[VIII-21] It was the first of its class in Cent. Am., but by

no means the last.

[VIII-22] Lieut Isidro Velazquez was executed March 30, 1827.

[VIII-23] Leniency toward the proscribed Antonio Rivera

Cabezas, whose death-penalty he had commuted to exile, and

prohibition of certain books, pursuant to decrees of the

ecclesiastical authorities, were among the chief causes which

alienated him many of his former supporters. _Montúfar_,

_Reseña Hist._, i. 236; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 114. On the

6th of December, 1828, he ordered such books to be burned.

_Marure_, _Efem._, 22.

[VIII-24] It purposed with this measure, which turned out

to be unavailing, to remove one of the obstacles to the

termination of the war by means of a peaceful arrangement.

[VIII-25] They were reëlected, though succeeding events

prevented the counting of the votes. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._,

115.

[VIII-26] A revolt at Quezaltenango, Nov. 5, 1828, had been

summarily suppressed. _Marure_, _Efem._, 22.

[VIII-27] The districts of Sacatepequez and Escuintla

recognized the authorities that were installed in La Antigua.

[VIII-28] His brother José Francisco having been made acting

president, he resigned for the second time the office of

jefe, urging obvious reasons, but he was required by the

assembly to continue discharging his duties till the election

should have been effected. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i.

167-9.

[VIII-29] The dispersed representative council of 1826 had

been reorganized at La Antigua Feb. 11, 1829, and its senior

member, Mariano Zenteno, recognized as acting jefe of the

state.

[VIII-30] This body voted Morazan a gold medal, and declared

him a benemérito. It also decreed that his portrait should be

placed in the hall of sessions. This, however, was a spark of

enthusiasm which died out.

[VIII-31] Nicolás Espinosa presided, as he had done at the

last sitting at San Martin Jilotepec, Sept. 26, 1826.

[VIII-32] Cayetano de la Cerda was the administrador de

recursos, and he acted without restriction. Mariano Galvez,

Barrundia's secretary of state, is credited with the

invention of the financial schemes by the author of _Mem.

Rev. Cent. Am._, 136-7.

[VIII-33] _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 131-3, 143-51.

[VIII-34] Antonio Rivera Cabezas was chosen vice-jefe in

March 1830. He was succeeded by Gregorio Marquez in Feb.

1831; Francisco X. Flores was consejero Aug. 1831.

[VIII-35] Molina was impeached on trivial and inconsistent

charges by the legislative body. Twice tried and twice

acquitted; but meantime the term for which he was chosen had

expired, and new elections were ordered. Marure, Efem., 61.

Full details of the trials in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i.

205-17, 229-33.

[VIII-36] Rivera Cabezas wielded a powerful pen, and in a

playful way ridiculed the servile party. His Don Meliton

dialogues did it more harm than José del Valle with his

grave and erudite speeches in congress. He won himself the

bitter hatred of that party. The political change of 1839

placed him in the hands of his enemies, and he lost much

of his property. He left the country, but family affairs

necessitated his return some years after. In his last years

his intellectual faculties declined, and the serviles no

longer feared him, but their hatred remained, and their

insults and abuse hastened his death. His portrait is also

given. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 235-7, 246.

[VIII-37] The most violent felt since 1773. _Marure_,

_Efem._, 26.

[VIII-38] Several buildings were damaged, among them the

churches of Santa Teresa, San Francisco, and Recoletos. Since

the end of March shocks had been experienced in the vicinity

of the Pacaya volcano, several villages being almost entirely

reduced to ruins. _Id._

[VIII-39] The nun Teresa called them the effects of God's

displeasure for the banishment of the archbishop and friars.

_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 225-6.

[VIII-40] The liberals were certain that with Morazan at

the head of the federal government, and Barrundia as chief

of Guatemala, there would be no disagreements. Barrundia

now made a cession for the benefit of public instruction of

nearly $7,000—due him for salaries during the time he acted

as president. This was a generous act on the part of a man

who had no private fortune. He later ceded one half of his

senatorial pay for the same purpose. _Montúfar_, _Reseña

Hist._, i. 273-6.

[VIII-41] Galvez was reëlected Feb. 9, 1835, and held the

position till Feb. 2, 1838, when he was forced to resign it.

During his first term Simon Vasconcelos was vice-jefe, and

Juan Ant. Martinez consejero; during the second, Pedro J.

Valenzuela, who superseded him; Mariano Sanchez de Leon was

consejero in 1836, and Mariano Rivera Paz in July 1838. The

latter also held the executive office. _Salv._, _Gac._, Oct.

12, 1854; _Marure_, _Efem._, 43, 45, 61-2.

[VIII-42] Galvez was not in league with the clergy or

aristocracy, on one side; nor with Barrundia or Morazan, on

the other. He wanted to form a party of which he should be

the sole chief. This prompted him to oppose all parties, and

brought upon him many reproaches.

[VIII-43] In July 1832 tithes were abolished. On the 16th

of Sept. an academy of sciences, to take the place of the

old university, was established, and to it were attached

the colegio de abogados, and the protomedicato. This academy

was suppressed March 6, 1840, and the university of old was

restored. _Marure_, _Efem._, 32. Among other measures were

the reduction of holidays to seven, aside from Sundays, and

the prohibition of religious processions in the streets on

working days. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 307-19, ii.

76-84.

[VIII-44] Even the offspring of priests were to be reputed as

legitimate in cases of inheritance, where the father had died

intestate. _Id._, ii. 346-7.

[VIII-45] This blow at the church was not favorably received

by the people, and in July 1838 the resolution was suspended.

[VIII-46] They made the Indians believe that the cholera

was the effect of Galvez and his friends having poisoned the

springs, 'para destruir hombres que detestaba y poblaciones

que aborrecia.' _Id._, ii. 349.

[VIII-47] It was constantly brought forward that while other

states had seceded from the confederation, Guatemala alone

had contributed to the common budget, and furnished the

national executive arms and money to wage war against the

rebellious states.

[VIII-48] Martial law was proclaimed Jan. 16, 1838, in the

departments of Sacatepequez and Guatemala. Two days later La

Antigua rebelled, appointing a provisional government, and

subsequently Chiquimula and Salamá followed the movement.

_Marure_, _Efem._, 42-3; _Squier's Travels_, ii. 431;

_Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 858-9.

[VIII-49] The provisional government was placed in charge

of Marcelo Molina, José M. Galvez, and José A. Aguilar.

The assembly of Guatemala simply referred the matter to the

federal congress, which recognized the new state. _Montúfar_,

_Reseña Hist._, iii. 9-23; _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 43.

[VIII-50] _Marure_, _Efem._, 47.

[VIII-51] The state comprised, on the north, the districts

of Huehuetenango, Sacapulas, Malacatan, Tejutla, Cuilco,

Jacaltenango, and Sololá, together with all the territory

between the river Pasion and Chiapas, to where it touched the

undefined boundaries of Tabasco and Yucatan; on the west,

Ostuncalco and San Márcos; on the south, Cuyotenango and

Mazatenango; on the east, Atitlan, Sololá, Joyabaj, Quiché;

and in the centre, Totonicapan and Quezaltenango. _Montúfar_,

_Reseña Hist._, iii. 391-3.

[VIII-52] Dated July 12, 1839. _Id._, 394-7.

[VIII-53] Galvez, José F. and Juan Barrundia, Simon

Vasconcelos, and others.

[VIII-54] On the 28th of Jan. a body of Quezaltec troops,

under Colonel Corzo, was defeated by the Guatemalans, under

Gen. Monterrosa. It had been stationed in the hacienda of

Bejucal, with the double object of guarding on the coast side

the territory of Los Altos, and of forming a combination with

the men of Salvador, who were about to invade Guatemala from

the river Paz frontier. The treatment of the fugitives by the

Indians was shocking. Corzo and Lieut-col Córdoba perished

at their hands. Carrera, after defeating, on the 29th of

Jan., the Quezaltec troops that attempted to check him on the

heights of Sololá, entered Quezaltenango unresisted, and put

an end to that state. Its towns were taken under Guatemalan

protection, on the fiction of their voluntary annexation,

by decree of Feb. 26, 1840. _Marure_, _Efem._, 52; _Guat._,

_Recop. Leyes_, i. 43-50.

[VIII-55] It was claimed that Carrera could not prevent these

abuses, which were committed by the very people of Los Altos

who rose against the partisans of the government. The fact

is, they were savage Indians under Carrera's protection. This

chief returned in triumph to Guatemala, and was received amid

the plaudits of his clerico-aristocratic supporters and the

rabble. His victorious army brought in the rear the armament

and spoils of Quezaltenango, and upwards of 100 prisoners,

among them Guzman, Mariscal, and Soto. The first named was

wounded, and tied to a mule. The rabble made him the special

object of their scoff. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii.

439-41.

[VIII-56] Deprived of the office Jan. 30, 1839; restored Apr.

13th of the same year; held it till Dec. 13, 1841. May 14,

1842, he assumed for the third time the executive office,

with the title of president of the state. _Guat._, _Recop.

Leyes_, i. 175; _Marure_, _Efem._, 61-2. Stephens, who saw

Rivera Paz in 1840, speaks well of him, saying that 'in all

the trying positions in which he was afterward placed, he

exhibited more than ordinary prudence and judgment.' _Cent.

Am._, i. 201.

[VIII-57] The 3d and last art. contained these words: 'Un

olvido general sobre todos los acontecimientos políticos

desde el quince de Setiembre de mil ochocientos veintiuno

hasta la fecha; y se prohiba rigurosamente removerlos con

ningun motivo.' Further than this, José F. Barrundia had

moved that the initiative should be made urgent, and voted

on without being referred to a committee. Montúfar, who

gives full details on this affair, blames Barrundia for his

excessive generosity and abnegation, which, he declares,

always turned to the prejudice of that statesman and his

party. He wanted his enemies pardoned, and to enjoy all

personal guarantees, but there was no spirit of reciprocity

on their part. When the serviles assumed the reins of power,

they invariably abused and persecuted Barrundia. He was not

only sent into exile, but insulted there in publications they

would forward him. _Reseña Hist._, iii. 188-90.

[VIII-58] The executive was authorized to support the

petition of the clergy in order that the diocese should

have a bishop, and permitted that he should appropriate

a portion of the public funds to that end. No mention was

made of the person who was to be bishop. The idea was to

flatter the several clergymen who were with Carrera hoping

to earn a mitre. July 25th the people were called to elect

a constituent assembly, of not less than fifty members,

to reform, add to, or retain in whole or in part the

constitution of Guatemala. This decree was supported by the

liberals, who foolishly believed that their party would have

the power to reconstitute the state. The serviles hailed it,

being sure of controlling the situation with Rivera Paz at

the head of the government, and three servile wings as his

counsellors. Reactionary deputies would be plentiful in the

constitutional convention. The capitation tax was reduced

to four reales. The assembly, now converted into a law-maker

by steam, on the 26th of July revoked the laws establishing

civil marriage and divorce, freedom to bequeath property,

reduction of the number of holidays, and the further

admission of religious vows. _Id._, 190-2.

[VIII-59] He ruled 2½ months, at the end of which he had

to seek safety in flight, on Carrera occupying the capital.

_Marure_, _Efem._, 48, 62.

[VIII-60] The former political order of affairs now came

to an end, and a new era began under Carrera's auspices.

_Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 207.

[VIII-61] The texts of the several treaties may be seen in

_Convencion_, in _Cent. Am. Constituciones_, 5-25, 28-31;

_Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 382-95.

[VIII-62] Honors were paid to Carrera and Rivera Paz.

Their portraits were to be placed in the hall of sessions.

_Marure_, _Efem._, 53. A few days later the 19th of March was

decreed a civic feast-day. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, iii. 348.

[VIII-63] Act of Nov. 9, 1840. _Id._, 286.

[VIII-64] Not at Aguanqueterique, as the federal congress had

decreed. _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 13; _Marure_, _Efem._,

10. The last named, in his _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, 148,

gives the name as Leypateric.

[VIII-65] Comayagua, Tegucigalpa, Gracias, Santa Bárbara,

Olancho, Yoro, and Choluteca.

[VIII-66] Irias excommunicated Herrera, and the latter had

him arrested. Both had many adherents.

[VIII-67] Arce claims that Gracias had called for the

protection. _Mem._, 64-5; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 61. The

truth is, he had no right to exercise jurisdiction there, the

place not being on the frontier nor on the coast. _Morazan_,

_Apuntes_, MS., 6.

[VIII-68] Herrera had a force to defeat Milla, but refrained

from using it, in order that Honduras should not be accused

of beginning hostilities against the national government.

_Id._, 7.

[VIII-69] Marure, _Efem._, 19, gives the 10th as the

date. Dunlop, _Cent. Am._, 169, gives March 10th. Morazan

attributes the surrender to the commander's treachery.

_Apuntes_, MS., 8.

[VIII-70] Cleto Bendaña was made jefe provisional in Sept.

1827, Francisco Morazan being consejero in Nov. of that year.

_Marure_, _Efem._, 63.

[VIII-71] See his _Apuntes_, MS., 9-10.

[VIII-72] There was a sedition of the serviles, headed by

Father Rivas and others, which was concluded by a peaceable

arrangement with Morazan. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i.

191-3, 196.

[VIII-73] Martinez and Cori, implicated in a plot with

negroes of Belize and Bacalar, and others were executed May

25, 1833. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 132.

[VIII-74] They mostly affected the clergy. _Marure_, _Efem._,

23-7, 35-6.

[VIII-75] Resulting from various causes. A law providing for

a provisional currency checked foreign trade. In the interior

it was at 50 per ct discount. A decree establishing a single

tax never could be carried out. The abolition of tithes was

a measure which caused trouble. Timid or fanatical rulers

were afraid of 'cuatro canónigos viejos de Comayagua que

amenazaban con el salmo 108 y las penas del infierno,' and

fanaticism soon brought about the restoration of the tithes.

_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 277.

[VIII-76] This was the second constituent assembly, and

its first president was José Santiago Buezo. The town of

Tegucigalpa demanded absolute independence, declaring itself

seceded and under the protection of Nicaragua until it should

be declared. This was the work of the returned reactionists.

_Id._, 279-82.

[VIII-77] 'Art. Único. El estado de Honduras es libre,

soberano, é independiente.' It was published by the

acting jefe, Leon Alvarado. The declaration being deemed

insufficient by the secessionists, another act was passed

on the 5th of Nov., to say that Honduras was independent of

the late federal government, of the governments of the other

states of Cent. Am., and of any other government or foreign

power. _Id._, 282; _Marure_, _Efem._, 47.

[VIII-78] Tegucigalpa had been twice taken, and Comayagua

once, by the federal forces. _Id._, 50-1.

[VIII-79] Gerónimo Zelaya, primer jefe, June 1828. His

authority was never recognized outside of Santa Bárbara. His

election was finally declared null, like all others effected

pursuant to the convention by the president of the republic.

Diego Vijil, vice-jefe, Apr. 1829. Juan Angel Arias,

consejero, Dec. 1829. José Santos del Valle, consejero,

July 1830. José Ant. Marquez, jefe, March 1831. Francisco

Milla, consejero, March 1832. Joaquin Rivera, jefe, Jan.

1833 to Dec. 31, 1836. During his term, owing to illness,

the executive was temporarily in charge of F. Ferrera, the

vice-jefe, in Sept. 1833, and of J. M. Bustillo, consejero,

in Sept. 1835. The latter was again in power as acting

president in Aug. 1839. Ferrera again held the executive in

Jan. 1841, with the title of president of the state. J. M.

Martinez, consejero, Jan. 1837. Justo José Herrera, jefe,

May 1837. Leon Alvarado, consejero, Oct. 1838. Felipe Medina,

José Alvarado, and Lino Matute are also mentioned as having

had charge of the executive in Nov. 1838; the last named

till Jan. 1839. Juan F. Molina, consejero, Jan. 1839. José M.

Guerrero, consejero, May 1839. Francisco Zelaya, consejero,

Sept. 1839. _Id._, 63; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 133-6,

325-31; iii. 282-3.

[IX-1] March 5, 1824, the local constituent assembly met,

and on the 4th of July, the state constitution, decreed on

the 12th of June, was published, and its support sworn to.

_Marure_, _Efem._, 10-11.

[IX-2] Sonsonate had always belonged to Guatemala, but was

annexed to Salvador on the return of the auxiliary force that

was despatched to the former in 1823 to quell Ariza's revolt,

of which I have given an account. By intrigue and force, the

inhabitants were made to declare in favor of Salvador. The

region was later attached to the latter, though the change

of jurisdiction has never been formally acknowledged by

Guatemala. Some time after there was a plan of creating, with

Sonsonate and Santa Ana, a separate state, but the federal

congress did not sanction it. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist._, i.

149.

[IX-3] He assumed his office Dec. 13, 1824. During the period

of organization the executive was in charge of Juan Manuel

Rodriguez, who bore the title of director. _Id._, _Efem._,

13, 62; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 32.

[IX-4] At this time Salvador became the asylum of the liberal

party.

[IX-5] Arce alleged that Molina and others had induced

Villacorta to believe he was the only man who could right

political wrongs; but he found he could not do this, and so

resigned. _Mem._, 60-1.

[IX-6] Convents were abolished March 1, 1830. A college was

established in July of the following year; and the state

seemed to have recovered from the losses of the late war.

[IX-7] Cornejo could not be in accord with the federal

authorities; he was a servile, and in league with their

enemies. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 334.

[IX-8] The executive authority was held for a while by

Morazan himself. _Marure_, _Efem._, 30, 62.

[IX-9] To accept the position he resigned the vice-presidency

of the republic. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 6.

[IX-10] Tithes had been suppressed and trial by jury

introduced.

[IX-11] The public archives and artillery were to be also

removed. The comandante-general was to remain behind with

four cannons and 200 muskets.

[IX-12] He had lost his wearing apparel, and in his

smallclothes, and with a travelling cloak on, he took charge

of the government. _Id._, 20. He was chosen by the assembly

first jefe on the 1st of July, 1833. In June 1834 he was

removed from office and expelled. _Marure_, _Efem._, 36, 62;

_Guat._, _Gaceta_, Dec. 22, 1854, 7.

[IX-13] Aquino was a perfect savage, and invoked religion, as

did Carrera somewhat later. He once entered San Vicente with

the crown of an image of St Joseph on his head. His mode of

sentencing prisoners to death was expeditious. The victim was

placed before a group of his men, who were told he was their

enemy. 'Shoot him,' they would say, and the thing was done.

Aquino was in league with the serviles, but as they could not

manage him, they persecuted their crowned ally. _Montúfar_,

_Reseña Hist._, ii. 21.

[IX-14] Crowe, _Gospel_, 135, and Squier, _Travels_, ii.

420-1, erroneously place it in 1832.

[IX-15] The defeat of San Martin by Gen. Espinosa was at

Jiquilisco. _Guat._, _Boletin Ofic._, 507-9. San Martin was

now forsaken by Galvez, the jefe of Guatemala. In his old

age he used to complain of 'las inconsecuencias del Doctor

Galvez.' _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 27.

[IX-16] The latter ruled only from July to Oct., when he

was temporarily succeeded, first by the consejero, Joaquin

Escolan, and then by the vice-jefe, José M. Silva, the same

month. Nicolás Espinosa became jefe in Apr. 1835, and was

driven away in the following November, being accused of

promoting a war of races, the consejero Francisco Gomez being

his successor on the 13th of Nov. The next rulers were: Diego

Vijil, Apr. 1836; Timoteo Menendez, vice-jefe, Sept. 1836;

Antonio J. Cañas, consejero, May 1839. _Marure_, _Efem._, 62;

_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 193.

[IX-17] Carrera contemplated becoming the ruler of Central

America, but had to abandon his plan on Nicaragua and

Honduras forming a league against him. His Indians were not

so efficient when off from their native ground. _Squier's

Travels_, ii. 441-2.

[IX-18] Sept. 23, 1840. He had ruled since Apr. 8th of

the same year. _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Feb. 14, 1875. The

revolutionary movement of Sept. 20th for his removal was

promoted by Francisco Malespin, Carrera's tool, and a man who

wielded a fatal influence in Salvador till Gen. Joaquin E.

Guzman rid the country of him. Malespin was then acting for

Carrera, who feared that a revolution of the Calvario ward of

San Salvador would upset Cañas, who was without influence,

and could no longer be useful to the aristocrats of Guat.

Such a revolution would create a liberal government, and

might bring back Morazan. Cañas was put out of the way that

his place might be occupied by a servile tool. _Montúfar_,

_Reseña Hist._, iii. 499.

[IX-19] He held the position only to the end of 1840. His

successors with the same title were Juan Lindo, Jan. 1841;

Pedro Arce, Apr. 1841; Senator Escolástico Marin, Feb. 1842.

_Marure_, _Efem._, 62.

[IX-20] 'En la ulterior contienda de los partidos políticos

de esta Provincia, pues, no se encuentran mas que pasiones;

las calificaciones de realistas, imperialistas, ó serviles

solo servian para autorizar la persecucion.' _Ayon_, _Ap._,

25.

[IX-21] April 17, 1823.

[IX-22] This movement was the precursor of the great

calamities that were to befall Nicaragua. _Marure_, _Efem._,

9.

[IX-23] The troops and the mob in Leon, on the 4th of May,

deposed him, and placed his office in charge of the alcalde,

Pablo Melendez, who in his turn was overthrown a few days

later by another sedition headed by Ordoñez.

[IX-24] The villas of Managua and Nicaragua refused to

recognize the revolutionary government at the capital, and

established a junta gubernativa at the first-named town.

[IX-25] It was formed with the chief men of the 'partido de

Managua.'

[IX-26] By order of Gen. Manuel José Arce, who afterward

entered Leon. Details of battles and actions during this

unhappy period of Nicaraguan history may be found in

_Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 151-6; _Id._, _Efem._,

11-12, 75; _Ayon_, _Apuntes_, 28-36; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._,

160-2.

[IX-27] In the previous year Martin Arzú had been sent as a

commissioner to restore peace in Nicaragua. He was ordered

to use gentle means, but to employ force against parties

opposing him. To support him, 500 Hondurans were stationed

at Choluteca. He arrived after the siege of Leon had begun,

and endeavored on the spot to bring about an arrangement

between the belligerents; but he was treated disrespectfully

by the besiegers, and even arrested and threatened with

death by Salas. He afterward declared the junta at El Viejo

revolutionary, and that its commands should be disregarded.

After that he conducted the defence of Leon. _Marure_,

_Bosq._, i. 157-9.

[IX-28] In the latter part of 1828 he was shot, under

the sentence of a court-martial convened by order of the

vice-jefe Argüello. _Id._, _Efem._, 63-4.

[IX-29] Its support was sworn to on the last day of that

month.

[IX-30] The first representative council, or senate, was

inaugurated at the same place on the 26th of Oct., 1826.

_Id._, 18.

[IX-31] Cerda would not, however, lay down his power, and

continued exercising it at Managua. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._,

43.

[IX-32] The dissolution was 'á consecuencia de una sedicion

promovida por el Vice-jefe del mismo Estado Sr Juan

Argüello.' _Marure_, _Efem._, 18.

[IX-33] On the 14th of Sept., 1827. This was his third or

fourth effort; all fruitless, however. _Id._, 20.

[IX-34] He foretold at the time that 'muy luego vería el

congreso arder otra vez la tea de la discordia en aquel

Estado.' _Arce_, _Mem._, 17.

[IX-35] Their project involved the annexation of Nicaragua to

Colombia. _Los Anales_, 1872, 54.

[IX-36] He now proposed to surrender the government to

Argüello or some one else. His friends dissuaded him, and he

was finally the victim of treachery.

[IX-37] His friends had obtained that the trial should be

at Granada, but the mob at Rivas opposed his removal at the

moment of departure. _Id._, 63.

[IX-38] Nov. 29, 1828. It is said that the vice-jefe,

Argüello, decreed a suspension of the sentence; but purposely

delayed the courier, so that the reprieve arrived too late at

Rivas. A full biography of Cerda, with scattered historical

items, is given in _Id._, 29-72, passim.

[IX-39] The installation of the assembly was on Nov. 1, 1829.

The elections had been decreed by the vice-jefe, Argüello,

and his act, as well as the elections effected under it, were

on the 23d of May, 1830, declared to be legitimate. _Rocha_,

_Cód. Nic._, i. 80. Herrera had been inducted in office on

the 12th of May. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 199-203.

[IX-40] The services of the Nicaraguans were recognized by

both the federal president and the state assembly. Honors

were decreed to the survivors, and pensions to the wounded,

and to the widows and orphans of the dead. _Rocha_, _Cód.

Nic._, i. 214-15.

[IX-41] This last action was attributed by the revolutionists

to Herrera's machinations and Morazan's influence; but the

truth was, that the people recognized Herrera's services

as the pacificator, and his good qualifications as a ruler.

_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 31-2.

[IX-42] A detailed account of this revolt is given in the

_Centro Americano_, 89-97. It is said that a number of medals

were found of tortoise-shell, gold, and other metals, with

the image of Fernando VII., and bearing the inscription 'Viva

Fernando VII. Rey de España y de las Indias, Año de 1828,'

which gave rise to the supposition that the revolt had been

in his interests. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 36-8.

Herrera issued a proclamation calling on the people to stand

by the government. _Marure_, _Efem._, 33-4.

[IX-43] The assembly, installed on the 21st of Aug., 1833, at

Leon, approved all of Herrera's acts.

[IX-44] On the southern coast of Nicaragua, 12 leagues

distant from Leon.

[IX-45] A dense yellow cloud rose suddenly, accompanied by

a strong smell of sulphur and a shower of fine white dust.

The alarmed inhabitants closed their doors and windows, but

the dust could not be kept out. Breathing became difficult.

This lasted nearly three days. On the 23d, at 1 A. M., a

loud detonation, followed by heavy shocks of earthquake,

rain of sand, and total darkness, rendered the terror of the

people complete. Flocks of birds fell dead to the ground,

and wild animals sought refuge in buildings. The frightened

inhabitants ran to their yards, or hurried to the churches

to implore divine mercy. Forty-three hours passed before

the earth became quiet, when a strong wind cleared the

atmosphere, enabling the people to ascertain the damage. The

ashes in the vicinity of the volcano were several feet deep.

The river Chiquito had been wholly dried up, and two new

islands were formed. A large number of animals had perished,

and the living ones were in a state of starvation. Such

had been the force of the convulsion that the detonations

and the rain of ashes had reached a distance of hundreds of

leagues, as far as Oajaca, Jamaica, and Bogotá in Colombia.

Montúfar, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 145-50, in giving an account

of the event, adds that the priests called it a punishment

from heaven because tithes had been abolished, freedom of

conscience proclaimed, and the decrees of 1829 and 1830

upheld. The parish priests in several towns, during the

prevailing darkness, preached from their pulpits that this

shaking of the earth was a manifestation of God's wrath for

the crimes of the liberals. Squier, _Trav._, ii. 110-11, says

that the superintendent of Belize, on hearing the explosions,

mustered his troops, thinking that a battle was being fought

somewhere near the coast. Stephens, _Cent. Am._, ii. 38,

relates a similar incident of the military commander of

Guatemala.

[IX-46] Accounts of the catastrophe, differing more or less

in details, according to the various points where it was

observed, are given in _Marure_, _Efem._, 36-7; _Stephens'

Cent. Am._, ii. 35-8; _Squier's Trav._, ii. 110-14, 162-3,

with a view of the volcano; _Byam's Wild Life_, 32-7;

_Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 15-17; _Lond. Geog. Soc. Journ._,

v. 387-92; _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 23; _Wells' Hond._,

230-1; _Cor. Atlánt._, May 9, 1835, 10; _Dicc. Univ. Hist.

Geog._, x. 919-20.

[IX-47] Not in 1836, as Dunlop has it. _Cent. Am._, 191-2.

[IX-48] His minister-general for a time was J. N. Gonzalez,

and on his resigning, Hermenegildo Zepeda, one of the first

lawyers in the state, succeeded. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._,

ii. 302.

[IX-49] On the 25th of Jan. _Marure_, _Efem._, 39, 64;

Montúfar, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 306-10, gives the official

documents describing the occurrences.

[IX-50] Father Solis, the president, and others attributed

to Morazan and the constitution of 1824 the evils Nicaragua

had suffered from, forgetting those preceding Morazan and the

constitution.

[IX-51] Ratified by the executive Nov. 17th. Given in full

in _Nic._, _Constit._, in _Cent. Am. Constitutions_, 1-39.

A brief synopsis in _Squier's Travels_, ii. 211-13. See also

_Niles' Reg._, 1839, lvi. 49.

[IX-52] During Herrera's term the following held the

executive authority for short periods: Cárlos Ruiz y Bolaños,

Aug. 1831; Benito Morales, Feb. 1834; José Nuñez, March 1834.

I find that the government was also provisionally in charge

of Gregorio Juarez, May 1835; F. X. Rubio, Jan. 1838; José

Nuñez, as jefe, March 12, 1838; Evaristo Rocha, May 1838;

Joaquin Cosio, June 1838; Patricio Rivas, director, June

1839; Joaquin Cosio, July 1839; Hilario Ulloa, Oct. 1839;

Tomás Valladares, Nov. 1839. In 1840 he became director

del estado; Pablo Buitrago, director, Apr. 1841. _Marure_,

_Efem._, 64.

[IX-53] Sept. 6, 1824. Molina, _Costa Rica_, 95, followed

by Wagner, _Costa R._, 545, gives it as May 6th, which is

evidently a mistake. _Marure_, _Efem._, 11, has it Sept.

6th, and that Agustin Gutierrez Lizaurzábal was its first

president.

[IX-54] _Costa Rica_, _Ley Fundam._ (San Salv., 1825), 24

mo, 26 pp.; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 32; _Astaburuaga_, _Cent.

Am._, 13; _Molina_, _Costa R._, 18. This last-named author,

on his p. 95, gives the date as Jan. 22d, evidently following

_Marure_, _Efem._, 13. Squier, _Travels_, ii. 388, makes it

Jan. 2d.

[IX-55] Mariano Montealegre became the vice-jefe. Mora was

reëlected in March 1829, and ruled till toward the end of

1832. _Marure_, _Efem._, 64; _Id._, _Bosq._, 149; _Mem. Rev.

Cent. Am._, 32.

[IX-56] Personal enmity between Pedro Muñoz, an influential

man in Guanacaste, and Cerda was the main reason. _Los

Anales_, 1872, 54.

[IX-57] The approval was merely provisional. The other four

are Cartago, San José, Heredia, and Alajuela. _Molina_,

_Costa R._, 5-6.

[IX-58] _Nic. y Hond._, _Doc._, 101-12; _Ayon_, _Consid.

Límites_, 20-4; _Frisch_, _Mex._, 73.

[IX-59] Marure, _Efem._, 16, and _Bosq._, i. 232-3, following

_El Indicador_, 1826, no. 75, and _El Semanario_, 1826, no.

86, gives the date as Jan. 29th. Molina, _Costa R._, 96,

places it on the 28th.

[IX-60] He confessed to have acted under a commission from

the court of Spain, and as a lieut-col in its service.

Seventeen of his partisans were sent out of the country.

[IX-61] A detailed account of that mission may be seen in

_Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 112-14; _Molina_, _Costa R._, 96-7.

[IX-62] 'Ocupa este lugar el ciudadano Ex-gefe Juan Mora,

por sus virtudes, y le ocuparán sucesivamente, los que, en

el mismo destino, se hagan dignos de él.' _Marure_, _Efem._,

33. Mora was born in San José in 1784, and had filled

several important trusts before his election to the chief

magistracy. After his retirement he again held other offices

till his exile in 1838. Returning to his country in 1842,

he took a prominent part in public affairs. In Nov. 1848 he

was declared a benemérito de la patria, and given a pension

for life. In May 1850 he became president of the supreme

court. Honesty and integrity were the prominent traits of his

character, united with ability and liberal ideas, but free

from exaggerations. _Molina_, _Costa R._, 75-6, 98, 119-21.

[IX-63] Costa Rica had never been under the sway of bishops,

clergymen, or monks. That fanaticism which has been so

baneful to other states of Spanish America never existed

here. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 305.

[IX-64] _Guat._, _Boletin Ofic._, 1833, no. 34, 376; _Costa

R._, _Col. Leyes_, iv. 4-5. Gallegos was an honorable man

and father of a family, as well as a wealthy property owner.

But he was not conversant with state affairs, nor with the

intrigues of politicians. His chief aim was economy; he

wished to see the public treasury full of money; he cared

less to apply that money in the development of the country.

[IX-65] In proof of which were the newspapers _El Noticioso

Universal_, _La Tertulia_, _El Correo de Costa Rica_, and the

number of sheets that were constantly issued.

[IX-66] By the assembly and council, and published by the

executive, Apr. 3, 1834. _Id._, 198-201; _Costa R._, Col.

_Leyes_, iv. 110-12, 120-1.

[IX-67] Juan José Lara became jefe provisorio, and in his

turn was succeeded in June of the same year by the vice-jefe

Agustin G. Lizaurzábal, who ruled till March 1835, when,

because of ill health, he delivered the government to Manuel

Fernandez, who had it till the regularly elected jefe assumed

his duties. _Marure_, _Efem._, 64; _Molina_, _Costa R._, 99;

_Costa R._, _Col. Leyes_, iv. 134-5, 159-60.

[IX-68] He was born in Cartago in 1800, and studied in

the university of Leon, Nicaragua. He had never been out

of Cent. Am., and consequently his mind had never had the

expanding influence of travel. He was accordingly full of

petty prejudices. He could, however, appreciate men of merit,

and avail himself of their abilities; but if he mistrusted a

man, he proved a relentless foe. He rarely placed any trust

in any one. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 208; _Costa R._,

_Col. Leyes_, iv. 206-7; _Molina_, _Costa R._, 68 et seq.;

_Wagner_, _Costa Rica_, 201-3.

[IX-69] Law of Apr. 11 and Aug. 25, 1835; _Costa R._, _Col.

Leyes_, iv. 196-9, 235-9; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, May 25,

1875.

[IX-70] Government issued a proclamation against the rebels

on the 6th of Oct., 1835. _Costa R._, _Col. Leyes_, iv.

273-80.

[IX-71] The decisive action occurred on the 28th of Oct.

About 50 persons perished. Details on those troubles appear

in _Molina_, _Costa R._, 99-100; _Marure_, _Efem._, 38. The

authors of the rebellion were mulcted in sums ranging from

$2,000 down to $30. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 208-27,

237-47.

[IX-72] Two thousand men came upon the invaders at the

hacienda of Santa Rosa. Quijano escaped to Nicaragua. The

government, by a decree of July 2, 1836, declared him and

others outlawed, and one of them was executed. _Costa R._,

_Col. Leyes_, iv. 325-30, 349-58. Guanacaste, later known as

Liberia, and Nicoya, for their loyalty, were rewarded, the

former being made a city, and the latter a villa. _Molina_,

_Costa R._, 100; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 230-6.

[IX-73] Carrillo held the executive office till March 1837,

when, his term having expired, he surrendered it to Joaquin

Mora, a brother of the former jefe, Juan Mora, who ruled only

one month, and began his administration by opposing some of

Carrillo's measures. _Id._, 312.

[IX-74] Aguilar had political enemies who accused him of

friendship for Cartago, Heredia, and Alajuela, thereby

exposing San José to new assaults. With this pretext a plan

was formed to assault the barracks at San José on the night

of Aug. 26th. _Id._, 318-20.

[IX-75] Carrillo was recognized as jefe by a special decree

of the assembly on the 26th of June, and remained at the

head of affairs till 1842, when he was overthrown in his

turn. _Costa R._, _Col. Leyes_, iv. 241; _Marure_, _Efem._,

64; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 322-3. Miguel Carranza,

Carrillo's father-in-law, became vice-jefe. _Stephens_,

_Cent. Am._, i. 359.

[IX-76] He established a reign of despotism, in which

his will was law, restricting the press and punishing his

political opponents with expatriation and otherwise, though

they were pardoned in 1838. _Costa R._, _Col. Leyes_, iv.

320-1, v. 96-100, 193-4. His course made him many enemies,

whom he treated with the utmost harshness. His change from

a liberal ruler to an arbitrary one was quite marked. He

was known by the sobriquet of Sapo de Loza. A number of

charges against him appear in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._,

iii. 561-79. During his former administration, in 1836, he

restored the tithes and the excessive number of holidays of

the church.

[IX-77] The assembly had, in April 1838, passed a resolution

inviting the federal congress to call a national convention

for the exclusive purpose of reforming the federal

institutions. _Costa R._, _Col. Leyes_, v. 196-8.

[IX-78] Carrillo could not rule with the liberal constitution

of 1825. To do away with this obstacle he used as a

pretext the decree of the federal congress of May 30,

1838, empowering the states to reconstitute themselves. The

assembly of Costa Rica accepted the decree on the 16th of

July, 1838, and Carrillo seized the opportunity to get rid

of a fundamental law that did not suit him. It was at his

suggestion that the assembly, by decree of July 14, 1838,

called the constituent convention. _Costa R._, _Col. Leyes_,

iv. 248-51, 279-84; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 266-7.

[IX-79] A treaty of friendship and alliance was concluded

July 1, 1839, with Honduras; another of the same character

one month later with Guatemala. Both are given in

_Convencion_, in _Cent. Am. Constitutions_, 13-14, 23-5.

[IX-80] The coat of arms was a star with rays, placed in the

centre of a sky-blue circle, and had at the circumference

the inscription 'Estado de Costa Rica.' The flag consisted

of three horizontal stripes, the uppermost and lowest white,

and the central one sky-blue, with the coat of arms on the

latter. The flag of the mercantile marine was not to have

the coat of arms, but instead of it, in silver letters on the

centre stripe, the inscription 'Estado de Costa Rica.' _Costa

R._, _Col. Leyes_, vi. 316-20.

[IX-81] President Morazan's decree of April 20, 1842,

restored the flag, arms, and coins as before the promulgation

of Carrillo's.

[X-1] Articles 8th and 9th of this treaty stipulated that

the ports of both states were to be closed to British trade

until Great Britain should restore to Central America the

island of Roatan, the seizure of which, together with its

consequences, is treated of in another part of this volume.

Chatfield, who had been favoring the views of Guatemala

against Los Altos, declared to the latter that these articles

were offensive to his government. The government of the new

state, being anxious to avert any interruption of friendly

relations, by its minister, Aguilar, assured the consul, on

the 18th of Jan., 1840, that the objectionable articles would

be rescinded.

[X-2] The state assembly passed a decree to that end April

17, 1841, and appointed the deputies to represent it, the

appointees being Francisco Castellon, Gregorio Juarez, Benito

Rosales, Ex-jefe José Nuñez, and Hermenegildo Zepeda. The

last named was represented by Sebastian Salinas. Castellon's

selection by the assembly was a blow at Buitrago, the two

being bitter opponents.

[X-3] In the protest they set forth the machinations brought

to bear to defeat them. Nicaragua and Salvador had asked

Guatemala and Costa Rica to enter the convention. Ferrera,

the executive of Honduras, played a double game. He had

representatives in the convention, while he was leagued

with the aristocrats of Guatemala, who spurned the idea of

reorganization. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 144.

[X-4] Meantime the convention named the supreme delegate

and the members of the council. The duties of the executive

officer were multifarious, involving foreign and internal

affairs. Among the foreign affairs was the negotiating of a

concordat with the pope, and of a treaty with Spain for her

recognition of Central American independence. He was also

to procure the reassembling of the American diet. _Squier's

Trav._, ii. 444-5; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 147-8;

_Reichardt_, _Nic._, 73-4; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Feb. 14,

1875.

[X-5] Act of the constituent assembly, dated July 20, 1842.

_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 304-5.

[X-6] The act consisted of 77 articles, and was an

amplification of the former act. Art. 4 said that

the confederate states recognized the principle of

non-intervention by one or more states in the internal

affairs of the others. They bound themselves never to

resort to arms for the settlement of disputed points, nor

to permit the annexation of towns of alien jurisdiction

without the express assent of their sovereign. The other

states of the late union were granted the privilege of

joining the confederacy with equal rights and representation.

Art. 14 prescribed that the government was to be exercised

through delegates for the general objects of common benefit

expressly set forth in the instrument. Art. 15. The executive

authority was to be in charge of a supremo delegado, with

a consultive council formed with one member from each

state. Art. 16. The judicial power was intrusted to a court

composed of members chosen by the state legislatures. The

delegates who subscribed the act were: J. Nuñez, G. Juarez,

Francisco Castellon, Pedro Zeledon, and Sebastian Salinas

for Nicaragua; Manuel Barberena, and José M. Cornejo for

Salvador; Manuel E. Vazquez, Mónico Bueso, and Jacobo Rosa

for Honduras. _Cent. Am._, _Pacto de Confed._, 1-12; _Niles'

Reg._, lxiv. 2; _La Union_, June 15, 1850; _Montúfar_,

_Reseña Hist._, iv. 266-82; _Pabellon Nac._, Oct. 19, 1844,

27; _Froebel's Cent. Am._, 143.

[X-7] An act was passed by the constituent assembly on the

28th of July, 1841, purporting to have in view a restoration

of the union. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 454-5.

[X-8] _Costa R._, _Col. Leyes_, viii. 28-36. This treaty

was called by the nobles 'tratado de union.' Carcache

produced a note of June 17, 1843. from Aycinena reiterating

his government's protest against the expediency and

practicability of establishing in Central America 'una forma

de gobierno unitario,' which in its opinion would entail

upon the country still greater misfortunes. Castellon, for

the Nicaragua executive, replied on the 5th of Aug., denying

that any offence had been committed by entertaining opinions

favorable to the late government. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._,

iv. 151-2.

[X-9] Rivera Paz' decree, in _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i.

46-8.

[X-10] Costa Rica appointed delegates to the diet. _Costa

R._, _Col. Leyes_, viii. 57-9, 92-8, 188-9. The minister

of Guat. had proposed to Costa Rica a convention of

commissioners from all the states, appointed in the manner

he suggested, namely, all the commissioners were to be of

Guatemala, and directed by him to review the compact of

Chinandega. The proposition was rejected. The reports of the

committees in the assemblies of Guatemala and Costa Rica are

given in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 283-97, 380, 407-9.

[X-11] This would save them from such blows as the lieut-gen.

inflicted on them at Pinula and Villa de Guadalupe, early in

1844.

[X-12] They were to be paid for by the confederate states.

[X-13] These facts appear in the official report to the state

government on May 6, 1844.

[X-14] José Antonio Azmitia became minister of the treasury,

and Manuel Ubico under-sec.-gen.

[X-15] He could not deny Arce's invasion of Salvador,

but pretended that no prominent man of the govt or of the

aristocratic party had any knowledge of his intention to

invade, or of the source from which he obtained his supplies.

Pavon knew well enough, but prevarication was convenient. The

fact is, Juan A. Alvarado, Guatemalan agent in San Salvador,

had given his government timely information of the intended

invasion. Arce's departure was open. In order to put an

innocent appearance on the affair, the govt decreed, May

12, 1844, that Arce should leave the city within 24 hours,

and the state within 20 days. In an address to the people

on the 2d of June, Rivera Paz says that Salvador emissaries

had been detected trying to rouse the people of Los Altos

to insurrection, and that the plan was intended to avenge

the defeat of 1840. This is hardly true; for Malespin had

been then on Carrera's side against Morazan, and his tool

in Salvador ever since. The aristocrats had, when it suited

their purposes, published letters of liberal leaders falling

in their hands; and yet they never brought out those said to

have been taken from the emissaries at Los Altos.

[X-16] The two notes are given in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._,

iv. 531-41.

[X-17] Col. Vicente Cruz, commanding the advance force of

Carrera's army, attributed the defeat to fear, which was not

altogether devoid of truth.

[X-18] The commissioners were: José D. Dieguez, Luis Batres,

and José M. Urruela for Guat.; Bishop Viteri and Narciso

Monterey for the sup. del.

[X-19] Art. 2 stipulated that all property removed from Guat.

to Salv. by the latter's forces should be restored, or its

value made good. This article was a hard one for Malespin,

and yet Viteri accepted it. This arrangement was completed in

May 1846. _Id._, v. 18; _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 408-15;

_Crowe's Gospel_, 159; _La Abeja_, Oct. 18, 1844; _Defensor

Integ. Nac._, Nov. 2, 1844; _El Constituc._, Apr. 23, 1844;

_Pabellon Nac._, Oct. 19, 29, 1844.

[X-20] He insisted on certain amendments, his commissioners

having exceeded their instructions, and humiliated Salvador,

which was irresponsible for the movement on Jutiapa. And yet

Guatemala declared the convention to be obligatory.

[X-21] The object then in view was to unite Malespin and

Ferrera for a dash upon Nicaragua. With the Guatemalan

commissioners went Viteri, and he had a princely reception.

[X-22] He added that by sacrificing a great portion of her

rights Salv. had obtained peace.

[X-23] The commissioners who negotiated it were: Cayetano

Bosque for Salvador; Canon Doroteo Alvarenga and Juan Lindo

for Honduras. The object of the arrangement was evidently a

league against Nicaragua, though it cannot be said to have

been against the party called 'coquimbos,' for generals Saget

and Espinosa were now serving with Malespin. _Montúfar_,

_Reseña Hist._, iv. 567-8, 581-2.

[X-24] The confederate executive had ordered a force of

Nicaragüenses to come into Salvador through the department

of Choluteca, Lieut-col Aguado being charged with their

transportation.

[X-25] The troops could not come by sea, the port of La Union

being then blockaded by a British frigate. Copy of Aguilar's

note, dated Aug. 11, 1844, in _Id._, 569-71.

[X-26] Muñoz' report sets the enemy's loss at 156 killed,

besides many prisoners, and over 200 muskets, etc.

[X-27] The place was defended by upwards of 700 men under

Juan Morales.

[X-28] Guzman could not grant such authority, as it was

of the exclusive province of the state congress. It was,

besides, unnecessary, as neither Salvador nor Honduras was

invaded.

[X-29] For his own security, in his absence, he placed his

brother, Calixto Malespin, as comandante general, near

Vice-president Guzman. This man used to open Guzman's

correspondence, and deliver him only such despatches as

he thought expedient. See circular of Jimenez, Guzman's

minister, to governors of departments, of Feb. 12, 1845, in

_Id._, 717-18.

[X-30] He was the constitutional chief. _Ayon_, _Apuntes_, 4;

_Semanario Nic._, Apr. 24, 1873.

[X-31] A pompous title, which rendered him ridiculous in

the eyes of many, while it excited jealousy on the part of

others. _Squier's Trav._, ii. 449. Fonseca is represented as

a drunkard, ignorant, and the most brutal tyrant Nicaragua

ever had. Life and property were subject to his nod.

_Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 224-5; _Wells' Hond._, 494.

[X-32] It should be known that Chamorro had not been a

Morazanista, or even a liberal. He was the chief of the

conservative party in Nic. On March 29, 1845, his term having

expired, and there being no legal successor, he decreed

that the office of supremo delegado ceased to exist, and

communicated the fact to the governments of the several

states. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 122.

[X-33] Oct. 31, 1844. The object of the war, he said, was to

avenge the insult inflicted by Nic. on Hond., and it was to

be waged till a lasting peace could be secured.

[X-34] Here the invaders were joined by Gen. Manuel Quijano

and 64 dragoons who had deserted from Leon.

[X-35] The commissioners were Hermenegildo Zepeda and

Gerónimo Carcache. Malespin himself acted for Salv. and Hond.

Art. 1 required Nic. to pay Salv. and Hond. all the expenses

of the present war, and to Salv. those incurred in the war of

April last against Guat., because Nic. had failed to furnish

her contingent of troops. This last payment was waived by

Salv. in art. 6. Art. 2 calls for the surrender by Nic.

of all arms within her territory belonging to the allies.

Art. 3 made it the duty of Nic. to deliver to the allied

forces the 'facciosos' Joaquin Rivera, Máximo Orellana,

Miguel Álvarez, Trinidad Cabañas, Gerardo Barrios, Diego

and Ramon Vijil, if found in the state, and if they were

out of it, not to allow them to reside therein without the

consent of the allied governments. Art. 7 throws upon Nic.

the expense of supporting the allied troops from the date of

the ratification of the treaty till they should have reached

their quarters in their respective states. _Montúfar_,

_Reseña Hist._, iv. 592-4.

[X-36] Guardiola became intoxicated and abused the deserters;

whereupon half of them abandoned the allied camp, and he was

placed under arrest.

[X-37] Among the slain was Cruz Guardiola, a brother of the

general.

[X-38] It will be well to record here that Muñoz, to whom

Leon owed her present tribulation, was a Nicaraguan by birth.

[X-39] The negotiators for Nic. were Canon Desiderio Cortés

and Anselmo Alarcon; for Salv. and Hond., Gen. Nicolás

Espinosa and J. T. Muñoz. Under this capitulation the terms

agreed to in the former one at Zatoca were to be enforced as

regarded payment of war expenses and surrender of arms. Nic.

bound herself to expel from the state Casto Fonseca, Cabañas,

Rivera, Orellana, Barrios, Álvarez, Diego, Ramon and José

Antonio Vijil, Domingo Asturias, José Antonio Milla, and José

Antonio Ruiz; and furthermore, to deliver to Malespin some

Salvadorans who revolted against him at San Miguel on the 5th

of Sept., 1844.

[X-40] Granada took Malespin's side, and was followed by

Rivas and other places. It seemed as if all the actas had

been written by the same hand. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._,

iv. 600, 635-6.

[X-41] The most humiliating part of this arrangement was

the 3d clause, wherein the eastern and southern departments

recognize Malespin as 'protector de los Nicaragüenses,'

and general-in-chief of the united armies, including one

organized by those departments, till the end of the war.

_Id._, iv. 600-2; _Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 12, 14, 55-6, 65,

69, 110-15; _Sandoval_, _Rev. Polít._, 9, 15-18.

[X-42] Several officers were shot, among them a number

taken by Saget, on the vessel _Carolina_. Malespin issued

stringent orders against rendering aid to the besieged. An

official report from Nagarote of Jan. 23d, to the comandante

at Managua, speaks of a defeat of troops of the govt at Leon,

with the loss of 200 killed, 300 wounded, and many prisoners,

together with 3 pieces of cannon and other arms, etc. _Nic._,

_Registro Ofic._, 4.

[X-43] It is related that Pedro Zeledon, a Costa Rican

residing in Chichigalpa, Nic., wrote Muñoz, depicting the

horrors of the war and the need of peace. Malespin made Muñoz

invite Zeledon to a conference, and when he had him in his

power, demanded a ransom of $1,000, but did not get anything,

and Zeledon obtained his liberty.

[X-44] The only house exempted from plunder was Manning's.

Many houses were razed to the ground, or burned purposely.

[X-45] On the first day the acting director, Emiliano Madrid,

Crescencio Navas, cols Francisco Lacayo and Balmaceda, Capt.

Valle, José M. Oseguera, and Father Crespin were shot.

Crespin's offence was to have begged the infamous Manuel

Quijano, at the door of the hospital for the wounded, to

spare them. Canon Cortés was put to death afterward. Casto

Fonseca, captured on the coast, was tried by court-martial

and shot. An eye-witness declared that 24 persons were

executed by Malespin in Leon. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._,

iv., table no. 5, 636; _Sandoval_, _Revista Polít._, 7-15;

_Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 227, 230-3; _Nic._, _Registro Ofic._,

4-6, 14; _Crowe's Gospel_, 159-61; _Niles' Reg._, lxviii.

193. Bustamante, _Mem. Hist. Mex._, MS., ii. 77, speaks of

Malespin's acts of horrible cruelty, adding that according

to the newspapers of Guat. Malespin had caused to be

assassinated over 1,000 persons.

[X-46] Eighty-five prisoners were released from the jail,

many of whom had been confined there for alleged political

offenses.

[X-47] He was a son-in-law of Vice-president Guzman. They

differed in politics, but Barrios fully believed that Guzman

was the person to overthrow Malespin, and must be aided with

some bold stroke.

[X-48] He called a large number of his friends to his house

and armed them with pistols—he had not a single musket at

his command. He then called the comandante general, and the

mayor de plaza, Antonino Arévalo, and made prisoners of them

without resistance. The two escaped afterward, but Malespin

was recaptured, with a wound.

[X-49] Acta of the capital on Feb. 2, 1845. _Montúfar_,

_Reseña Hist._, iv. 719-24; _Monit. Constit. Indep._, May 2,

1845; _La Minerva_, May 22, 1845.

[X-50] Costa R. had heard of it by a vessel from Acajutla,

and sent her recognition before the circular reached her.

The govt of Nic., created by Malespin, recognized Guzman. The

nobles of Guat. had to do the same; and believing themselves

endowed with extraordinary good sense, added their advice

with all the gravity of pedagogues. _Montúfar_, _Reseña

Hist._, iv. 678.

[X-51] On the ground of unconstitutionality, he being in

command of the state forces at the time the election took

place. Circular Feb. 24, 1845, in _Id._, 725; _El Salvador

Regenerado_, no. 2.

[X-52] Guzman was a Costa Rican by birth, but had lived many

years in San Miguel, Salv. He entertained liberal ideas from

his earliest political life. His military service, under

Morazan, began soon after the battle of Gualcho, and he was

present as a captain in the actions of San Miguel and Las

Charcas. He accompanied that leader to Guat. In the invasion

of Cent. Am. from Mex. by Arce in 1832, Guzman did gallant

service at Jocoro, and entered San Salvador with Morazan.

Again during San Martin's rebellion he served under his

chief as a lieut-col. The chambers of Salvador, on the 19th

of May, 1845, declared Guzman a 'benemérito de la patria,'

and awarded him a gold medal, at the same time promoting

him to general of division. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv.

693-4; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, May 21, 1875. Dunlop, _Cent.

Am._, 116, says of him: He was 'more remarkable for cunning

than honor or courage. His manners are gentlemanly; he has

no mixture of colored blood, and is rather good-looking,

though he appears to possess but little talent or education.'

I am inclined to think that Dunlop misrepresented Guzman's

character, for Guzman proved himself a good and pure ruler,

and his name is revered in the state and throughout Cent. Am.

by all lovers of freedom and enlightenment.

[X-53] On the 23d of Feb., 1845, grounded on the execution

of priests at Leon. The decree forbids the faithful of the

diocese to have any intercourse, verbal or written, with

Malespin, or to uphold or defend him in any manner. Full

text in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 679-81; _Bustamante_,

_Mem. Hist. Mex._, MS., ii. 78.

[X-54] They were Cayetano A. Molina and Juan Antonio

Alvarado. They asked not merely for Carrera's neutrality,

but for his active aid, and were referred to the ministers,

by whom they were dealt with as children. The ministers

pretended that their request could not be acceded to without

an express sanction of the legislature, which was not then in

session for lack of a quorum. The plea was a ridiculous one,

when we consider that Carrera had never before consulted the

wishes of the assembly to act his own will.

[X-55] Malespin had been acting there as president, under

Hond. support; but on Guzman's approach his troops disbanded,

and he fled.

[X-56] In March 1845 the president of Hond. took Malespin

and his companions under the protection of his govt. _Nic._,

_Registro Ofic._, 53-4.

[X-57] The commissioners of Hond. were Sebastian Salinas

and Leonardo Romero; those of Salv., José Félix Quiroz

and Nicolás Angulo. The treaty was ratified by Salv., but

rejected by the other contracting party. Text of the treaty

and Dueñas' additional clause, in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._,

iv. 726-32.

[X-58] Concluded by Cayetano A. Molina and Juan A. Alvarado

for Salv., and Alejandro Marure and José M. de Urruela for

Guat., April 4, 1845; approved by the constituent congress of

Guat. on the 23d of the same month, and published by Acting

President Duran the next day. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i.

415-19; _Guat._, _Gaceta_, July 8, 1853; _Monit. Constit.

Ind._, May 21, 1845; _La Minerva_, May 22, 1845.

[X-59] Dueñas was then considered a liberal, though he was

a Dominican friar when the convents were closed in 1839, for

which reason the government of Guat. would not trust him. It

was deceiving him. He was, however, the one most likely to

succeed in keeping Carrera from aiding Hond. in the present

emergency. Hond. had sent Felipe Jáuregui and Pablo Orellana

to Guat. The former was Ferrera's mentor, and in the councils

of Pavon, Aycinena, and Batres. At first he was alarmed at

the liberalism of the constituent congress, which had voted

assistance to Salv. But he received assurances that no aid

would be sent except to quell revolts in the interior; and,

moreover, that the foes of Hond. would be stricken from the

Salvador administration. Jáuregui now understood the game,

and wrote his government that the vote of aid by congress

practically amounted to nothing. A note containing these

assurances was published in Comayagua. Guat. concluded a

treaty of friendship and alliance with Hond. on the 19th of

July, 1845. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 419-23.

[X-60] Dr Aguilar and Father Monterey. _Nic._, _Registro

Ofic._, 61-2, 123-34. Gen. Muñoz, who so efficiently aided

Malespin at Leon, was now the com. gen. and most prominent

man in Nic.

[X-61] Ferrera claimed another victory on the 7th at Santa

Rosa, but it was unfounded. _Id._, 83, 88; _Monitor Constit.

Ind._, May 21, 1845; _Crowe's Gospel_, 166-7.

[X-62] He demanded on the 11th of July, as compensation

for alleged damages to Hond. by the invasion of Cabañas and

Cordero, that Salv. should cede to Hond. all the arms and

other war material deposited in the latter state by Malespin,

and pay, besides, $100,000 in specie, to be collected by

Hond. in instalments at the port of La Union, which, until

the payments should be completed, was to be held by Hond.;

or, in lieu of that sum, cede to the latter the department of

San Miguel, or that portion of the department of Cuscatlan

lying outside of the territory enclosed by the Lempa on

the south and south-west. He also required the exile from

Cent. Am. of a number of persons. This note was published

in _Guat._, _Gaceta Ofic._, no. 15, Aug. 28, 1845. In July

a project was entertained of a confederation of Hond. with

Nic., Guat., and Salv. _Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 93-5, 102-8,

118-21, 136-8.

[X-63] One house containing British property was spared.

The houses of two French merchants, whose nation's flag was

flying over them, were plundered. _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 239.

[X-64] In his report he tried to cover up this serious

disaster. But the fact was, that he escaped with only about

300 men, leaving on the field upward of 300 muskets, and a

large number of slain, wounded, and prisoners. _Montúfar_,

_Reseña Hist._, iv. 700-1.

[X-65] Hond. troops entered Salv. after that and were

defeated. Guardiola with 350 men attacked Carballo, who had

only 39, and murdered them. It is said that this act was

commended by Ferrera in his report to the chambers of Hond.

[X-66] Guzman then returned to Hond. a number of prisoners

who had been represented by his enemies as murdered.

[X-67] So long as they remained in Hond. the latter was

to compel them to live at a great distance from the Salv.

frontier. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 736-8; _Dunlop's

Cent. Am._, 239-43; _Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 132, 172,

221-2; _El Tiempo_, March 12, 1846.

[X-68] Each of the contracting parties was to appoint two

commissioners to meet at Sonsonate on the 30th of Aug., and

was to urge upon the other three states a consideration of

the lamentable state the republic was in, suggesting how best

to do away with such a condition of affairs; and proposing

therefor the convocation and assembling of a constituent

power, or such other measure as it might deem conducive to

the desired end. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 30-1.

[X-69] Duran well understood the policy of his government.

Padilla did not, and volunteered to represent in San Salvador

the ardent wishes of Guat. for the restoration of the union.

He did so in a patriotic speech that gave him a good name in

Salv. and a bad one in Guat., where the _Gaceta_ rebuked him.

[X-70] 'Un delirio de imaginaciones enfermas,' it was

pronounced to be. Delegates from Costa R., Salv., and Guat.

were at Sonsonate on the 17th of Feb., 1846, and fixed the

15th to the 20th of April for conferences, but they did not

take place. On the 15th of June Costa R., Hond., and Salv.

only were represented. Nic. and Costa R. signified their

willingness to meet the other states at any place they might

select, Hond. having suggested Nacaome, as Sonsonate was no

longer deemed safe. The whole plan failed at last because

of the action of Guat. Much interesting information on the

subject and official correspondence appear in _Guat._, _Gac.

Ofic._, no. 26; _Costa R._, _Col. Leyes_, ix. 51-3, 58,

203-4, 212-14, 345-6; x. 115-17, 123-4; _Nic._, _Reg. Ofic._,

236-350, passim; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 316-18,

334-5; _Froebel's Cent. Am._, 143; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._,

253-4; _Niles' Reg._, lxix. 34.

[X-71] Signed by Rafael Carrera, and countersigned by José

Antonio Azmitia, minister of relations. _Guat._, _Recop.

Leyes_, i. 73-6; _Costa R._, _Informe Relaciones, etc._,

1848, 4; _El Universal_, June 8, 1849; _Niles' Reg._, lxxii.

208; _The Californian_, S. F., Nov. 24, 1847, ii. 3.

[X-72] The document bore Carrera's name, but it was no

production of his own mind. The authorship was attributed

to Alejandro Marure; that is to say, he drew it up from

the materials that had been collecting for years. _La

Revista_, the organ of the Sociedad Económica, declared it

the offspring of long meditation, and indeed it was, for the

aristocrats of Guat. had been planning it since 1828. The

full text is given in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 196-207.

[X-73] Manuel Pineda de Mont, compiler of _Guat._, _Recop.

Leyes_, i. 453, claims, however, that Guat. was the last of

the five states to set aside the federal govt, the last to

secede, the last to continue bearing the general burdens of

the system, especially the pecuniary ones to sustain even

the semblance of authority; and that she only adopted the

resolution of March 21, 1847, after exhausting every effort,

and losing all hope of seeing her wishes realized. The reader

will judge between his statements and the facts as they have

been fairly given by me.

[X-74] Joaquin Bernardo Calvo and Juan Antonio Alvarado.

The ruler of Costa Rica, Dr Castro, was, however, of the

opinion that the five Central American states would be better

off as separate nations. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v.

266-7; _Nacaome_, _Dictamen_, in _Cent. Am. Pamph._, no. 5;

_Froebel's Cent. Am._, 143.

[X-75] Among them was the deputy Nazario Toledo, an intimate

friend of the president. Felipe Molina was another, and his

opinions are clearly defined in his _Bosq. Costa R._, 108-9.

[X-76] The decree bears the signatures of Juan Rafael Reyes,

vice-president, and Nazario Toledo and Santiago Fernandez,

deputies and secretaries of congress. _Costa R._, _Col.

Leyes_, x. 336-8; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 526-7.

[X-77] The arrangement looked to a consolidation for the

purpose of conducting foreign relations, and to an early

union on the plan of a federation. _Cent. Am. Miscel. Doc._,

46; _Costa R._, _Gac. Gob._, March 2, Apr. 20, 1850; _Hond._,

_Gac. Ofic._, Aug. 31, 1850; _El Siglo_, Apr. 22, 1851;

_Nic._, _Corr. Ist._, Dec. 16, 1849, March 21, Oct. 3, 1850;

_La Union_, Jan. 1, 15, 1850; _Guat._, _Gac._, Nov. 30, 1849;

_Salv._, _Gac._, Dec. 7, 1849.

[X-78] Consul-gen. Chatfield was officially advised of

the new organization on the 21st Jan., 1851, and ignored

Sec. Buitrago's note. On being reminded of it, May 22d,

he returned an insulting reply July 13th, refusing his

recognition, when the government decreed, on the 24th of

July, to cancel his exequatur as consul-gen. in the states

belonging to the confederation, and to inform his govt of

the cause. _Cent. Am. Docs._, 1-6. The British officials

also resorted to other means to defeat what they called Am.

policy. _Squier's Cent. Am._, ii. 135; _El Universal_, Feb.

19, March 26, 1850; _Salv._, _Gac._, Dec. 21, 1849; _Dem.

Rev._, Nov. 1850, 452.

[X-79] Guat. and Costa R. had refused to join. _Salv. Gac._,

March 8, 22, 1850, Oct. 12, 1854; _Nic._, _Corr. Ist._, Jan.

16, 30, 1851.

[X-80] The act of installation was accompanied with religious

and civic ceremonies, the govt of Hond., at whose head was

Trinidad Cabañas, heartily joining them. Congratulatory

messages came from all friends of the union. _El Siglo_, S.

Salv., Oct. 29, 30, Nov. 1, 4, 10, 14, 16, 19, 1852; _Hond._,

_Gac. Ofic._, Oct. 30, Nov. 15, 1852; _Perez_, _Mem. Hist.

Revol. Nic._, 17; _El Porvenir_, nos. 6, 7.

[X-81] The assembly also elected a vice-jefe and four

substitute councillors to fill the executive chair, in the

event of the jefe or members of the executive council dying

or becoming disabled.

[X-82] It set forth the duties of the jefe supremo and

councillors, the independence between the federal and state

authorities, the rights of citizens, responsibilities of

public officials, and organization of the federal judiciary.

_Hond._, _Gac. Ofic._, Nov. 30, 1852.

[X-83] Salv. on the 21st of March, and Nic. on the 30th of

April. The congress, acting too precipitately, overstepped

the bounds of its powers. _Perez_, _Mem. Hist. Revol. Nic._,

17-18.

[X-84] More details on the confederation scheme are contained

in _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 110-16; _El Nacional_, Nov.

27, Dec. 25, 1858; _Nic._, _Bol. Ofic._, July 30, 1869;

_Id._, _Gac._, March 2, 9, 1872; _Id._, _Seman. Nicar._, Nov.

21, Dec. 12, 1872, Feb. 6, Oct. 16, 1873; _Los Anales_, Dec.

1, 1872; _Mex._, _Diario Ofic._, Nov. 2, 1871; _U. S. Gov.

Doc._, H. Ex. Doc., 42d Cong. 2d Sess., i., pt 1, 680-3;

_Costa R._, _Inf. Rel._, 1876, 12-14; _Salv._, _Gac. Ofic._,

June 10, July 6, Aug. 19, Oct. 26, 27, 1876; _Id._, _Diario

Ofic._, March 17, Oct. 5, 13, 1875, Jan. 27, 30, Feb. 2-6,

1876; _Pan. Star and Herald_, March 2, 1876; _Caicedo_,

_Lat. Am._, 60-2; _Cent. Am._, _Contest. al Voto_, 1-23;

_Chamorro_, _Cuestion Nacional_, 1-7; _Harper's Monthly

Mag._, xvii. 691.

Further authorities for the preceding chapters are:

_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, vols i.-iv., passim; _Id._,

_Discurso_, 1-12; _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 1-72, 96-100,

164-79, 185-6, 197-202, 207, 217-73, 382-95, 453-5, 461-75,

592-600, 858-9, 877-8; ii. 83-260, 632-7; iii. 286, 338-48;

_Id._, _Bolet. Ofic._, 1831, no. 2; 1832, nos. 17, 20; 1833,

no. 34; 1834, nos. 34, 56, July 15, Oct. 15; 1836, no. 84;

1837, no. 10; 1838, no. 53; _Fernando VII._, _Documentos_,

264-76, 281-5, 292-311, 337-49; _Id._, _Decretos_, 4-10,

15-26, 33-73, 105-10, 120-34, 149-82, 194-201, 220-3,

243-81; _Ayon_, _Consid. Límites_, 20-4. _Id._, _Apuntes_,

passim; _Astaburuaga_, _C. Amer._, 12-32, 79-80; _Arce_,

_Mem._, passim; _Reichardt_, _Nic._, 76-9; _Id._, _Cent.

Am._, 37-44, 114-17, 133-4, 139-45, 208-11; _Pim's Gate

of the Pac._, 38, 56, 58-61; _Gac. Imp. Mex._, i. 162-3,

445-8, 477-9, 489-91, 503-5; ii. 554-61, 635, 657-9, 677-9,

735, 747-52; _Gac. de Méx._, 1823, no. 3, 11-12, 1826, July

4, Sept. 16, Oct. 31, Dec. 14; 1826, Jan. 25, March 1, 31,

April 26; _Ocios Españ. Emig._, v. 307-11, 405-13, 487-505;

vi. 8-21, 107-17, 302-13, 383-4; vii. 3-7; _Rocha_, _Cód.

Nic._, i. 19-23, 56-64, 72-92, 214-16; ii. 22-56, 163-4;

_Morazan y Carrera_, _Apuntes_, MS., 1-18; _Molina_, _Coup

d'œil Costa R._, 4-5, 9-12; _Id._, _Costa R. y N. Granada_,

9-10, 16-29; _Id._, _Bosq. Costa R._, passim; _Integ. Cent.

Am._, Dec. 11, 1849; _El Rol_, Oct. 13, 1854; _Zebadúa_,

_Manif._, 1-40; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 103-4; _Id._, _Stat.

and Com. Hist. Guat._, 74; _Squier's Guat._, 581-2; _Id._,

_States C. A._, 360-1, 414-16, 466, 482, 493, 575-88, 627-8,

641-3, 663; _Id._, _Travels C. Am._, ii., passim; _Id._,

_Comp. Hist. C. A._, 18-191; _Wells' Honduras_, 116, 120,

230-1, 472-83; _Jordan's Dangers to Foreigners_, 50-2;

_Cuevas_, _Porv. Méx._, 252-7; _Costa R._, _Mem. Relac._,

1884, 2-34, and docs. 1 and 2; _Annals Brit. Legis._,

i. 60; ii. 192, 365; _Hernandez y Dávalos_, _Col. Doc._,

ii. 81-2, 130-1; _Herrera_, _Discurso_, 1-12; _Suarez y

Navarro_, _Hist. Méj._, 386, 407-14; _Sur America_, _Sobre

las Perturbaciones de Guat._, 1-52; _Lafond_, _Voy. autour

du Monde_, i. 367, 373-8; _Laferrière_, _De Paris à Guat._,

58-64, 256-8; _Puydt et Binckum_, _Colonisation_, 116-24;

_Rivera_, _Hist. Jalapa_, ii. 305; _Urrueta_, _Inglaterra_,

7-12; _Zamacois_, _Hist. Méj._, ix. 9-10; _Aznero Plata_,

_Informe_, 1-19; _Espir. Públ._, Dec. 13, 20, 1828; Jan.

18, Feb. 14, 1829; _Wappäus_, _Mex. und C. Amer._, 258-64,

271-4, 360-3; _Trollope's W. Ind._, 335; _Dunn's Guatemala_,

13-29, 150-1, 167-88, 205; _Atleta_, 149-50, 199-200, 477;

_Guat._, _Mem. contenant au Aperçu_, 4, 126, 146-58; _Id._,

_Memoria_, 1837, 12-22; _Robertson's Hist. Am._, ii. 1138-9;

_El Progreso_, April 11, 18, 25, 1850; _Tribune Almanac_,

1851, 36; _Holinski_, _La Californie_, 305-31; _Huston's

Journey in Hond._, 11; _Niles' Register_, xxii. 65; xxiii.

406; xxvii. 355; xxviii. 37, 114-15, 304; xxix. 39, 192, 382;

xxx. 439-40; xxxi. 160, 172-6; xxxii. 80, 201, 232, 282, 375;

xxxiii. 38; xxxiv. 8, 36, 123; xxxv. 41, 155, 349; xxxvi.

321; xxxviii. 369, 395; xliii. 268; xlv. 210; liv. 289;

lvi. 49, 210, 243, 385; lvii. 34, 280; lix. 191; _Emigrado

Observ._, 1828, 5-24, 122, in _Ocios de España_; _Pineda_,

_Descrip. Geog._, 14-16; _Byam's Wild Life_, 32-7; _Nouv.

Annales Voy._, xcii. 59-60, 75-7; c. 51-60, 64-6; _Young's

Mosq. Shore_, 15-21, 26-33, 42-3, 53-89, 106-14, 122-38,

156, 166; _Overland Monthly_, xiv. 159-67; _Larrainzar_,

_Soconusco_, 80, 132,168, 178; _Repertorio Americano_, i.

273-89; _Eastern Coast C. Am._, 8-25; _Strangeways' Mosq._,

4-5, 59-68, 119-33, 144-8, 237-338; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._,

passim; _Henderson's Account of Br. Hond._, 28-105, 165-211;

_D'Orbigny_, _Voy. deux Ameríques_, 398-406; _Pim and

Seemann's Dottings_, 314; _Nuevo Viajero Univ._, iii. 609-10;

_Larenaudière_, Mex. et Guat., 295-308; _Poinsett's Notes

on Mex._, app. 64; _Anderson's Commerce_, iv. 449; _Dunbar's

Mex. Papers_, 234-5; _Regil_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, iii. 239,

315; _Ancona_, _Hist. Yuc._, iv. 221-35; _Boletin Ofic._

(_Méx._), no. 14, 2; _Diputados, Lista de_; _Doc. Hist.

Cal._, iv. 807-8; _Suarez_, _Informe_, 182; _Dicc. Univ.

Hist. Geog._, x. 919-20, 971; _Findlay's Directory_, i. 223,

240; _Peralta_, _Repúb. de Costa Rica_, 4-8; _Polynesian_,

iv. 166; _North Am. Rev._, xiv. 420-46; xxvi. 136-8, 143-5;

_Osborne's Guide to W. Ind._, 234, 261-2; _Wagner_, _Costa

Rica_, 201-3, 231, 543-51, 568; _Crowe's Gospel in C. Am._,

115-51, 200-22; _Los Anales_, Oct. 15, 1872, p. 471; Nov. 1,

1872, p. 53; Nov. 15, 1872, p. 56; Dec. 1, 1872, pp. 62-3;

Dec. 15, 1872, pp. 71-2; _Paredes_, _Coast of Mosquitos_,

1-62; _Nic._, _Semanario Nic._, May 30, July 4, 18, Dec. 26,

1872; Jan. 2, March 6, April 17, 24, 1873; _Hassel_, _Mex.

and Guat._, 316-19; _Boddam's Across Cent. Am._, 66; _Bolet.

Extraord. Guat._, Oct. 16, 1832; July 30, 1833; _Farol_,

102-5; _Von Tempsky's Mitla_, 337-43; _Fajardo_, _Informe al

Min. Relac._, 2-3, 14-15; _Haefkens_, _Reize naar Guat._, ii.

76-97; _Id._, _Central Amerika_, 1-468; _Stephens' Travels C.

Am._, i. 11-22, 195-200, 211, 225-50, 304-7, 359; ii. 37-8,

51-90, 107-17, 205-9; _Thompson's Guat._, 2, 136, 140, 160,

163, 167, 185-6, 252-8, 415, 422-3, 509-10; _Lastarría_,

_La América_, 250-2; _Ortigosa_, _Sermon_, p. 24; _Diaz_,

_Miscel._, no. 1, p. 1; _Costa Rica_, _Ley Fundamental

Reformada_ (Alajuela, 1835), 1-48; _Id._, _Ley Fundamental

de Costa R._ (San Salvador, 1825), 1-26; _Amer. Review_,

Nov. 1850, 446-55; _Stout's Nic._, 147-9, 168-75, 258-9,

358-62; _Bolet. Soc. Mex. Geog._, 2da ép., iii. 100-6; iv.

712-15; _Méx._, _Actas Congr. Const._, iv. 2; _Id._, _Col.

Dec. sob. Congr._, p. 219; _Mesa y Leompart_, _Hist. Amer._,

ii. 360-72; _Martin's Hist. W. Ind._, i. 163-70; _Lond. Geog.

Soc._, _Jour._, v. 387-92; vi. 128, 135; viii. 317-27; xi.

82-8; _Lynch_, _Relacion Puntual_, 1757, MS., 4-19; _Otras

Reflex. sobre Reforma en Cent. Am._, 1-21; _Pan._, _Docs.

Ofic._, in _Pan._, _Col. Doc._, MSS., no. 31, pp. 62, 66-70;

_Pinart Coll._; _S. Amer. and Guat._, i. 221-3; _Liceaga_,

_Adic. y Rectific._, 613; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis Géog. Univ._,

vi. 468; _Macgregor's Prog. America_, i. 744-7; _Gordon's

Digest Laws U. S._, 328-35; _Lunario de Centro-Amér._; _El

Siglo_, Jan. 10, May 16, 1851; June 5, 1852; _Guat. Com.

and Agric. Co._, 133-7; _Macpherson's Annals of Com._, iii.

548; iv. 159, 179; _El Observador de la Repúb. Mex._, July

4, 1827; _Guat._, _Los Nobles_, 1-11; _Blasquez_, _Opinion

sobre los Chamelcos_, in _Doc. Originales Chiapas_, 4-5;

_Diario Méx._, xi. 279-80; xii. 477-80; _Amer. Annual

Reg._, 1825-6, 40-9; _Id._, 1826-7, 171-82; _West Indies_,

_Description_, 49-50; _Torrente_, _Revol. Hisp.-Am._, i. 115;

_Revue Américaine_, i. 398-408; _Oposicion_ (_La._), June

15, 1835; _Democ. Review_, v. 609-10; xxx. 547; _Pabellon

Nac._, Nov. 21, 1844; _Nic._, _Reg. Ofic._, 9-13, 59-60;

_Los Altos_, _Manif. Documentado_, 1-28; _Amér. Cent._,

_Reclam. de Interv._, 7-10; _Lesur_, _Annuaire Hist. Univ._,

1827, 577-8; _Cor. Fed. Mex._, Nov. 9, 11, 27, Dec. 14, 18,

1826; 1827, passim; Feb. 13, March 31, June 14, July 18,

Sept. 1, 9, 14, 18, 21-2, Oct. 28; _Amérique Cent._, _Cie

Belge_, pt ii. 30-2, 115-29, 160-1; _Guat._, _Decretos_,

i. nos. 1, 4, 20, 25, 31, 32, 39, 41, 134; _Morelet_, _Voy.

dans l'Amér. Cent._, ii. 291; _Montgomery's Narrative Jour.

to Guat._, 33-54, 142-9; _Modern Traveller_, _Mex. and

Guat._, ii. 194-5, 317; _Nic. y Hond._, _Docs._, 1-11, 35;

_Sandoval_, _Revista Polít._, 3-7; _San Juan_, _Ocupacion_,

28-43; _Alaman_, _Hist. Méj._, 50, 291-2; v. 57, 478, 614,

ap. pp. 46-65, 104; _Id._, _Mem. Presentada á las Cámaras_,

9; _Bidwell's Panamá_, 347; _Hond._, _Gac. Ofic._, Feb. 20,

June 30, 1853; _C. Rica_, _Gac. Gob._, Jan. 26, 1850; _Gac.

Nic._, April 1, June 17, 1865; July 20, 1867; _Santangelo_,

_Congr. Panamá_, 73-5; _Saravia_, _Bosq. Polít. Estad._,

17-18; _El Semanal Nicaragüense_, i. 44; _Baily's Cent.

Am._, 81-2; _Mex. Finan._, April 18, 1885, pp. 40-2; _Mex. y

Guat._, _Cuest. Límites_, 52-3; _Nic._, _Nueva Discusion_,

6; _Gac. Salv._, Oct. 12, 1854; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._,

Feb.-May 1875, passim; March 2, 28, Sept. 9, 1876; Sept. 20,

1878; June 20, Sept. 5, 1879; _Méx._, _Mem. Guerra_, 1833,

p. 8; _Id._, _Mem. Relac._, 1823, pp. 11-12; 1827, p. 11;

1829, p. 2; 1832, pp. 2-3; 1833, pp. 1-2, 1835, pp. 3-4;

1838, p. 9; 1839, pp. 2-3; 1839, MS., pp. 12-13; 1840, p. 2;

1841, in _Diario Gob. Mex._, Jan. 24, 1841, p. 1; _Méx._,

_Mem._, ii., docs. 1, 5, 8; _Id._, _Mem. Min. Relac._, i.,

docs. 2, 4, 5, 9, 11, 12, 13; _Nic._, _Memoria_, in _Cent.

Am. Pamphl._, iii., no. 1, 4-28; _Payne's Hist. Europ.

Colonies_, 324-32; _Quart. Review_, xxviii. 157-61; _Gac.

de Guat._, Oct. 7, 1853; May 5, Dec. 22, 1854; _Costa Rica_,

_Bolet. Ofic._, Jan. 13, 24, 27, Feb. 3, 7, 14, 17, 28, March

14, 17, 1855; _Mill's Mex._, 205-19; _Alm._, _Ruiz Calend.

Salv._, 1873, 66-71; _Id._, _Guat. Guia_, 1853, 13-14;

_Id._, _Hond._, 1829, 5, 18-37, 56-64, 90-5, 124-7, 133-48;

_Cabildo_, _Informe que el Cabildo_, 1-75; _Cancelada_, _Tel.

Mex._, 104-11; _Chatfield's Letter to Lord Palmerston_, Dec.

13, 1847; _Id._, _Letter to Guat. Govt_, Dec. 10, 1847, in

_Mosq._, _Correspond. respecting Mosq. Terr._, 170-2; _La

Nacion_, Sept. 8, 1856; _Mosq.-Küste und Texas_, 29-30;

_Conkling's Guide_, 335-6; _National Calendar_, 18; _Conder's

Mex. and Guat._, 195-7; _Centro-Amér._, _La Situacion_, 1-17;

_Candé_, _Golfe de Hond._, 5-9; _Centro-Amér._, _Informe

sobre la Constit._, p. 73, and p. 30; _Id._, _Convencion_,

1-32; _Centro-Americano_, passim; _Córtes_, _Actas Públ._,

ii., April 23, 1814, p. 320; _Castellon_, _Docs. Relat._,

36, 104; _El Nacional_, June 19, 26, July 5, 31, Aug. 14,

Sept. 25, Dec. 11, 1858; Jan. 22, 1859; Sept. 8, 1860;

_Mosqueto Indian_, in _Churchill's Coll._, vi. 300-11;

_Bericht Mosquitolandes_, 5-7, 12, 23, 28, 31-43, 220-7;

_Cor. Atlántico_, May 9, 1835; _Benton's Thirty Years' View_,

65-9; _Id._, _Debates in Cong._, vii. 383-4; viii. 737, 746;

ix. 769; x. 746; xi. 767; _Mosaico Mex._, ii. 232, 342, 344,

462; _Nacionalidad Española_; _Mosquito Docs._, nos. 77-229;

_Nic._, _Bolet. Ofic._, Sept. 6, 1862; _Id._, _Constit._,

1838, 1-39; _Id._, _Docs. Dip. Hist._, 18-22; _Id._, _Cor.

Ist._, July 1, 1849; Oct. 3, 1850; _Id._, _De Órden del

Director_; _Muñoz_, _Defensa Llaves San Pedro_; _Obispo de

Chil._, 153-64, 451-54; _Córtes_, _Diario_, 1811, viii. 33;

1813, xix. 404; 1821, ext. i., Sept. 22, p. 7; ext. iv.,

Nov. 18, pp. 12-13; 1835-6, ii. 227; _La Union_, Dec. 1,

1849; Jan. 1, 1850; _La Union de Nic._, Jan. 5, 1861; _El

Universal_, April 18, 1850; April 16, 1853; _Voy._, _New

Univ. Col._, ii. 374-8; _Verdaderas Razones_, 1-13; _Viagera

Univ._, xxvii. 174-7, 189-91; _Vera Paz, Colonisation

de_, 4; _El Veracruzano Libre_, June 13, 1828; _Valois_,

_Mexique_, 154-9, 209-27, 316-19; _Cent. Am. Papers_, i.-v.,

passim; _Papeles Varios_, xix. pt 18; cxxi. pt i.; cxxiv.

pt 9; cxlix. pt 7; clx. pt 19; clxvii. pt 5; ccxxvi. pt 10;

_United Service Jour._, 1833, pt ii. 456; _U. S. Govt Docs._,

Commercial Rel., 1866, 567-8; 1868, 302, 728-9; _Id._, Cong.

Globe, 1838-9, 91; _Id._, Cong. Debates, 1825-6, i. 1303-5;

1831-2, i. 767-74; _Id._, Amer. State Pap., For. Rel., v.

774-82; _Id._, 19th cong., 2d sess., U. S. Acts, pp. 8-31;

Sen. Doc. 1, vol. i., pp. 149-70; _Id._, 26th cong. 1st

sess., H. Ex. Doc., 2, p. 6; _Id._, 30th cong. 2d sess., H.

Com. Rept, 145, pp. 383-5; _Filisola_, _Mem. Guerra Tex._,

ii. 88-9; _Id._, _Á la Junta Soberana de Guat._, 1-8; _Gazeta

de Guat._, vi. 21, 177-84, 443; ix. 757; xi. 4-7, 91-2,

120-4; xiii. 353, 369-76; xiv. 1-16, 82, 265; _Dublan_ and

_Lozano_, _Leg. Mex._, i. 326-7; _Bustamante_, _Voz de la

Patria_, MS., 4; _Id._, _Hist. Iturbide_, 160-1, 176; _Id._,

_Cuadro Hist._, MS., vii. 108-19; viii. 177-9; _Porvenir de

Nic._, Oct. 22, 29, 1871; July 20, 1873; _Perez_, _Mem. Camp.

Nacional_, 82, 154; _Id._, _Biog. Sacasa_, 3-5; _Frisch_,

_Staaten von Mex._, 55-62, 73-8; _Kewen's Nic. and Walker_,

MS., 27-36, 39-60, 64-85; _Costa Rica_, _Col. Leyes_, iii.

43-5, 101-18, 129-31, 144-67, 169-88, 280-2, 297-8, 304-6;

iv.-v., passim; vi. 41-3, 276-86, 304-5, 319-20; _Belly_,

_Nic._, i. 71-5, 137, 350-2; _Romero_, _Bosq. Hist._, 42-5,

66-233, 395-417, 639-795; _Pineda de Mont_, in _Guat._,

_Recop. Leyes_, iii. 347-8; _Cent. Am._, _Mem. Hist. Revol._,

passim; _Mem. Hist. Centro-Am._, 1-72; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist.

Cent. Amér._, passim; _Id._, _Efem. Hechos Notables_, passim.

[XI-1] Molina, who denies that Carrillo was disposed to be

tyrannical, but on the contrary anxious for the good of

his country, adding that he was 'severo y sencillo en su

conducta, y que paliaba su arbitrariedad con el ejercicio

de las virtudes mas relevantes en un mandatario,' confesses

that on the present occasion this great man committed a grave

error. _Bosq. Costa R._, 103; _Costa R._, _Dec. de garan.

y bases_, 24 mo.; _Id._, _Col. Ley._, viii. 15-36, 41-2;

_Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, May 25, 1875.

[XI-2] The former was constituted with as many members as

there were departments, namely, four. The latter was composed

of a president, two relatores fiscales, and four justices.

[XI-3] He insulted them, however, by providing that they

should be under the surveillance of the authorities. _Costa

R._, _Col. Ley._, vii. 42.

[XI-4] He was married to a niece of Carrillo. Bonilla was

faithful to him in life, and to his memory after death.

[XI-5] According to Col Bernardo Rivera Cabezas. Barrundia

makes the force only 300. He had at first landed at La

Union, in Salvador, with 22 officers of all ranks, and

marched upon San Miguel, where he recruited 200 men, and

then returned to La Union. He next visited Acajutla and

Sonsonate, where he ascertained the state of public affairs

in Salvador and Guatemala, after holding some correspondence

with the chiefs of the former state and Nicaragua. The latter

answered very offensively. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv.

47-55, 145. Entertaining a favorable idea of the invitation

sent him by the Costa Ricans, he sailed for the isle of

Martin Perez, in the gulf of Fonseca, where he finally

organized his expedition and embarked it on the vessels

_Cruzador_, _Asuncion Granadina_, _Josefa_, _Isabel II._, and

_Cosmopolita_.

[XI-6] _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 55-6; _Salv._, _Diario

Ofic._, Feb. 14, 1875.

[XI-7] _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, vii. 248-50.

[XI-8] Among them were Vicente Aguilar, Francisco and Mariano

Montealegre, and Rafael Barroeta.

[XI-9] It is understood that Rafael Barroeta was the sole

exception.

[XI-10] Carrillo was to leave the country with a full pledge

of safety to his family and property. The convention was

signed by Morazan, Villaseñor, generals Saget, Saravia, and

Rascon, 5 colonels, and the other assenting officers of all

ranks, including 5 Texiguas.

[XI-11] Carrillo left the state from Puntarenas. Bonilla

was also guaranteed security. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._,

iii. 615-19; _Niles' Reg._, lxii., 275. Both Carrillo and

Aguilar died out of Costa R.; the former was killed, and

his murderer executed. Funeral honors were paid in Costa

R. to Aguilar, Aug. 25, 1846. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, ix.

289-90. The remains of both ex-chiefs were brought home by

Presid. Castro's decree of Nov. 5, 1848. _Id._, x. 365-8; _El

Salvador Regenerado_, June 4, 1842.

[XI-12] Dated April 14, 1842. _Id._, vii. 250-1.

[XI-13] A general order was given to prevent any interference

with the elections on the part of the troops. Copies of

Morazan's decrees to undo the evils of his predecessor, and

to prepare for the reorganization of the state on liberal

principles, are furnished in _Id._, 236-342, passim;

_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 621-31.

[XI-14] Again on the 30th of Aug. it authorized the

continuation of his government till a new constitution should

be framed. The same day it reaffirmed Morazan's extraordinary

powers, and on the 2d of Sept. adjourned to reassemble April

1, 1843. Among the most noted acts of this convention were

the following: A vote of thanks and other honors to Morazan

and Villaseñor, the latter being awarded a gold medal with

an honorable inscription. Morazan was given the title of

Libertador de Costa Rica; and on his refusing to publish the

decree, the assembly specially requested him to do so. The

army that brought about the change was honored with the name

of Division Libertadora de Costa Rica. The assembly also

made a formal declaration on the 20th of July, in favor of

a federal republic. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, vii. 342-51,

379-82, 403.

[XI-15] It was strictly in accordance with the military code.

His brother Felipe, in relating the occurrence, says that a

disappointment in love, and his removal from the comandancia

of the department, preyed upon his mind, 'le sobrevino

una fiebre, perdió la razon, y se hizo criminal.' But he

subsequently declared his loyalty to Morazan, and while lying

on a bed of sickness was arrested. _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa

R._, 104.

[XI-16] Molina did not hear of his son's fate till after

the 15th of Sept. Greatly agitated, and shedding tears for

Morazan's end, his son-in-law, Irungaray, told him not to

bewail the fate of Morazan, for he had spilled the blood of

Manuel Ángel. These words so shocked the aged patriot that he

fell senseless to the ground.

[XI-17] He was a Portuguese who came to Costa Rica while

still young. In his early years he had been in the naval

service, and acquired some skill as an artilleryman. He

married into a respectable family of San José, and had

numerous descendants. By the cultivation of coffee he made

himself wealthy, and this together with his connection with

the Carrillo family enabled him to attain the position of

comandante general, and to link his name with some important

events. At his house the worst enemies of Morazan had always

been welcomed. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 647-8.

[XI-18] There were two barracks in San José; one his guard

occupied; in the other were 150 men from Cartago who had no

ammunition. _El Siglo_, Aug. 16, 1852.

[XI-19] Morazan tried to save his wife; but in traversing

the street to reach the house of the Escalantes, amidst

the deadly fire, she was taken by the enemy and conveyed to

the house of Father Blanco, a brother of Luz Blanco, one of

Morazan's mortal foes.

[XI-20] He would have met with no difficulty in obtaining

security for Saravia, who was much esteemed by all. But

the case was different with others, especially Villaseñor,

against whom much animosity was felt.

[XI-21] Herrera was a student when he gained this unenviable

notoriety. He afterward went to Guatemala to complete his

studies, and was well treated and much aided by Juan José

Aycinena and Manuel F. Pavon; and he became their most

humble henchman. Returning to Costa Rica as a lawyer, he was

appointed after a while a justice of the supreme court. On

many occasions he proved himself unprincipled, treacherous,

and contemptible.

[XI-22] Over 100 killed and 200 wounded.

[XI-23] He had wanted to go to Tárcoles, expecting to find

Saget there, but was dissuaded by Villaseñor and others.

[XI-24] The Spaniard Espinach, a reactionist of some standing

who acted as a commissioner of the revolutionists, fearing

that Morazan's popularity in Cartago might bring on a

counter-movement, and in order to avert it, asked Morazan to

instruct Cabañas to lay down his arms, and to command Saget

to deliver those he had in Puntarenas. He assured Morazan

his life was in no peril. His next step was to meet Cabañas

at Chomogo, telling him Morazan was leaving the state by

the Matina road with sufficient money, and advising him to

disband his men. Cabañas was deceived, and went alone to

Matina, where he was taken prisoner.

[XI-25] _Marure_, _Efem._, 56. Saravia was a son of Miguel

Gonzalez Saravia, the governor of Nicaragua, who attached

that province to Iturbide's empire, and a grandson of General

Saravia, president and captain-general of Guatemala, who had

been appointed viceroy of Mexico, and was shot by Morelos in

Oajaca. Young Saravia's mother, Concepcion Nájera y Batres,

was of the leaders of Guatemalan society, for which reason

the aristocratic party expected much from him. But after

completing his education, with evidences of extraordinary

talents, he often gave expression to the most liberal ideas.

Before being admitted to the bar in 1834 he had served in

the office of the secretary of the senate, and later as a

chief of bureau in the department of foreign affairs. He

afterward held a judicial appointment, being at all times

noted for ability and eloquence, as well as for his writings

in _El Semanario_, which attracted the attention of Morazan,

who made him auditor de guerra of the federal army. From

that time Saravia followed Morazan's fortunes, taking part

in several actions of war, and thus attaining the rank of

general. He was also this leader's aide-de-camp, private

secretary, and minister-general, both in Salvador and Costa

Rica. A portrait of the young general gives him quite a

distinguished air.

[XI-26] Among them were Mariano Montealegre, Juan de los

Santos Madriz, and José M. Castro.

[XI-27] The most virulent were Luz Blanco and Herrera. They

even worked upon the feelings of Pinto's family, and it

is said that his daughter Petronila imagined that she saw

her father sent to the scaffold by Morazan, and fell in a

convulsion.

[XI-28] Morazan had demanded a trial. He also desired to

address a circular to the governments of the states, but it

was not permitted him.

[XI-29] He declared that he had expended the whole of his own

and his wife's estate, besides $18,000 due to Gen. Bermudez,

in endowing Costa Rica with a government of laws. This was

his sole offence, for which he had been condemned to lose his

life, which was further aggravated by a broken pledge, for he

had been assured by Espinach that his life would be spared.

The forces he had organized were originally intended to

defend Guanacaste against an expected attack from Nicaragua.

Subsequently a number of volunteers were detached for the

pacification of the republic. He reiterated his love for

Central America, urging upon the youth of the land to imitate

his example, and fight to redeem her. He finally disclaimed

any enmity or rancor toward his murderers, forgiving them and

wishing them every possible happiness. In that instrument,

says Barrundia, 'se ve diáfana el alma, noble, tranquila, y

generosa del héroe que descendia á la tumba.'

[XI-30] The remains lay in Costa Rica till, under a decree

of Pres. Castro, Nov. 6, 1848, they were exhumed on the

27th, and after paying honors on the 4th of Dec., were

surrendered, according to Morazan's wishes, to Salvador, by

whose authorities they were received with high military and

civic honors. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, x. 368-9. Carrera

afterward treated them with indignity. _Montúfar_, _Reseña

Hist._, iii. 656; iv. 219-20, 250-3; v. 650-2, 665-6;

_Testam._, in _Cent. Am. Pap._, No. 2. Further particulars

on Morazan's rule in Costa Rica, and on his death and

interment, may be found in _Nic._, _Correo Ist._, May 1,

1849; _Niles' Reg._, lxiii., 19, 176; _Nic._, _Registro

Ofic._, No. 2, 7; _Squier's Trav._, ii. 444-9; _Wappäus_,

_Mex. und Cent. Am._, 361; _Reichardt_, _Cent. Am._, 142; _El

Progreso_, Oct. 3, 1850; _Crowe's Gospel_, 152-3; _Wagner_,

_Costa R._, 203-5; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 217-22; _Belly_,

_Nic._, i. 73-4; _Wells' Hond._, 484-93; _Salv._, _Diario

Ofic._, Feb. 14, 1875; _Robert Glascow Dunlop_, _Travels

in Central America_, London, 1847, 8°, 358 pp. and map, is

a work purporting to be a journal of nearly three years'

residence in Central America, and giving a sketch of the

history of the republic, together with an account of the

physical peculiarities, agriculture, commerce, and state of

society. Much of the information therein is correct; but on

historical and social topics the author, who was a Scotchman,

displayed narrow-mindedness, and a judgment warped by British

prejudices.

[XI-31] In the latter—his native state—his last will was

published in the official journal in the column of varieties

with offensive remarks. These notes, and indeed the whole

conduct of the authorities, were disgraceful. _El Redactor_,

_Ofic. de Hond._, Sept. 15, 1843.

[XI-32] The priest Juan José Aycinena, who was the minister

of state, hated Morazan with a deadly hatred from the

day that his brother was defeated at San Antonio. This

animosity became more intensified, if possible, upon Morazan

contemptuously rejecting the dictatorship that was tendered

him. Morazan said in his last will that his death was an

assassination, as he had not been allowed any form of trial.

But the worthy padre and his accomplice in iniquity, Carrera,

attributed the crime to heaven, and made Rivera Paz, chief

of state, accuse providence of aiding Vicente Herrera and Luz

Blanco in its perpetration.

[XI-33] Honors were paid to his memory in the city of

Guatemala in 1876; a statue was erected to him by Honduras

in 1883. _La Regeneracion_, July 10, 1876; _Costa R._, _Mem.

Relaciones_, 1884, 2-3, and doc. 1, 2.

[XI-34] Every abusive epithet was applied to him in the

official press; tyrant, bandit, monster, were among the

mildest. The aim was to make him appear in the eyes of the

ignorant as the only obstacle to peace and reorganization;

and the masses believed that he was the author of all the

evils under the sun. _Gac. de Guat._, Oct. 28, 1842.

[XI-35] The subscribing commissioners were Manuel F. Pavon,

for Guatemala; Pedro Nolasco Arriaga, for Honduras; and

Joaquin Duran, for the other two states. Inasmuch as Arriaga

and Duran were Aycinena's and Pavon's humble satellites, the

treaties might just as well have been signed Pavon, Pavon,

Pavon. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 129-33; _Guat._,

_Recop. Leg._, i. 395-408.

[XI-36] It is asserted that the Guatemalan government said

that Costa Rica should appoint as her commissioner a resident

of Guatemala. But José M. Castro, the young Costa Rican

minister, thought differently.

[XI-37] They had led the revolt on the 11th and the following

days. _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._, 105.

[XI-38] So says Marure, now a confirmed 'conservador,'

adding, 'y celebrados con entusiasmo en toda la república.'

_Efem._, 56.

[XI-39] The expeditionary force of 300 to 500 under Saget, on

hearing of the trouble at San José, went on board their ships

at Puntarenas, thence menacing the government. Subsequently

arrangements were made for the surrender of the arms and

disbandment of the men, but owing to misunderstanding were

not carried out, and the expedition departed for La Libertad

in Salv. on the _Coquimbo_. Costa R. afterward claimed the

armament and ship, but Salv. invariably refused to return

them, on the plea that they belonged to Morazan's family,

'como ganadas en ley de guerra por aquel caudillo.' Much

indignation was felt in Guatemala and Honduras, and somewhat

less in Nicaragua, against Salvador, because the latter,

notwithstanding the treaties of 1840 and 1842, and the

protest to the contrary, had allowed Saget, Cabañas, Barrios,

and their companions, to reside in the state under the

protection of its laws. The first two named governments saw

that for all they had manœuvred to make of the executive of

Salvador a mere submissive agent of the aristocracy, he had

now emancipated himself from its control. _Montúfar_, _Reseña

Hist._, iv. 4-5, 115-33; _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._, 105-6.

[XI-40] _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, vii. 404-16.

[XI-41] Art. 3 stated that the idea was not yet entertained,

which later was formed, of declaring the state to be a

sovereign and independent republic. Art. 5 resolved the

question of boundaries with Colombia and Nicaragua upon

the principles sustained by Costa Rica. Arts. 4 and 10

established a fourth power under the name of Conservador,

composed of no less than three councillors chosen by the

people. Art. 9 places the legislative authority in an

assembly of not less than 15 members. It does not establish

two chambers. Art. 11 says that the executive office is to

be exercised by a tribune, out of four to be chosen by the

electors. Art. 13 was condemned by the fanatics, though it

merely allows religious toleration. The _Gaceta de Guat._

exclaimed, 'Ya volvemos á las andadas.' _Montúfar_, _Reseña

Hist._, iv. 383, 391-3, 417-18; _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._,

106.

[XI-42] All these acts, dated respectively June 7-8, Sept.

13, 19, 1843, appear in _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, viii. 45-50,

63-7.

[XI-43] By the second jefe, Oreamuno, then in charge of the

executive.

[XI-44] The govt was supported by the people and troops.

Quiroz was promoted to gen. of brigade. _Molina_, _Bosq.

Costa R._, 106; _El Mentor Costaricense_ gave an extensive

account of the affair.

[XI-45] Pinto was an uncle-in-law of Castro,

secretary-general, who under the circumstances surrounding

the govt could not restore him to his office.

[XI-46] To give an idea of the situation: Cartago's deputies

were three clergymen, Peralta, Campo, and Carazo. Heredia

also sent the priest Flores. If the senators must be still

more grave and circumspect, where could they be procured?

_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 173.

[XI-47] His successor was Juan Mora.

[XI-48] _Costa R._, _Col. L._, viii. 352-3, 384-5.

[XI-49] He was a native of Cartago; a man of elegant manners,

cultured without affectation, well informed on general

subjects, and a highly respected citizen. Though not a member

of the bar, he knew enough of law to successfully oppose

the lawyers who constantly took advantage of the confusion

existing in the old Spanish laws.

[XI-50] The chamber of deputies censured him, but his purpose

of getting rid of the executive office was accomplished.

_Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, viii. 392-3; ix. 23-4.

[XI-51] A wealthy man and head of a large family which gave

him much social importance. During his short administration

he improved the public roads. _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._,

107. He also gave impulse to education, though under the old

ecclesiastical system. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 175.

[XI-52] Correspond. on the subject in _Id._, 184-6.

[XI-53] Fault was found with the clause requiring the

election by the people of all public functionaries, including

the ministers of state and judges. It was said the people

should not be molested with so many elections.

[XI-54] The manifesto issued by the leaders comprised the

abolition of the constitution, and the framing of another

better suited to the needs of the country, the immediate

election of a new vice-jefe, who must be a native of Costa

Rica, not under 25 years of age, married, or a widower with

children, and possess property to the value of no less than

$10,000; one who had never been criminally punished, except

by a pecuniary fine, nor attached for debts contracted in the

state; he must have served in other public offices without

taint, and must be in favor of independence and a separate

government for the state. A new legislative chamber was to

be immediately convoked, and the manner of election fixed by

the chief; meantime, the present assembly was to continue

its sittings. The chief was to select a good port on the

north coast, and make a road from it to the capital with

funds of the treasury. _Costa R._, _Pap. Sueltos_, nos. 1, 2;

_Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 252-3.

[XI-55] His removal from the executive seat resulted from

the intrigues of a few who knew that he could not be made a

convenient tool.

[XI-56] It was divided into 14 sections, placed the executive

in a president, and created a vice-president. The legislative

authority was vested in a congress of a single chamber,

presided over by the vice-president. The Roman catholic

religion was the only one permitted, and it remained as

that of the state and under its protection. _Costa R._,

_Constit._, 1847, 1-24; _Id._, _Constit. Polít._, 1847,

1-118; _Id._, _Col. Ley._, x. 1-56; _Astaburuaga_, _Cent.

Am._, 46-9.

[XI-57] Nov. 22, 1848, and promulgated by the executive

on the 30th. A law regulating the election of the supreme

authorities was passed Dec. 20th. _Costa R._, _Constit.

Polít._ (ed. of 1850, 8°), 1-38; _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, x.

347-408, 422-52; _El Universal_, June 8, 1849.

[XI-58] _El Arco Iris_, Oct. 14, 1847. Alfaro was not pleased

at being lowered to the second place, even though he had

ex-officio the presidency of congress. He resigned on the

1st of Oct. of the same year, and Juan Rafael Mora became

his successor. _Costa R._, _Informe Relaciones_, ap.; _Id._,

_Col. Ley._, x. 86-7, 160-1, 187-8.

[XI-59] Castro had enemies in San José. He was accused of

bringing about Gallegos' dismissal. This assertion was

repeated from mouth to mouth, and came to be believed

by many. Moreover, some men that he looked on as his

friends suggested to him unwise measures, with the view of

damaging his administration. Unfortunately, congress began

to show aristocratic tendencies, restoring the abolished

compellations without opposition on Castro's part. The title

of Excellency was voted to itself, the president, and the

supreme court.

[XI-60] Castro and Mora differed on many points. The

president's circle considered Mora a dangerous competitor.

Congress treated Mora with marked indifference, though he

had restored peace in Alajuela with only 200 men. He resigned

the vice-presidency. An election being ordered, at the second

attempt Manuel José Carazo, a friend of Castro, was chosen.

Carazo was an able and well-informed man. He resigned the

office on the 24th of Aug., but was reëlected Sept. 22d.

_Id._, 190, 306-7, 310-12, 327-9.

[XI-61] _Costa R._, _Inf. Relaciones_, 10-12, 23-5. In Nov.

of the same year all political offenders were pardoned,

and a war tax which had been levied on Alajuela was ordered

refunded. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, x. 269-90, 374-6, 410;

_Id._, _Pap. Sueltos_, nos. 3-5; _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._,

107-8.

[XI-62] Congress took into consideration a number of

petitions from influential sources highly commendatory of

Castro's acts. Castro on the 16th of Nov. had been made a

general of division. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 525-6,

530-8, 543-51.

[XI-63] The flag had five horizontal stripes, of which the

centre one occupied one third the width of the flag, and the

others one sixth each. The centre stripe was red, the one

above and the one underneath it were white, and the other two

blue. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, x. 354-6.

[XI-64] France sent in April 1847 the corvette _Le Génie_ to

make demands on behalf of her subject Thierriat, which Costa

Rica settled by paying $10,000.

[XI-65] Full particulars on the foreign relations are given

in _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._, 9-10, 61-2, 112-19; _Id._,

_Coup d'œil Costa R._, 3; _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, x. 339-47;

xii. 5-18, 94, 202-7; xv. 225; xvi. 195-6; xviii. 95-6,

171-88; xix. 107-9; xx. 24-8; xxiii. 184-200; xxiv. 171-97;

_Id._, de 1869, 216-22; _Id._, de 1879, 61-3; _Id._, _Gac.

de Gob._, Jan. 12, 26, Feb. 23, March 9, 1850; _Id._, _Bol.

Ofic._, Dec. 8, 22, 26-7, 29, 1853; Jan. 5, Apr. 20, 1854;

_Id._, _Informes y Mem., Relaciones_, 1850-80; _Salv._,

_Diario_, Nov. 5, 1875; _Cong. Globe_, 1860-1; _Smithsonian

Rept_, 1863, 54; _Colombia_, _Diario Ofic._, Feb. 14, 1874;

_U. S. Govt Doc._, 36th cong. 2d sess., sen. i., 19 vol. i.;

_Id._, 39th cong. 2d sess., For. Aff. (Mess. and Doc., Dept

of St., pt ii.), 430-45; _Id._, 40th cong. 2d sess., For.

Aff. (Mess. and Doc., Dept of St., pt ii.), 277-80; _Id._,

42d cong. 2d sess., H. Ex. Doc., 1 For. Rel., p. 7 (249-52);

_Id._, 42d cong. 3d sess., For. Rel., p. xxxv. (158-61);

_Pan. Gac._, Apr. 16, 1876, and numerous other works in

various languages.

[XI-66] Nic. argued that the constitution of Costa R. of

1825 declared her boundary to be at El Salto, not at La

Flor; to which Costa R. replied that the instrument alluded

to was anterior to the federal decree, and therefore could

not embrace Nicoya in Costa Rican territory; but after this

decree the fundamental laws of Costa R. did take it in.

[XI-67] Nic. had demanded the restoration in 1843, which

led to the making of a voluminous protocol, without any

definitive result. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 229-31;

iv. 382-3; _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, viii. 3-4.

[XI-68] The treaty was made at San José, Costa R., on the

15th of Apr., 1858, and signed by José M. Cañas and Máximo

Jerez, plenipotentiaries respectively of Costa R. and Nic.,

and by Pedro Rómulo Negrete, mediator on the part of Salv.

The signatures of the secretaries of the three legations

also appear to the instrument. The ratifications were made

in due form, and exchanged by the two govts on the 26th

of April, the same year. The treaty was approved by the

Nicaraguan constituent congress May 28th, and published by

President Tomás Martinez and his secretary of state, June

4th. Under its 2d article the dividing line was to be as

follows: Starting from the Atlantic Ocean, the line to begin

at the extreme end of Punta de Castilla, at the mouth of

the River San Juan, and continue on the right bank of that

stream to a point in waters below the Castillo Viejo, at

three English miles from the outer fortifications. Thence a

curve was to commence, whose centre should be those works,

and distant therefrom in all its course three English miles,

and terminating at a point distant two miles from the bank of

the river in waters above the fort. Thence the line should

continue in the direction of Sapoá River, which empties

into Lake Nicaragua, following a course invariably two miles

distant from the right margin of the San Juan River, with its

curves to its source in the lake, and from the right margin

of the same lake to the said Sapoá River, where this line,

parallel to said margins, ends. From the point where it may

coincide with the Sapoá River, which must of course be two

miles from the lake, an astronomical line should be drawn

to the central point of the bay of Salinas on the Pacific

Ocean, where the delimitation of the two contracting powers

will terminate. The 6th art. gives Nic. the exclusive control

over the waters of the San Juan River from its source in Lake

Nicaragua to the point where it empties into the Atlantic

Ocean; Costa R. retaining the right of navigation in said

waters for trading purposes from the mouth of the river to

a distance of three English miles from the Castillo Viejo.

_Rocha_, _Cód. Nic._, i. 137-41; _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._,

xv. 75-6, 182-8; _Id._, _Informe Gob._, 1858, 12-13; _Id._,

_Inf. Rel._, 1860, 6; _Salv._, _Gaceta Ofic._, June 7, 1877,

513-14; _El Nacional_, June 26, 1858, 10; _Peralta_, _Rio S.

Juan_, 24-5; _Belly_, _Le Nic._, i. 359-62.

[XI-69] The treaty, after being completed and published in

the official journal of Nic., was communicated by both govts

to the foreign diplomatic corps accredited near them, as well

as to their own representatives abroad. All friendly nations

came to look on it as an accomplished fact.

[XI-70] Ayon did not pretend to deny that the treaty had been

concluded by his govt, and duly ratified by the legislative

authority of the two republics. He alleged that the

fundamental law of Nic. established the limits of the state,

embracing within them the territory of Guanacaste; and that

the treaty in question ignored the Nicaraguan constitution,

which prescribed that an amendment of it by one legislature

must be submitted to the next for ratification; and this

not having been done, there was a radical nullity. Costa R.

replied that the legislative ratification in Nic. had been,

not by an ordinary legislature, but by a constituent assembly

fully empowered to amend the constitution or frame a new

one. It had been called to make a new fundamental law, and

therefore had a right to establish new boundaries. Moreover,

that even if that assembly had not possessed constituent

authority, but had been a merely ordinary congress, the fact

still remained that a number of Nicaraguan legislatures

had held the treaty to be valid and unobjectionable. Some

attempts have been made in administration circles of Costa

R., much against public opinion, to annul the treaty, in

order to have for a boundary line the whole right bank of the

San Juan, from Greytown or San Juan del Norte to San Cárlos,

and Lake Nicaragua to La Flor. Were this supported, and the

treaty set aside, the questions between Costa R. and Nic.

would assume a serious aspect. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._,

ii. 231-4; _Ayon_, _Cuestion de Límites_, 1-26; _Id._,

_Consid. sobre Límites_, 1-26.

[XI-71] Details may be found in _Nic._, _Mem. Relaciones_,

1871, 10-16, 29-39; _Id._, _Gaceta_, Oct. 3, 1868, May 4,

11, 1872, June 7, 1873; _Id._, _Seman. Nic._, June 6, 1872;

_Id._, _Correspond._, 1872, 1-24; _Id._, _Continuacion de

la Correspond._, 1872, 1-16; _U. S. Govt Doc._, H. Ex. Doc.,

43d cong. 1st sess., pt 2, 732, 735, 739, 743; 44th cong. 1st

sess., pt 1, 157, 168; _Costa R._, _Informe Rel._, 1873, 1-6;

_Id._, _Pap. Sueltos_, Doc. no. 15; _Salv._, _Gaceta Ofic._,

May 22, 1876; _Peralta_, _Rio S. Juan_.

[XI-72] Antonio Zambrana for Costa R., and Francisco Álvarez

for Nic. _Pan. Star and Herald_, March 5, 1883; _Costa R._,

_Gaceta_, Feb. 3, 1885; _U. S. Govt Doc._, 48th cong. 1st

sess., H. Ex. Doc., pt 1, 59-61.

[XI-73] An extract of that treaty is given in _Montúfar_,

_Reseña Hist._, i. 289-90.

[XI-74] The royal commission of Diego de Artieda Cherino,

governor, captain-general of Costa R., issued in 1573, fixed

the boundaries of the province from the 'embocadura del

Desaguadero ó rio San Juan de Nicaragua hasta la frontera de

Veraguas en el Mar Atlántico, y desde los linderos de Nicoya

hasta los valles de Chiriquí en el Pacífico.' _Molina_,

_Bosq. Costa R._, 14; _Id._, _Costa R. y Nueva Granada_,

9-10, 16-35. Felipe Molina being in the service of Costa

R., and intrusted with the defence of her interests, his

assertions might be by some deemed biassed; but the testimony

of Juarros, the historian of Guatemala, who wrote with the

official docs before him, is not open to the same objection.

He says, speaking of Costa R., 'sus términos por el mar del

norte, son desde la boca del rio San Juan hasta el Escudo

de Veraguas; y por el sur, desde el rio de Alvarado, raya

divisoria de la provincia de Nicaragua, hasta el rio de

Boruca, término del reino de Tierra Firme.' _Montúfar_,

_Reseña Hist._, ii. 230.

[XI-75] The territorial division recognized by him was that

made in 1810, at which time no New Granadan authority had

a footing in Cent. Am. territory. A representation of the

ayuntamiento of Cartago to the Sp. córtes in 1813 says:

'Costa Rica tiene por límites de su territorio el rio de

Chiriquí que la separa de la provincia de Panamá.' _Córtes_,

_Diario_, 1813, xix. 404.

[XI-76] Contract of Col Galindo, as agent of the govt.

_Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._, 100-1.

[XI-77] Copy of correspond. between the gov. of Veraguas

and that of Costa R. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 272-3;

_Mosq. Correspond._, 22-5; _Pan._, _Docs. Ofic._, in _Pan.

Col. Docs._, no. 31, pp. 62, 66-70; _Id._, _Star and Herald_,

Oct. 15, 16, 1880.

[XI-78] During the Walker war, a treaty was made at San José

between P. A. Herran for Colombia, and Joaquin B. Calvo for

Costa Rica, which does not follow the line on Molina's map.

Modifications were made to it at Bogotá, and ratifications

were never exchanged. Later on José M. Castro went to Bogotá

and negotiated another treaty, which did not stipulate

Molina's line. This treaty was not ratified by either govt.

The next attempt was made by B. Correoso, on behalf of

Colombia. His negotiations were mostly verbal, disregarding

arguments for the straight line between Punta de Burica and

the Escudo de Veraguas; and alleging that on the N., N. E.,

W., and N. W. of that line were Colombian settlements, which,

under the constitution of his country could not be ceded.

A treaty was entered into, however, which did not obtain

the ratification of either government. In Costa R. it was

considered a ruinous one. Correoso was charged in Colombia

with having made a damaging arrangement. _Pan._, _Gaceta

Istmo_, Oct. 20, 1841; _Id._, _Crón. Ofic._, Feb. 6, 1853;

_Id._, _Boletin Ofic._, Dec. 25, 1870; _Pan._, _Gaceta_, June

15, 1871, June 19, 1872, Aug. 22, 29, Oct. 31, 1874, May 21,

1876, July 25, Aug. 4, 22, Sept. 26, Oct. 13, Nov. 10, 21,

1878, July 11, Sept. 12, Oct. 17, 28, 31, 1880; _Pan._, _Mem.

Sec. Gob._, 1879, 13-14, 35-42; _Colombia_, _Diario Ofic._,

Feb. 26, 1876; _Costa R._, _Mem. Rel._, 1851, 5; _Id._, _Col.

Ley._, xiv. 54-5, 160-1; _Id._, _Informe Gobn._, 1880, 2-4;

_U. S. Govt Docs._, H. Ex. Doc. 41, p. 64-5, vi. 35th cong.

2d sess.

[XI-79] Ratified by the executive, and sanctioned by the gran

consejo nacional, of Costa R., Dec. 27, 30, 1880. _Pan._,

_Gaceta_, Jan. 16, 1881.

[XI-80] Carazo, the vice-president, had done the same Oct.

26th. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, xi. 216.

[XI-81] At the same time he was declared a benemérito, and

the founder of the rep. of Costa R. _Id._, 157-8, 224-5; _El

Costaricense_, Nov. 17, 1849. The opposition, however, made

severe comments on his policy as reviewed by himself. _Anot.

á la renuncia_, in _Cent. Am. Miscel. Doc._, no. 20.

[XI-82] Mora was a Costa Rican of rare intellectual powers,

quite conversant with her affairs; a wealthy merchant, who

had travelled abroad, and by his frankness and liberality won

a well-deserved popularity. _El Costaricense_, Nov. 18, Dec.

1, 1849; _Costa R._, _Col Ley._, xi. 225-6, 234-5. Francisco

M. Oreamuno was elected vice-pres. Jan. 30, 1850. _Id._,

241-2; _Costa R._, _Gaceta_, Feb. 2, 1850.

[XI-83] _Nic._, _Cor. Ist._, May 2, 1850. In an address

Mora depicts the situation, and the attempts of Quiroz and

others to disturb the peace in San José and Heredia, together

with his measures to balk them. _El presid. de la rep. á la

Nacion_, June 8, 1850.

[XI-84] The decree was issued at the Hacienda de Frankfort

en las Pavas, and countersigned by Joaquin Bernardo Calvo,

minister of govt. He based his action on the fact that

congress having declined to accept his resignation, he was

made responsible before God and the people of evils that

might result from the existing order of things. _Costa R._,

_Gaceta_, no. 165; _El Siglo_, March 10, 1852; _Costa R._,

_Col. Ley._, xii. 96-7.

[XI-85] José M. Castro, Bernardo Rivera, and Nazario Toledo.

_El Siglo_ (S. Salv.), March 4, 1852.

[XI-86] June 6, 1853, the president's salary was raised to

$5,000 a year. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, xii. 236-7, 247-8;

_Id._, _Gaceta_, July 23, 1853; _Hond._, _Gaceta Ofic._, June

20, 1853; _Wagner_, _Costa R._, 171-2, 506-8, 296-7.

[XI-87] Min. Calvo's rept to cong. May 16, 1854. The chamber

on the 5th of June sanctioned all the acts of the govt, and

passed a vote of thanks and congratulation to the president,

'por el acierto y prudencia con que la ha regido.' _Costa

R._, _Mem. Rel._, 15.

[XII-1] The following persons held the office ad int. before

him: namely, Patricio Rivas, June 1839; Joaquin Cosío, July

1839; Hilario Ulloa, senator in charge, Oct. 1839; Tomás

Valladares, senator, Nov. 1839; Patricio Rivas, Sept. 1840.

_Marure_, _Efem._, 64; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 136;

_Wells' Hond._, 494.

[XII-2] There was much dissimilarity of views on political

matters between the two men, though Castellon had contributed

to Buitrago's election. Many bitter publications appeared

subsequently from the pens of the two adversaries. _Perez_,

_Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic._, 48, 146.

[XII-3] They were not even allowed to enter the state,

because of the treaty of Oct. 1842, signed by Pavon, Arriaga,

and Duran.

[XII-4] The Gaceta eulogized him, and Pavon said that he

was 'un hombre de órden que solo aspiraba á la justicia y

al decoro.' Buitrago's position was becoming a difficult

one. Morazan ruled in Costa Rica, had not a few friends in

Nicaragua, and public opinion in the latter state favored

a convention of states. On the other hand, he was anxious

not to forfeit the good opinion of the nobles and nuns.

Upon the news of Morazan's execution reaching Leon, he had

it published with marks of satisfaction. He also objected,

though not strenuously, to the landing of Saget and his

companions, ycleped Coquimbos, in Salvador.

[XII-5] One of his first acts was to make Francisco Castellon

his ministro general.

[XII-6] The new official journal, _Eco de la Ley_, in its

first number declared that an Octavian peace reigned. And

indeed, had Nicaragua been away from obnoxious influences,

peace might have been maintained under republican

institutions. But she was, unhappily, surrounded by states

where for a time brutal force held sway.

[XII-7] The claimants were Bridge, Glenton, and Manning.

Full details on the claims of the last two are in _Nic._,

_Registro Ofic._, 109-10, 121-3, 132-5; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._,

55-6.

[XII-8] They embarked at San Juan del Norte on the 11th of

March, 1844. Both have since figured prominently in political

circles.

[XII-9] Selva had held the office by virtue of his position

as senior senator to that date, when his senatorial term

expired.

[XII-10] 223 votes were cast for him, the next highest

receiving only 190. The other candidates were Juan José

Ruiz, José Guerrero, Pablo Buitrago, Laureano Pineda, José

Rosa Perez, G. Carcache, Patricio Rivas, and Rafael Machado.

_Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 47-8; _Sandoval_, _Revistas

Polít._, 19; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 250.

[XII-11] To raise two loans of $10,000 and $30,000,

respectively, and to regulate the financial system. Trial

by jury was suspended. An amnesty was issued with many

exceptions against the defenders of Leon. _Nic._, _Registro

Ofic._, 69-70. Two portfolios were created; namely, that

of war, intrusted to Lino César, and that of treasury,

placed in charge of Jesus de la Rocha. José Montenegro was

ministro general and of foreign relations. The administrative

course of Fruto Chamorro, as supremo delegado of the late

confederacy, was approved the 9th of May, long after Chamorro

had vacated his office.

[XII-12] Under the decree of June 23d, the prisoners were

confined respectively in Granada, Matagalpa, Acoyapa, San

Fernando, and Nandayme, and subjected to prosecution by the

courts. Many persons, specially the partisans of Cabañas,

were given by Corral the advice—which was tantamount to

an order—to quit Managua and not return. _Nic._, _Registro

Ofic._, 90, 96-8, 101, 104.

[XII-13] The cause was the indignation at the sympathy of the

government's agents for Malespin and Guardiola.

[XII-14] The treaty with Salvador bore date of May 6, 1845,

and was ratified by the Salvadoran chambers June 3d.

[XII-15] The municipal authorities and citizens of the place,

by an acta on the 29th of July, authorized Valle to take such

action as he deemed best to upset the existing government and

restore constitutional order. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v.

139-40; _Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 138-9.

[XII-16] Salvador was for a time suspected of connivance with

Valle, but she proved the contrary.

[XII-17] Director Sandoval called them assassins and robbers.

[XII-18] The western department and Managua were mulcted in

$12,000 as punishment.

[XII-19] His official reports of July 8th and 17th are

textually given in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 162-4;

_Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 128-9, 133-4.

[XII-20] It is inexplicable how these two men could serve

in the same cabinet, unless under some one of very superior

mind and character, which Sandoval certainly did not possess.

Jerez was a democrat, a friend of Central American union,

and an admirer of Morazan. Buitrago was the opposite—a

conservative, separatist, and opponent of Morazan.

[XII-21] Leaders surrendering were to be dealt with by the

civil courts; otherwise, if captured, would be tried under

military laws.

[XII-22] Every one refusing to return was heavily

fined. Chief-of-bureau E. Castillo's instructions to the

sub-prefect, in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 293.

[XII-23] Decree of Oct. 30, 1842. _Nic._, _Registro Ofic._,

126, 128, 138, 143.

[XII-24] Official reports of Dec. 6th and 8th to the min. of

war of Nic., _Id._, 157-8; _El Tiempo_, March 12, 1846.

[XII-25] 'En cuanto al pasaporte, el Gobierno Supremo ama y

desea mucho la felicidad del Estado, y no podría privarlo de

su mas fuerte apoyo.' _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 284-5;

_Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 290.

[XII-26] He followed the example of Carrera in Guat.

[XII-27] Sandoval surrendered his office June 25th to the

legislature in order that it might freely adjudicate upon his

official acts. Once approved, he resumed the executive duties

Sept. 2d.

[XII-28] Dec. 12th it voted an amnesty law with a number

of limitations; namely, against persons entering the state

with arms to disturb the peace; and against the guilty of

murder or other atrocious crime. The govt issued, Jan. 9,

1847, a supplementary decree of amnesty. _Sandoval_, _Revista

Polít._, 57-9. _Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 390, 401, 407-8;

_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 298-9.

[XII-29] Sandoval returned to Granada and was received with

great honor.

[XII-30] July 16, 1847. This measure awakened much acrimony

outside of the benefited department.

[XII-31] _El Razonador_, Dec. 29, 1847.

[XII-32] See _Hist. Cent. Am._, ii. 599-607, this series. In

Nov. 1803, the whole north coast, including the island of San

Andrés, and the Mosquito Coast extending from Cape Gracias

á Dios to the Chagre River, was placed under the viceroy

of Nueva Granada; but five years later the transfer was

annulled, and the coast of Mosquitia restored to Nicaragua,

to which it had been annexed by royal order of March 31,

1803.

[XII-33] He based his pretension on the following incident:

The Caribs on the Trujillo line rebelled in 1807 betaking

themselves to Mosq. territory, where they were captured by

Sp. troops and brought back, together with some Mosquitians,

as prisoners. King Stephen, successor to George, the man

crowned by the British, threatened to burn Trujillo and to

wage a border warfare if his subjects were not forthwith

returned. The president of Guatemala, for prudential reasons,

had the prisoners sent back. _Am. Cent._, _Reclam. de

Interven._, 8.

[XII-34] Altogether about 76,000 square miles. _Strangeways'

Mosq._, 4-5. Lord Palmerston, in his instructions to Brit.

represent. in Nueva Granada and Cent. Am., spoke of a coast

line of about 720 statute miles as belonging to Mosq. Squier,

_Cent. Am._, 629, has it that from 200 to 500 miles in

length, and undefined breadth, have been claimed.

[XII-35] Capt. Geo. Henderson took some in 1807. The chiefs

expected higher marks of regard, but had to be contented with

what they got. _Henderson's Brit. Hond._, 168, 204.

[XII-36] That was done, it is presumed, after the death of

Stephen, George's successor, who was ruling in 1807. The

govt, at the time of their going to Belize, was in charge

of a sort of regency formed of the three principal chiefs,

who divided the country into three separate departments.

The first, extending from Roman River, near Cape Honduras,

to Patook, was intrusted to Gen. Robinson. The second, from

Caratasca, or Croata, to Sandy Bay and Duckwarra, including

all the Mosquitians proper, was in charge of a brother of

the late king, who bore the title of admiral. The third, from

Brancmans to Rio Grande, including various tribes, was under

Don Cárlos, called the governor. The three head chiefs had

sub-governors. But the small colonies of Zambos, at Pearl

Cay lagoon and Blewfields, could choose their own governors.

_Roberts' Narr. of Voy._, 146-7; _Stout's Nic._, 168-71.

[XII-37] A regalia consisting of a silver-gilt crown, a

sword, and sceptre of moderate value had been provided

for the farce. The emblems of royalty were confided to the

custody of Jack, an old negro, 'who, with wise precaution,

kept them carefully concealed.' _Squier's Cent. Am._, 640-1.

[XII-38] Col Arthur, the superintendent, gave him much good

advice to guide him in his government. _Arthur's Letter_, in

_Mosq. Doc._, 122-3; _Disputes with Am._, in _Brit. Quart.

Rev._, xcix. 242-3. But the good advice was lost upon his

swarthy majesty. It is understood that every new king had

been to Jamaica to receive a commission from the Brit. govt,

his subjects refusing him recognition as their sovereign till

he had done so. _Bonnycastle's Sp. Am._, i. 171-2.

[XII-39] He became a confirmed drunkard. _Roberts' Narr. of

Voy._, 148-9.

[XII-40] Some parties accused of the crime are said to have

suffered death.