ladrones,' and
declared that they were going to bring back the archbishop,
and the friars who were sent away in 1829.
[VII-60] Stephens, who was then on his way from San Salvador
to Guatemala, met the defeated troops, and in his _Cent.
Am._, ii. 69 et seq., gives a graphic description.
[VII-61] Miguel Álvarez Castro, José Miguel Saravia, Isidro
Menendez, Cárlos Salazar, Máximo Orellana, Nicolás Angulo,
Trinidad Cabañas, Enrique Rivas, Gerardo Barrios, Pedro
Molina, with his sons Felipe and José, and his son-in-law
Manuel Irungaray, Antonio and Bernardo Rivera Cabezas, José
M. Silva, Máximo, Tomás and Indalecio Cordero, Antonio Lazo,
and others. Pedro Molina refused to go at first, but was
prevailed on by his sons and son-in-law, who saw that his
fate would be sealed if he remained. _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, iii. 484.
[VII-62] Pedro Molina and his sons Felipe and José, Manuel
Irungaray, Isidro Menendez, Gen. Enrique Rivas, Doroteo
Vasconcelos, Gerardo Barrios, Indalecio Cordero, José Prado,
Dámaso Lonza, and others. They were made afterward the
objects of abuse on the part of Carrillo and his coarse wife,
Froilana Carranza. _Id._, iii. 600-1.
[VII-63] July 16, 1841. He details the acts of the serviles,
enemies of their country's independence and freedom.
Carrera's career of crime is also fully discussed. _Morazan_,
_Manif._, in _Id._, 585-96; _Id._, in _Cent. Am. Pap._, no.
3.
[VII-64] The serviles had said that they waged war, not
against Salvador, but against Morazan.
[VII-65] The embassy brought an escort of 200 men, and
Salvador had to pay all the expense. See the note of Minister
Manuel Barberena to the minister-general of Guatemala, dated
May 18, 1840. Carrera was lodged in one of the best houses
of Salvador, and his deportment clearly indicated what his
early training had been. His first diplomatic utterances were
threats, and the general conduct of himself and his soldiers
was so abusive that the people of the liberal district of
Calvario in San Salvador finally resolved to fall upon and
annihilate them. Cañas saw the danger, and called to it the
attention of Duran, who prevailed on his colleague to leave
the state with his troops. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii.
487-8, 492.
[VII-66] The convention was signed by Joaquin Duran,
secretary of the sup. gov., and Lieut-gen. Rafael Carrera,
on the part of Guatemala, and by Manuel Barberena and Juan
Lacayo for Salvador. Under art. 1st Salvador was not to
have in office any man who had coöperated with Morazan.
Art. 2d required of Salvador to surrender to Guatemala a
number of persons, named in a list furnished, to be retained
until Salvador should be fully reorganized. Art. 3d forbids
Salvador to permit the return to its territory of any of
the persons who went away with Morazan. Should any return,
they must be given up to Guatemala, as prescribed in the
2d article. Art. 4th and 7th refer to the return of certain
armament and of prisoners of war taken in the action of 18th
and 19th of March last. Art. 5th says that the constituent
assembly of Salvador having been called, her government must
see at once to the appointment of deputies to the convention
which was to organize the republic. Under art. 6th Salvador
agreed that Guatemala and the other states should appoint
agents, who, together with her own, were to have in their
charge the archives and other effects of the federation.
_Id._, 489-91.
[VIII-1] _Guat._ _Recop. Leyes_, i. 42, 62-9, 178.
[VIII-2] The title given the chief magistrate was that of
jefe. That of president was not decreed till Nov. 29, 1839.
_Marure_, _Efem._, 51.
[VIII-3] He is represented as a man of excitable temperament
and harsh manners. He was a brother of José Francisco
Barrundia.
[VIII-4] The prelate of the order was summoned to the palace
of the federal government, and a compromise was agreed to.
Meantime the mob had assembled, shouting, 'Mision queremos!
Viva la religion! Muera la herejía! Mueran los que no quieren
misiones!' _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 182-3.
[VIII-5] It was solemnly promulgated Dec. 26, 1825. This
constitution was in full force till the meeting of a second
constituent assembly, when it ceased to rule. _Marure_,
_Efem._, 15; _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 201-2.
[VIII-6] Vera Paz with Peten; Chiquimula, Guatemala, and
Escuintla; Sacatepequez with Chimaltenango; Suchitepequez
with Sololá; Quezaltenango and Soconusco; Totonicapan and
Huehuetenango. _Id._, 463-70.
[VIII-7] Barrundia induced seven of the deputies to abandon
their seats, and to protest against resolutions enacted by
the legislature after they had quitted it. _Marure_, _Bosq.
Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 242.
[VIII-8] This step was taken Sept. 6, 1826. _Marure_, _Bosq.
Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 260; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 53-4.
A demand from the fed. gov. to muster out the troops was
refused in round terms.
[VIII-9] He had once been a resident there, and knew it to be
the most bigoted place in all Cent. Am. Liberal ideas had not
taken much root there, and fanaticism ruled.
[VIII-10] He afterward attempted to recover his office, but
the course events had taken impeded it. _Mem. Rev. Cent.
Am._, 57-8.
[VIII-11] A creole from Sto Domingo, who had been formerly a
federal officer; but having been arbitrarily removed from the
position, he joined the state cause.
[VIII-12] Near Quezaltenango he endeavored to capture his
former command, now under Manuel Montúfar, but the latter
escaped. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 55-6. He had been forewarned
by some serviles of Quezaltenango of the ambuscade prepared
for him. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 262.
[VIII-13] Abandoning the plan he had formed of attacking the
federals under Francisco Cáscaras.
[VIII-14] He allowed four hours for the surrender: 'si en
el término de cuatro horas, no efectúan Vds. lo referido,
la hermosa ciudad de Quezaltenango desaparecerá.' _Marure_,
_Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 288; _Id._, _Efem._, 18; _Mem.
Rev. Cent. Am._, 57-8.
[VIII-15] Among them, one of Oct. 19, 1826, to punish
attempts at propagating sedition among the soldiers;
another, of Oct. 25th, to impose the penalty of death on
all Guatemalans taking up arms against the state government.
_Gaz. de Méx._, Dec. 14, 1826; _El Indicador de Guat._, of
same year, no. 106; _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 248-50.
[VIII-16] Afraid of falling into the hands of the federal
troops then marching toward Los Altos, he retired to
Retalhuleu, where he lived till 1829.
[VIII-17] Oct. 28, 1826. Cáscaras' vainglorious report is
in _Guat._, _Gac. Gob._, Nov. 2, 1826, and _Méx. Gac. Gob._,
Dec. 14, 1826; _Marure_, _Efem._, 18; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._,
59-60.
[VIII-18] All persons affording them aid were declared, on
the 5th of March, guilty of high treason. _Guat._, _Recop.
Leyes_, i. 250-4. Decree reiterated March 28, 1827; _Marure_,
_Efem._, 19.
[VIII-19] All authorities agree that the execution was
effected upon the mere order of Aycinena, the then jefe
of Guat., and without legal formalities. _Arce_, _Mem._,
68; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 70; _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._,
16; _Squier's Travels_, ii. 397. This last-named writer
severely condemns the affected piety of Aycinena, who made
confession before a priest and took the communion before
signing the death-warrant. In 1829 the liberal party awarded
extraordinary honors to Pierzon's memory, ordering that his
name should be placed by the side of Cirilo Flores, with this
inscription, 'Viva el ilustre Coronel Pierzon en el corazon
de los buenos patriotas.' _Marure_, _Efem._, 19.
[VIII-20] Aycinena retained his position uninterruptedly
till the 12th of Apr., 1829, when he was deposed by Morazan.
A legislative act expatriated him, and he was in exile till
early in 1836, when he returned to the bosom of his family;
but a second legislative order compelled him to leave the
country again. Finally, an amnesty decree of July 25, 1838,
restored him to his country in Sept. _Marure_, _Efem._, 18,
61. Mariano Córdoba was chosen, in March 1827, vice-jefe, and
when he resigned the office, Manuel Montúfar was called to
succeed him. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 60.