DIVERS PHASES OF SELF-GOVERNMENT.
1819-1863.
PANAMÁ CONGRESS—PROVINCIAL ORGANIZATIONS—ALZURU'S
REBELLION AND EXECUTION—SECESSION FROM COLOMBIA AND
REINCORPORATION—DIFFERENCES WITH FOREIGN GOVERNMENTS—CRIME
RAMPANT—SUMMARY TREATMENT OF CRIMINALS—RIOTS AND
MASSACRE OF FOREIGN PASSENGERS—ATTEMPTS TO ROB TREASURE
TRAINS—NEUTRALITY TREATIES—ESTABLISHMENT OF FEDERAL
SYSTEM—PANAMÁ AS A STATE—REVOLUTIONARY ERA BEGINS—A
SUCCESSION OF GOVERNORS—SEDITIOUS CHARACTER OF THE NEGRO
POPULATION—REVOLUTION AGAINST GOVERNOR GUARDIA AND HIS
DEATH—ANOTHER POLITICAL ORGANIZATION—ESTADO SOBERANO DE
PANAMÁ—LIBERAL PARTY IN FULL CONTROL—STRINGENT MEASURES.
[Sidenote: PANAMÁ CONGRESS OF NATIONS.]
Owing to its geographical position, Panamá was selected as the place
of meeting of a congress of American states, called at the suggestion
of Bolívar, the liberator of South America, in 1822, for the purpose,
as it was understood, of devising measures to counteract the menacing
plans of the so-called holy alliance of European monarchs.[XXV-1] The
government of the United States being invited to send representatives
agreed to do so, and did appoint plenipotentiaries, declining, however,
to bind itself to any course of action, but to remain a passive witness
of the proceedings, so long as the executive and congress should be
in ignorance of the real aims and tendencies of that assembly. Its
representatives did not take any part in the deliberations.[XXV-2]
England, which had recognized the independence of Colombia in 1824, and
Holland, having been likewise invited to be present by commissioners,
partly complied, but refrained from participating in the work of the
congress.[XXV-3]
The congress assembled on the 22d of June, 1826, the only American
nations therein represented being Colombia, Central America, Peru,
and Mexico.[XXV-4] Chile had reluctantly promised her attendance,
but failed to comply, owing to civil war. Buenos Aires refused her
coöperation. Without waiting for further arrivals, the commissioners
present entered into certain covenants, establishing the contingent of
land and naval forces each nation was to contribute to the projected
league; and likewise agreeing upon the points to be submitted to the
acceptance of the several allies. Some not very practical propositions
were agreed to.[XXV-5] Bolívar was displeased at the course of affairs,
and disappointed at the failure of a plan which, if realized, would
have been his crown of glory.[XXV-6] He thereupon turned his attention
to other objects.
The congress then adjourned to meet again at Tacubaya in Mexico. This
step was attributed to the influence of the Mexican plenipotentiary
Michelena, who, it has been said, had in view to secure his country's
predominance in America.[XXV-7] It was also resolved at the adjournment
that the legations should divide themselves, one member from each
going to report to his government what had been done, and the others
repairing at once to Mexico. The ministers of Colombia and Central
America, after waiting two years in vain for the ratification by
Mexico of the treaties, had finally to depart, deeply regretting the
dissolution of a body upon which Spanish America had centred her hopes,
and the enlightened world had so long fixed its attention.[XXV-8]
[Sidenote: PANAMÁ AND VERAGUA.]
A congress held in Angostura,[XXV-9] in December 1819, under the
presidency of Simon Bolívar, constituted the republic of Colombia, with
the former viceroyalty of Nueva Granada, including Ecuador, and the
captain-generalcy of Caracas or Venezuela. One of its departments was
the Isthmus divided into two provinces, namely, Panamá, which embraced
the region of Darien, and Veragua.[XXV-10]
The secession of Venezuela after some years having brought on the
disruption of Colombia, a convention assembled at Bogotá[XXV-11]
in 1831 organized the Estado de la Nueva Granada with the central
provinces, those of the Isthmus forming a section of the new
organization.[XXV-12] The new state was divided into provinces,
under governors who received their appointments from the general
government.[XXV-13] The decree was dated November 21, 1831. The new
constitution, sanctioned by the convention on the 29th of February,
1832, was published in Panamá on the 28th of April.[XXV-14] Each
province was subdivided into departments.[XXV-15]
Civil war broke out in 1831. Colonel Alzuru, who had arrived from
Guayaquil with troops, by the instigation of some prominent men, rose
in arms in Panamá to detach the provinces from Nueva Granada. On the
news reaching Bogotá, the national government despatched Colonel Tomás
Herrera with a force to quell the rebellion; and upon his approaching
the city, the more prominent families fled to the island of Tabogá.
Those who had prompted Alzuru's act now forsook him, and rendered aid
to Herrera, with all the information they possessed. The rebels were
attacked on their way to La Chorrera, while crossing marshy ground, and
defeated. Alzuru was taken prisoner, tried by court-martial, and shot
in the cathedral plaza of Panamá.
[Sidenote: REPUBLIC OF PANAMÁ.]
General José Fábrega restored order in Veragua, and made it known to
the general government on the 30th of August.[XXV-16] The garrison at
Panamá, together with Tomás Herrera, the comandante general, assured
the president of the Nueva Granada convention of their unswerving
fealty.[XXV-17] Later, in March 1832, an attempt was made by two
subalterns[XXV-18] to induce the sergeants of their battalion to join
them in a conspiracy for upsetting the government. The two officers
were tried and executed, and two of the sergeants sent into exile.
Chaos reigned throughout the republic in 1840; then came revolution.
The chief men of Panamá met in a junta and resolved to detach the
Isthmus and form an independent republic. Cárlos Icaza, the governor,
who was a Panameño, signified his acquiescence, and the proclamation
of independence was made, Tomás Herrera assuming by appointment
of the junta the office of jefe superior, on the 18th of November,
1840.[XXV-19] On the 21st the governor of Veragua, Cárlos Fábrega,
was asked to join the movement; but he answered from Santiago on
the 29th declining;[XXV-20] whereupon Herrera issued addresses, on
the 5th and 11th of December, announcing his march with troops to
Veragua.[XXV-21] The expedition, however, marched only a part of the
distance, the people of Veragua submitting to the force of necessity.
The independence existed de facto nearly two years. In 1841 Tomás
Herrera and Cárlos de Icaza were chosen president and vice-president,
respectively, of the ephemeral republic. Mariano Arosemena, secretary
of foreign affairs, despatched Pedro de Obarrio as a special
commissioner to the government of Costa Rica to notify it of the
organization of the state of the Isthmus, and apply for its formal
recognition.[XXV-22] During this period of independence, persons and
property were protected, and commerce was liberally encouraged.[XXV-23]
The government had carefully avoided the commission of any act of
hostility against Nueva Granada; but the time came when news reached
Panamá that the government of Bogotá was fitting out a force to bring
the Isthmus into subjection. Whereupon the officers of the British
chargé d'affaires at Bogotá were asked to obtain the consent of Nueva
Granada to receive a commissioner in the interest of peace.[XXV-24]
But the other parts of Nueva Granada having become pacified in the
course of 1841, two commissioners came from the general government,
and the people of Panamá, being convinced of the folly of resistance,
peacefully submitted.[XXV-25] Herrera so managed that he was appointed
governor of the restored province.[XXV-26] The constitutional
reforms of 1842 and 1843 tended to reëstablish good understanding
between the provinces, and Panamá again appeared satisfied with the
connection.[XXV-27]
[Sidenote: PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUÍ.]
The Canton de Alange, detached from Veragua, and the districts of
David, Dolega, San Pablo, and Alange, were on the 24th of July,
1849, formed into a separate province under the name of Provincia de
Chiriquí, with its governor and assembly of seven members.[XXV-28] This
organization continued several years, though the province subsequently
took the name of Fábrega, and so continued until August 1851, when
it resumed the former name of Chiriquí.[XXV-29] The territory which
in early days was embraced in the province of Veragua appeared in
August 1851 divided into three provinces, each having a governor and
legislature; namely, Chiriquí, Veragua, and Azuero.[XXV-30] This new
arrangement lasted only till April 30, 1855, when the province of
Azuero was suppressed.[XXV-31]
The district, or as it was called, Canton de Bocas del Toro, was
organized by decree of the government of Chiriquí or Fábrega, with a
jefe político at its head. But a law of the republic[XXV-32] formed
into a canton or district the territories of San Andrés, Darien, and
San Martin. Another law of April 12, 1851, applied the former one to
Bocas del Toro.[XXV-33]
* * * * *
Owing to grievances complained of by foreigners against acts of the
officials on the Isthmus, the relations of the national government with
foreign powers have been at times complicated. The first difficulty
arose from the arrest in 1836 of Russell, the British vice-consul, and
led to the blockade of the whole Atlantic coast of the republic, which
finally compelled Nueva Granada to submit to such terms as the British
commander chose to impose.[XXV-34] Another trouble with the British
government resulted from a certain claim of one Mackintosh, which for
a time interrupted diplomatic relations in 1856.[XXV-35]
[Sidenote: RAN RUNNELS' ISTHMUS GUARD.]
On the 26th of January, 1854, the consuls of the United States,
France, Great Britain, Brazil, Portugal, Denmark, Peru, and Ecuador
addressed a protest to the governor of Panamá, against the neglect of
his government to afford protection to passengers crossing the Isthmus,
notwithstanding that each passenger was made to pay the sum of two
dollars for the privilege of landing and going from one sea to the
other.[XXV-36] Governor Urrutia Añino, on the 14th of February, denied
the alleged neglect, as well as the right of those officials who had
no recognition from the New Granadan government to address him in such
a manner. He pointed to the public jail, which was full of prisoners,
some already undergoing punishment, and others being tried or awaiting
trial. He also reminded the consuls that only a short time had elapsed
since three men were executed for crimes.[XXV-37] It was a fact,
nevertheless, that the government could not cope with the situation—the
Isthmus being infested with criminals from all parts of the earth, that
had been drawn thereto by the prospect of plunder—in view of which a
number of citizens and respectable foreigners combined in organizing
the Isthmus guard, whose chief was Ran Runnels, charged with the
duty of guarding the route between Panamá and Colon, and empowered to
punish even with death all persons guilty of crimes. Urrutia Añino, the
governor, unhesitatingly acquiesced in the arrangement.[XXV-38]
Americans had occasional misunderstandings with the authorities,
a notable one occurring in 1855, when the local governor of Panamá
returned unopened an official letter from the consul of the United
States, who at once threatened to strike his flag; but the matter was
settled amicably by the chief officers of the Isthmus.[XXV-39] A more
serious affair was the demand of the state government that steamships
arriving at Panamá or Colon should pay tonnage money.[XXV-40] This
raised the protest of the American consul and the railway and steamship
agents. The controversy was finally terminated by the executive of
the republic declaring that the law under which the tonnage money was
claimed had been enacted by the state of Panamá, without any right to
legislate on such matters, as they were of the exclusive province of
the general government.[XXV-41]
The lack of proper protection, as well as a marked spirit of hostility
on the part of the lower class toward foreigners,[XXV-42] was made
further evident in the riot of the fifteenth of April, 1856, when a
considerable number of American passengers were killed, and others
wounded, much property being also appropriated.[XXV-43]
[Sidenote: PANAMÁ RIOT.]
As might have been expected, exaggerated accounts of this affray flew
far and wide. The official report, however, showed smaller figures,
though bad enough—of foreigners, 15 slain and 16 wounded, of whom one
died afterward; of natives, 2 killed and 13 wounded. The conduct of
the police and people was certainly most blamable. The affair might,
perhaps, have been averted if the authorities had shown proper energy.
I will admit, however, that there was cause of provocation.[XXV-44]
Consequent on this affair, the city of Panamá, which, owing to the
misgovernment of previous years, was already on the decline, had to
suffer still more. Many business houses closed their doors, because
the American transient passengers, who during their stay were wont to
scatter gold, thenceforth remained on shore only a few minutes.[XXV-45]
Much diplomatic correspondence passed between the American and New
Granadan governments on the subject, the former sending a commissioner
to Panamá, to investigate the circumstances,[XXV-46] and finally
claiming a large indemnity. At last a convention was concluded on the
10th of September, 1857, between Secretary Cass, and General P. A.
Herran, minister of New Granada, for the settlement of all claims, the
latter having acknowledged the responsibility of his government for the
injuries and damages caused by the riot.[XXV-47]
The relations with Americans on the Isthmus continued to be
unsatisfactory for some time longer. Notwithstanding that New Granada
was apparently inclined to cordiality, cases of injustice or ill
treatment to American citizens often occurring, at last the president
of the United States asked congress, on the 18th of February, 1859,
for power to protect Americans on the Isthmus.[XXV-48] In later years
Americans have seldom had any serious cause of complaint.
The question of neutrality of the Isthmus has occasionally been on
the tapis. A case in point occurred in 1864, during the sectional war
in the United States, when a number of southern confederates went on
board the American steamer _Salvador_ at Panamá, with the purpose of
seizing her at sea, and turning her—as she had guns on board—into a
confederate cruiser, to be used in capturing the first treasure steamer
from California. The men engaged in the enterprise were themselves
arrested at sea on the _Salvador_,[XXV-49] by an American war vessel.
The admiral, Pearson, asked the government of Panamá for permission to
send the prisoners overland to Colon, where they might be embarked for
New York. The request was refused;[XXV-50] in consequence of which the
prisoners were sent to San Francisco.[XXV-51]
At the commencement of the French intervention in Mexico, the
legislature of Panamá asked the general government of Colombia to allow
no French troops to pass over the Isthmus. The United States government
was not called upon to aid this policy. In the autumn of 1864 a body
of French marines arrived at Colon to cross to the Pacific and replace
invalids of the fleet on the Mexican coast. The president of Panamá
refused them a pass, and asked the railroad company not to transport
them. The French officers argued that American and English troops had
on several occasions been allowed to cross. It so happened that at this
time some American soldiers arrived and crossed over to the Pacific
under a permit previously granted by the former president of the state.
The French then alleging the so-called 'most-favored-nation' clause
also crossed over.[XXV-52]
[Sidenote: ISTHMUS ROBBERIES.]
With other nations occasional misunderstandings have taken place, but
in no instance did they lead to serious complications.[XXV-53] Minor
riots, attended with more or less killing and wounding of foreigners,
had occurred in 1850 and in 1851, both on the Atlantic and Pacific
sides.[XXV-54] The gold-dust train from California was thrice assailed
by robbers, while crossing from sea to sea, without success. The last
attempt was in September 1851, by Americans, several of whom were
captured.[XXV-55]
* * * * *
Whilst the Isthmus was under the direct rule of the national
government, peace and quiet reigned. The few political commotions that
occurred at long intervals had no effect detrimental to public morals,
nor to the obedience paid by the people to the authorities. It is a
fact that when, upon the discovery of the gold placers in California,
the large influx of foreigners first arrived, they were surprised at
the extraordinary prestige the authorities enjoyed, and at the blind
obedience paid to their mandates.[XXV-56] Bayonets were not necessary
to enforce order. This was owing to the harmony then existing between
the government and the clergy.[XXV-57] And throughout the land for
sixteen years from 1840, peace prevailed, save certain disturbances in
the provinces of Azuero and Veragua in July 1854.[XXV-58]
[Sidenote: PANAMÁ A STATE.]
Nevertheless, the white population of Panamá had been for some time
past discontented with the general government, and a desire had sprung
up to get rid of a yoke which was deemed oppressive. The supreme
authorities at Bogotá were not unaware of this, and whether prompted
by the fear of losing the territory, or by a sentiment of justice, or
by both, concluded to allow the Isthmians the privilege of controlling
their local affairs, which was hailed with joy by all classes. An
additional clause to the national constitution was then enacted by the
New Granadan congress, on the 27th of February, 1855, by which Panamá
was made a state, and a member of the confederation with the four
provinces of Panamá, Azuero, Chiriquí, and Veragua,[XXV-59] its western
boundary being such as might come to be fixed upon by treaty with Costa
Rica.[XXV-60] A constituent assembly of 31 members was convoked March
13th by the national executive, to meet at Panamá on the 15th of July
to constitute the state. The assembly was presided over by Francisco
Fábrega, and on the 18th passed an act for the provisional organization
of the state. Justo Arosemena, being chosen jefe superior provisorio,
took possession of office at once, and appointed Cárlos Icaza Arosemena
government secretary.[XXV-61] The city of Panamá was declared to be the
capital, and residence of the superior authorities of the state.
The constitution of the now entitled Estado de Panamá was promulgated
on the 17th of September, 1855. It was a liberal instrument, including
freedom of religion. The executive authority was vested in a governor,
who was to assume the office on the 1st of October of the following
year, and hold it two years. A vice-governor and two designados were
also to be elected by popular vote, to take charge of affairs should
the governor die or be otherwise disenabled to discharge his duties.
In the absence or inability of all the elect, then the superior
civil authority of the capital was to act as governor.[XXV-62] A
misunderstanding having occurred between the jefe superior and the
assembly, the former resigned his office on the 28th of September, and
having insisted on his resignation being accepted, Francisco Fábrega,
who had been elected vice-governor on the 22d, was inducted into the
executive office on the 4th of October.[XXV-63]
Notwithstanding the hopes of a bright future, from this time the
Isthmus was the theatre of almost perpetual political trouble, and
revolution became chronic, preventing any possible advancement. In 1856
there was a stormy electoral campaign,[XXV-64] that culminated in a
coup d'etat, for which the responsibility must be about equally divided
between the executive, Francisco Fábrega, and the demagogues.[XXV-65]
[Sidenote: DISPUTED ELECTION.]
The election for governor took place on the 15th of August, 1856. The
white element claimed Bartolomé Calvo, a colored man from Cartagena,
and a conservative in politics, to have been elected by 4,000 majority.
The negroes insisted that Manuel M. Diaz, a white man, had been chosen.
The declaration by the legislature as to who was the elect had not been
made, as required by law, by the 15th of September. The radicals then
demanded that the vice-governor, who was in their interest, should
assume the executive. On the 15th of September trouble was expected
against the white men, many of whom took refuge on the American
sloop of war _St Mary's_.[XXV-66] Calvo was finally declared by the
legislature on the 18th of September to have been constitutionally
chosen for two years; and Francisco Fábrega the vice-governor.[XXV-67]
If not a man of high order of talent, Calvo possessed good judgment,
and he eventually succeeded in making himself respected, even by
those who opposed his election. His course was moderate, and it may
be said of him that he was an honest man, and his administration a
successful one. The finances were improved, and public education was
encouraged.[XXV-68] After serving nineteen months he resigned office
and left the state.[XXV-69] Ramon Gamboa, as first designado, succeeded
him for the rest of the term.
José de Obaldía was chosen by popular vote over J. M. Hurtado, the
government candidate, amid a great political commotion, his election
being recognized by the legislature at midnight. His term began on
the 1st of October, 1858. Obaldía was one of the most talented and
best informed men in the republic, and an eloquent orator. However,
though a power in the tribune, he proved himself unfitted for a
ruler.[XXV-70] During his term, on the 17th of April, 1859, the colored
population attempted to assail the whites, and after some violence
were dispersed by a force sent against them.[XXV-71] Another outbreak
of the negroes against the whites took place the 27th of September,
1860, necessitating the landing of an armed force from the British ship
_Clio_, which, after order was restored, returned on board.[XXV-72]
[Sidenote: ESTADO SOBERANO DE PANAMÁ.]
Governor Obaldía was succeeded by Santiago de la Guardia,[XXV-73]
elected against the opposition of the liberal negro vote. In September
1860 the states of Cauca and Bolívar seceded from Nueva Granada, and
formed a confederation under the name of Estados Unidos de Colombia,
with General T. C. Mosquera at the head. By a clause of their agreement
any other state opposing them was to be conquered and annexed. Wishing
to keep Panamá neutral in the horrible struggle going on in the
rest of the republic, Guardia entered into a convention on the 6th
of September, 1861, with Manuel Murillo Toro, who represented those
states, by which Panamá was to join the confederacy, but to take no
active part in the family quarrel.[XXV-74] Early in July 1862 the state
assumed the official name of Estado Soberano de Panamá, which it has
retained to the present time.
This contest, out of which the liberal party came triumphant throughout
the country, was known as 'la revolucion de Mosquera.' The minister of
Nueva Granada in Washington, on the plea that a mere naval force could
not afford security to the Isthmus transit, asked the United States
to provide also a land force of 300 cavalry, but the request was not
granted.[XXV-75]
[Sidenote: GOVERNOR DIAZ.]
The efforts of Guardia to keep the Isthmus out of the general turmoil
were of no avail. A force of about 150 or 200 men under General Santa
Coloma came from Cartagena to Colon, with the apparent purpose of
enabling the governor to carry out certain liberal measures. The latter
protested against such a violation of a solemn agreement; but the force
insisted on coming across to Panamá, and there was no way of preventing
it. In the course of a few weeks Guardia, being convinced that he was
being employed as a puppet, removed himself and the capital to Santiago
de Veragua. As soon as he was gone, with the connivance of Santa
Coloma, a party of men, all but one of whom were of the colored race,
assembled at the town hall and deposed Guardia, naming one of their
own party, Manuel M. Diaz, provisional governor.[XXV-76] A few days
after, on the 19th of August, in a skirmish between forces of the two
factions, Governor Guardia and two or three others were killed.[XXV-77]
The government continued with Diaz at the head,[XXV-78] till under the
national constitution framed by the convention of Rio Negro,[XXV-79]
which constituted the nation under the name of Estados Unidos de
Colombia, the Isthmus became one of the federal and sovereign states.
To Governor Diaz was assigned the duty of carrying out Mosquera's
stringent decrees against the clergy, an account of which is given in
the next chapter.