FURTHER WARS AND REVOLUTIONS.
1863-1885.
PRESIDENTS GOITIA, SANTA COLOMA, AND CALANCHA—UNDUE
INTERFERENCE OF FEDERAL OFFICIALS—COLUNJE'S
ADMINISTRATION—PRESIDENT OLARTE'S ENERGY—ENMITY OF
THE ARRABAL'S NEGROES—SHORT AND DISTURBED RULES OF
DIAZ AND PONCE—PRESIDENT CORREOSO—NEGRO ELEMENT IN THE
ASCENDENT—CONSERVATIVES REBEL, AND ARE DISCOMFITED—ARMED
PEACE FOR A TIME—FEVERISH RULES OF NEIRA, MIRÓ, AIZPURU,
CORREOSO, AND CASORLA—CERVERA'S LONG TENURE—TEMPORARY
RULE OF VIVES LEON—PRESIDENT SANTODOMINGO VILA—OBTAINS
LEAVE OF ABSENCE—IS SUCCEEDED BY PABLO AROSEMENA—AIZPURU'S
REVOLUTION—AROSEMENA FLEES AND RESIGNS—OUTRAGES AT
COLON—AMERICAN FORCES PROTECT PANAMÁ—COLLAPSE OF THE
REVOLUTION—AIZPURU AND CORREOSO IMPRISONED—CHIEF CAUSES OF
DISTURBANCES ON THE ISTHMUS.
A constituent assembly installed on the 6th of May, 1863,[XXVI-1]
decreed a constitution to conform with the national one.[XXVI-2] Pedro
Goitia, who for some time past had been president of the constituent
assembly, was chosen president of the state, to hold the position
till the 1st of October, on which date the elect of the people was to
assume the executive authority.[XXVI-3] After this, the state being
tranquil, the military force was placed on a peace footing. But Goitia
was not permitted to complete even the short term for which he had
been appointed. He had to resign the position, General Peregrino Santa
Coloma being chosen by the legislative assembly to fill it, and he took
possession of the office on the 13th of August.[XXVI-4] Santa Coloma,
being afterward as was made to appear elected president, held the
executive office a short time only, for the reason that he was chosen
a representative in the national congress at Bogotá.[XXVI-5] José
Leonardo Calancha, as vice-president, now took charge of the executive,
which he was allowed to hold only till the 9th of March, 1865, when he
was deposed.[XXVI-6]
[Sidenote: RAPID SUCCESSION OF RULERS.]
Jil Colunje[XXVI-7] was placed at the head of affairs by the
revolution, and a convention called on the 8th of April to meet
on the 1st of July, and reconstruct the state.[XXVI-8] Colunje was
appointed president for the term from August 9, 1865, to September 30,
1866.[XXVI-9] At the expiration of that term Vicente Olarte Galindo,
who had been apparently elected, became president on the 1st of
October, 1866, and appointed José M. Bermudez his secretary of state.
Olarte's election is represented as an enthusiastic one, and intended
as a reward for the services he rendered to the better portion of the
Isthmian community, with his defeat of the Caucano invaders.[XXVI-10]
He found himself in a constant disagreement with the legislature of
the state, which he forced to submit to his dictation.[XXVI-11] The
whole negro party of the arrabal was his mortal enemy, but he managed
to keep it under by making it feel occasionally the effect of his
battalion's bullets. In the last attempt against his power, the negroes
were severely punished, and they never tried again to measure strength
with him.[XXVI-12] His power was now more secure than ever, and his way
became plain to procure the election as his successor to the presidency
of his brother, then residing in Chiriquí.
[Sidenote: BLACK PROCEEDINGS.]
The negroes were in despair, as they could find no means of seizing the
government. From the time of Guardia's deposal they had been enjoying
the public spoils, and could not bear the idea of being kept out of
them, when their number was four or five times larger than that of the
white men. The success of Olarte's plans would be the death of their
aspirations, which were the control of public affairs, by ousting the
whites, who were mostly conservatives.[XXVI-13] It became, therefore,
a necessity to rid the country of that ogre; and as this could not
be done by force of arms, poison was resorted to. The plan was well
matured, and carried out in San Miguel, one of the Pearl Islands, where
Olarte went upon an official visit. Olarte's death occurred on the 3d
of March, 1868, without his knowing that he had been poisoned. This
crime was not the act of one man, but of a whole political party, which
took care to have the death attributed to a malignant fever. It became
public, however, through the family of another man, who also became a
victim.[XXVI-14] No official or post-mortem examination was made, and
the matter was hushed up.
Olarte's death was greatly deplored by the better class of the
community, and high honors were paid to his remains,[XXVI-15] by the
legislature and the community, the foreign consuls and their countrymen
joining. In the absence of the first designado, Manuel Amador Guerrero,
the second, Juan José Diaz, took the reins of government.[XXVI-16]
His tenure of the presidential office was a short one, however; for
in the morning of the 5th of July, a revolution by the black men of
the arrabal broke out in Panamá, headed by General Fernando Ponce,
commander of the national forces, and Diaz was overthrown.[XXVI-17]
They said that the liberal party had been cheated out of its majority
at the late election for deputies, by the unlawful devices of its
conservative opponents; and it was but logical to conclude that the
same practices would be again resorted to at the coming election of
president of the state.[XXVI-18] There was really no cause for this
revolution. The excuses alleged by the promoters were frivolous. They
only wanted to seize power and secure the spoils.
Ponce was placed at the head of affairs as provisional president,
to rule in accordance with the national and state constitutions,
and existing laws; and in his absence, the following persons, in the
order named, were to assume the duties: Buenaventura Correoso, Pablo
Arosemena, Mateo Iturralde, Pedro Goitia, and Juan Mendoza.[XXVI-19]
Thus was the movement accomplished; a provisional government was
recognized by the foreign consuls, and by four of the interior
departments, which submitted to the change rather than become
involved in civil war. On the 20th of July a general amnesty was
decreed.[XXVI-20]
[Sidenote: PANAMÁ AND CHIRIQUÍ.]
The situation was by no means enviable. The military element was
not united, much animosity existing between the state battalion
'Panamá,' and the 'Santander,' which led to a second revolution on
the 29th of August, and Ponce resigned the presidency to Buenaventura
Correoso,[XXVI-21] who received it on the next day. Cárlos Icaza
Arosemena was appointed secretary of state. Correoso[XXVI-22] was not
permitted to enjoy his office peaceably. He used his best endeavors
to that end; but was erelong summoned to crush a revolt of the
conservatives in Chiriquí, at the head of which were the prefect
of that department, and Colonel Arístides Obaldía, a son of the
ex-president.
The conservatives desired change. To accomplish this, the people of
the interior armed themselves to come to the capital and crush the
negro element.[XXVI-23] Correoso sailed with a considerable force
provided with superior arms on the steamboat _Montíjo_,[XXVI-24] and
had the good fortune to return triumphant with 350 men on the 16th of
November. The conservatives, about 400 strong, under Obaldía, attacked
Correoso's force of about equal number, at the Hatillo, near Santiago,
and were defeated,[XXVI-25] after which, the government of the 29th of
August being proclaimed, prisoners were set at liberty. The revolution
was at an end. Correoso then summoned a constituent assembly, which
elected him constitutional president for the term of four years ending
September 30, 1873. With occasional attempts at disturbance, which were
successfully quelled or peaceably adjusted, Correoso held the office
till the 1st of October, 1872, when he resigned it, and was succeeded
by Gabriel Neira to fill the rest of the term. Neira was not permitted
to hold the position long, for a little before eleven o'clock in the
forenoon of April 5, 1873, the revolutionary party of the arrabal,
headed by Rafael Aizpuru, commander of the state troops, and fourth
designado, revolted against the government, marched into the city, and
made prisoners President Neira and Secretary Eladio Briceño. Dámaso
Cervera, as fifth designado, was called by the superior court to the
presidency.[XXVI-26]
The Pichincha—battalion of national troops—interfered to restore Neira.
After some firing, it was agreed that Cervera should continue in power,
and Neira remain in the custody of the national force.[XXVI-27]
[Sidenote: ISTHMUS RECONSTRUCTION.]
The national force having taken part in the troubles, its efficiency to
protect the transit was rendered doubtful, for which reason troops were
landed from the United States ships of war by order of Rear-admiral
Steedman.[XXVI-28] Finally, terms of peace were arranged in the evening
of May 9th, based on the conditions that Neira's government should be
reëstablished. The state militia surrendered their arms to the foreign
consuls the next day, the Pichincha performing the duties of the state
force. Meantime, till Neira's return, Colonel Juan Pernett was to
act as president.[XXVI-29] Neira heard of the change at Barranquilla
on the 13th of May, and returned at once. On the 21st he made José
María Bermudez secretary of state, and Colonel Pernett comandante
general.[XXVI-30] The votes for senators and representatives to the
national congress were counted on the 15th of July, and the names of
the elect were published.[XXVI-31]
The people of the arrabal made another disturbance on the 24th
of September, attacking the government outposts at Playa Prieta.
Hostilities were continued during twelve or fourteen days, when the
rebels, under Correoso, abandoned their ground, and were afterward
defeated in the country. Meantime an American force of nearly 200
men, sent on shore by Rear-admiral Alony, a second time within four
months, occupied the railway station and the cathedral plaza.[XXVI-32]
The minister resident of the United States, William L. Scruggs, on
the 19th of December, 1873, laid before the Colombian government,
of which Colunje was secretary for foreign affairs, a protest of the
Panamá railway company upon the recent disturbances of the Isthmus,
and a demand that the transit should in future be under the immediate
protection of the Colombian government against the acts of violence of
local factions.[XXVI-33] The latter acknowledged the justice of this
demand on the 26th of December, pledging that in future there would be
a national force stationed in Panamá, for the purpose of protecting the
transit.
On the 1st of October the constituent assembly, which had been summoned
on the 1st of August, assembled. Neira sent in his resignation,
requesting the appointment of a chief of the executive who could
secure peace. The assembly appointed Neira provisional president,
and a number of designados.[XXVI-34] Afterward the assembly passed
an act reducing the presidential term to two years.[XXVI-35] A new
constitution in seven titles, comprising 144 articles, was issued on
the 12th of November, and nine transitory articles on the following
day.[XXVI-36] A general amnesty to political offenders was decreed on
the 15th of November. President Neira having attempted in the morning
of the 14th of November to make a revolution with the Herrera battalion
for the purpose of setting aside the assembly, in which he failed, and
afterward concealed himself, that body met at 8 o'clock and deposed
him. Whereupon Gregorio Miró, the first designado, was summoned to
assume the executive for the term ending September 30, 1875, which he
did on the 16th,[XXVI-37] appointing José M. Bermudez his secretary of
state, and Ramon Vallarino Brájimo secretary of the treasury. These two
departments of government were abolished on the 25th of July, 1874, and
the office of secretary-general created, which was intrusted to Pablo
Arosemena on the 11th of August.[XXVI-38] This arrangement lasted only
till the 8th of April, 1875, when the offices of secretary of state and
of the treasury were reëstablished.[XXVI-39]
[Sidenote: CHRONIC UNREST.]
Miró's administration was a restless one, owing to constant
conspiracies based on various causes. The last one was headed by Rafael
Aizpuru, who claimed to be acting in the interest of the federal policy
in that stormy period of Colombian history.[XXVI-40] An attempt was
made to establish a provisional government with Aizpuru at its head,
annulling Miró's authority. The latter took the field, leaving Juan
J. Diaz, the second designado, in charge of the executive; but after
some unsuccessful efforts to quell the rebellion, his official term
came to an end, and Pablo Arosemena[XXVI-41] succeeded him on the 1st
of October; but he was allowed to retain the position only till the
12th, when he was ousted by General Sergio Camargo, commander of the
federal force,[XXVI-42] and Rafael Aizpuru was placed at the head of
affairs, first as 'jefe provisional del poder ejecutivo,' and later
was recognized as provisional president.[XXVI-43] Dámaso Cervera became
secretary of state, and Francisco Ardila of the treasury.
A constituent assembly, presided over by B. Correoso, met on the
25th of November, and on the 28th approved all Aizpuru's acts, and
authorized him to retain the executive office until a constitutional
president should be chosen by it. The assembly on the 6th of
December adopted another constitution for the state, containing
126 articles.[XXVI-44] On the same day Rafael Aizpuru was elected
constitutional president, and was at once inaugurated.[XXVI-45] A law
of December 25, 1876, ordained that the president of the state should
take possession of his office on the 1st of January following his
election. His term was for two years.[XXVI-46] The republic being now
the prey of a general civil war, promoted by the clergy, the state
of Panamá, complying with the demands of the national government,
sent an armed brig with troops and arms to the port of Buenaventura,
and the Colombia battalion to the headquarters of the army of the
Atlantic.[XXVI-47] The legislature, early in 1877, authorized the
executive to raise troops for the defence of the state, and to obtain
money by voluntary or forced loan.[XXVI-48]
[Sidenote: ISTHMUS POLITICS.]
Buenaventura Correoso, having been elected, assumed the presidential
office on the 1st of January, 1878; but being worried by the frequent
disturbances, and desirous of averting further scandals, resigned in
December following, and was succeeded by the designado José Ricardo
Casorla.[XXVI-49] This president was disturbed by two revolutions.
The first was occasioned by the battalion 3d of the line, under the
supposition that the state authorities were hostile to the national
government.[XXVI-50] The second partook more of the nature of comedy
than of tragedy. General Aizpuru, having returned from Bogotá, whither
he had gone as a senator from Panamá, went off to Colon on the 7th of
June, and proclaimed himself provisional chief. That same night Casorla
was arrested near his residence, and carried off to Colon, where he was
held by the revolutionary chief. The second designado, Jerardo Ortega,
then took charge of the executive.[XXVI-51] But under a subsequent
arrangement Casorla was surrendered, and replaced in the executive
office, which he resigned three days later into the hands of Jerardo
Ortega, who held it till the 1st of January, 1880, when Dámaso Cervera,
chosen for the next constitutional term, was inaugurated,[XXVI-52] his
term of office being two years.
The legislative assembly, June 13, 1881, passed a law amending the
constitution. Under this law the assembly[XXVI-53] after 1882 was
to meet on the 1st of October, and within the first fifteen days of
its ordinary sittings count the votes for president of the state,
and for senators and representatives to the national congress. Among
other things, it was enacted that the present assembly would name
the substitutes of the executive for the term to begin on the 1st of
January, 1882. Cervera succeeded in maintaining order during his term,
though constantly disturbed with intrigues of the most reprehensible
character.
Rafael Nuñez, who had been declared the president elect of the
state,[XXVI-54] should have appeared to assume the executive duties
on the 1st of January, 1882, for a term ending on the 31st of October,
1884; but as he failed to do so, Dámaso Cervera, the first designado,
was summoned to take charge pro tempore of the office.[XXVI-55]
Nuñez resigned the position in November 1882, on the ground of ill
health; and though he offered, at the request of the legislature,
to reconsider his action, he never came to fill any part of his
term.[XXVI-56] Nothing worthy of mention occurred in the politics
of the Isthmus during this year, except a continued opposition on
the part of the so-called ultra-liberals to Cervera's occupancy,
notwithstanding which he had been chosen 1st designado for 1883, and on
the 1st day of January following was again placed in possession of the
presidency.[XXVI-57]
[Sidenote: PANAMÁ PRESIDENTS.]
The election for president of the state for the next term became a
question upon which there was a disagreement between the superior
court during recess of the legislative assembly, which decreed the
election should take place on the fourth Sunday of July, and Cervera,
who claimed that it ought not to be till the following year. The
latter proposition was acted upon.[XXVI-58] Cervera obtained early
in the year a month's leave of absence, during which the executive
office was in charge of the second substitute, J. M. Vives Leon, whose
first act was to suppress the comandancia general, and to muster
out of service a number of officers of all grades.[XXVI-59] The
state was in constant expectation of war, owing to affairs in other
states, and particularly to the presence of agents of the general
government having no recognized official position. In the apprehension
of political troubles, the states of Panamá and Cauca entered into a
convention[XXVI-60] to support one another's interests in the expected
contest. Cervera thought, however, that the time was now past when
the national troops could interfere in the internal affairs of the
state.[XXVI-61]
The presence of federal forces on the Isthmus had often been a source
of danger to the state government. But it was required by international
obligation, and its necessity could but be recognized in view of the
fact that the construction of the interoceanic canal, already under
way, demanded the employment of thousands of men from all parts of the
world, who in the event of strikes or for other causes might commit
outrages.[XXVI-62] The election of senators and representatives to
the national congress was effected this year by the legislature,
Dámaso Cervera, Ricardo Nuñez, and José C. de Obaldía being chosen to
the former position.[XXVI-63] Cervera having been also elected first
designado of the presidency for 1884, he again was placed in possession
of the chief magistracy of the state on the 1st of January.[XXVI-64]
An abortive attempt was made, at the instigation of Cervera's
political enemies, to have him removed. One of the justices of the
superior court, on the 2d of July, impeached and suspended him from
office. General Benjamin Ruiz, as second designado, was accordingly
handed the reins of government. But Cervera resisted, and appealed to
General Wenceslao Ibañez, commanding the national brigade, to support
his authority. Meantime, the superior court by a majority decided
on the 6th that Plaza's decree should have no effect, and that Ruiz
had illegally assumed the president's functions.[XXVI-65] Ibañez,
however, on the 8th insisted on Cervera's leaving the government,
and himself took control, his troops besieging Cervera in the state
house. The latter then applied to the superior court for a leave to
proceed to Bogotá to take his seat in the senate. Ruiz again seized
the presidency, and appointed B. Correoso secretary-general. By some
misunderstanding he was recognized by the national executive. At this
time, General Eloi Porto, who ranked Ibañez, arrived in Panamá, and
through his good offices Cervera was replaced.[XXVI-66] Ruiz might have
been permitted to rule a while had he followed in Cervera's footsteps;
but he began to remove prefects, and to despatch commissioners into
the interior, the peace of the state being again jeopardized, which
compelled Cervera to remain.
[Sidenote: FIGHTING AT SEA.]
A revolution broke out at David in the night of September 19th,
proclaiming a genuine suffrage, and setting aside the declarations
made by the judges of election for president of the state and deputies
to the assembly. Movements of the same kind followed in other parts.
In the night of the 27th Cervera's authority was pronounced in Panamá
at an end, and Ruiz was made the executive. Cervera on the 14th of
October proclaimed that public order had been disturbed by Ruiz and his
supporters,[XXVI-67] and established martial law. An encounter between
a government force on board the steam-tug _Morro_, and another of the
rebels on the steamboat _Alajuela_, took place at sea in the afternoon
of the 15th of October. The former experienced damage and loss of
crew.[XXVI-68] Cervera, who was on board, was blamed for the repulse.
The _Alajuela_ kept away a while, and then returned to land some
wounded men. The rebel chiefs, B. Ruiz, Gonzalez, and Andreve, marched
into the interior, respectively to Veragua, Aguadulce, and Penonomé.
This condition of affairs being telegraphed to the national government,
the executive decreed that public order was disturbed in Panamá, and
directed the commander of the national forces to arrest the guilty
persons.[XXVI-69] General Gónima, the federal commander, repaired to
Aguadulce, and prevailed on Ruiz and his friends to lay down their
arms, which he reported to Cervera on the 2d of November.[XXVI-70]
The elections for president of the state took place on the 27th of
July, 1884. Juan Manuel Lambert was chosen,[XXVI-71] and was recognized
by the assembly in October. But the intrigues of the liberal party,
supported by Gónima, deprived Lambert of his office.[XXVI-72]
On the 1st of October, upon the assembling of the legislature, Cervera
sent in his resignation; and no notice having been taken, he reiterated
it on the 20th, reminding that body that it had enacted measures which
would necessitate his retaining power till the end of December, when
his term should cease on the 31st of October, and the president elect
assume his duties. The resignation was not accepted, and the assembly
on the 21st, by all the votes present, but one, desired him to continue
at the head of the government.[XXVI-73]
[Sidenote: PANAMÁ POLITICS]
The assembly had on the 14th of October passed an act empowering
the executive to call a convention to be elected by direct popular
vote on the 7th of December, and to assemble on the 1st of January,
1885.[XXVI-74] The convention met on the appointed day. It has
been alleged that the election of members thereto was a mere
farce.[XXVI-75] In the still unsettled condition of affairs President
Cervera concluded, on the 24th of November, to retain in service
a force of officers for any emergency that might occur.[XXVI-76]
Still, he considered his position one that was by law untenable,
and on the next day laid his irrevocable resignation before the
superior court, alleging that he had held power too long—four years
and eleven months—and referring to the interference of the federal
government, he said that he must either submit to or oppose its
influence. His opposition would prolong an anomalous situation in
the country.[XXVI-77] The court, in view of the reasons adduced,
accepted the resignation, and summoned the second designado, Vives
Leon, to the presidential seat, which he held till the 6th of January,
inclusive, on which date the convention almost unanimously chose
General Ramon Santodomingo Vila president of the state.[XXVI-78] A
few days previously—on the 3d—Benjamin Ruiz and the other liberals
in the convention, after declaring that they would hold as traitors
all liberals who, by joining the conservatives, who would strengthen
the latter to make themselves masters of the state, abandoned the
chamber.[XXVI-79]
The new president at once appointed his secretaries and his so-called
cabinet.[XXVI-80] In the apprehension of disturbances at Colon, the
executive requested the commander of the American war vessel _Alliance_
to land a force there to guard the transit.[XXVI-81] The request was
complied with, but the force not being needed then was reëmbarked.
The Isthmus now becomes again the theatre of deadly strife, with its
concomitant bloodshed and general destruction, to the disgrace of the
nation of which it forms a part, and the scandal of the world. A plot
by some men of the national force to seize the revenue cutter _Boyacá_
having been detected, thanks to the loyalty of other members of the
same force, the executive notified the convention that the time had
come to proclaim martial law, which he did on the 9th of February.
The convention accordingly closed its session on the 11th.[XXVI-82]
On the 17th, Santodomingo Vila obtained a leave of absence to proceed
to Cartagena, where his military services were required, and Pablo
Arosemena, the first designado, was summoned to assume the executive
authority.[XXVI-83] At about five o'clock in the morning of the 16th of
March the population was awakened by the cries of Vivan los liberales!
Viva el general Aizpuru! accompanied with numerous shots. Aizpuru, at
the head of about 250 men, attacked the Cuartel de las Monjas, and the
tower of San Francisco, which were defended by a handful of government
troops, and a running fight from corner to corner ensued.[XXVI-84]
The assailants overran the city. The British war ship _Heroine_ then
landed some marines and sailors to protect the railroad. The president
called for troops from Colon, which came at once under General Gónima,
and entering the city early on the 17th, compelled the portion of the
revolutionists who had remained in the city to rejoin their main body
in the plains.[XXVI-85]
[Sidenote: PANAMÁ RIOT.]
Upon the government troops leaving Colon, a notorious man, Pedro
Prestan,[XXVI-86] with a motley gang, among whom were many of the worst
characters, seized the town,[XXVI-87] and sacked several merchants'
houses, demanding forced loans from such as were known to have
pecuniary means.[XXVI-88] It is stated, however, that he gave orders
for the protection of foreigners and their property.
The revolutionists under Aizpuru encamped at Farfan refused to listen
to any propositions. Their chief, on the 24th of March, notified the
foreign consuls of his intention to assail the city of Panamá, which
he also made known to President Arosemena.[XXVI-89] This functionary
at once resigned his office into the hands of the superior court, and
sought safety on the British ship _Heroine_. No other designado having
been appointed by the convention, General Gónima assumed civil and
military control, and appointed B. Correoso his secretary-general.
Another decree proclaimed the neutrality of the state of Panamá
in the war raging in the rest of the republic. This proceeding
restored calm for a while, as it was taken to be the result of an
understanding between the revolutionists and the government. But it
seems to have become known too late at the headquarters of Aizpuru and
Prestan.[XXVI-90]
On the 29th of March the American mail steamer _Colon_ arrived at the
port of the same name from New York, and the government directed that
she should not deliver arms to the rebels. This gave rise to most
high-handed proceedings on the part of Prestan, culminating in the
arrest by his orders of the American consul, Mr Wright, Captain Dow,
general agent of the steamship line, Connor, the local agent at Colon,
Lieutenant Judd and Cadet Midshipman Richardson, of the United States
war steamer _Galena_.[XXVI-91] Soon afterward Richardson was released
and sent on board the _Galena_ to tell his commander, Kane, that
the other prisoners would be kept in confinement till the arms were
surrendered, and if the _Galena_ attempted to land men, or to do any
hostile act, the boats would be fired upon, and every American citizen
in the place would be shot. Kane, knowing Prestan's character, did not
attempt any hasty act. Prestan then went to the prison and told Consul
Wright that he must order Dow to deliver the arms, or he would shoot
the four prisoners before that night. Wright complied, and they were
set at liberty.
[Sidenote: ACTION OF THE REBELS.]
But Kane took possession of the _Colon_, and in the night landed a
force and three pieces, under Lieutenant Judd, with orders to release
at all hazards Dow and Connor, who had been again imprisoned.[XXVI-92]
No sooner had the Americans occupied the offices of their consulate,
and of the railway and Pacific mail companies, than a force of
Colombian national troops[XXVI-93] came on, driving the rebels before
them into the intrenchments. During the whole morning the firing
was kept up, and ended about 12, noon, when the rebels being routed,
Prestan and his rabble set fire to the town at various places, and
fled.[XXVI-94] A strong wind blowing, the flames spread violently,
and the town was consumed with all its contents.[XXVI-95] The American
forces continued some days longer holding the place, Commander Kane's
authority being recognized, and the Colombian officers coöperating with
him in the preservation of order.[XXVI-96]
But to return to Panamá. Aizpuru took advantage of the situation,
Gónima being left with only 60 soldiers, and a few civilians that had
joined him, to occupy the principal streets, on the 31st. To make the
story short, by 3 o'clock in the afternoon he was master of the place,
Gónima having surrendered.[XXVI-97] Aizpuru announced in a proclamation
on the 1st that he had assumed the functions of jefe civil y militar,
to which he had been called by the supporters of free political
principles, and on the 4th appointed his advisers,[XXVI-98] and adopt
measures to protect the city from incendiarism, and specially to guard
the interoceanic transit. Marines and sailors having been landed on the
8th of April from the United States frigate _Shenandoah_, by Aizpuru's
request, both ends of the Isthmus were on the 10th guarded by American
forces. Soon after the United States sent reënforcements of marines and
sailors with special instructions to protect the transit and American
citizens and their interests, avoiding all interference in the internal
political squabbles. Several war vessels of the U. S. home squadron,
under Rear-admiral Jouett, arrived at Colon.[XXVI-99] In the night of
the 24th of April, while the revolutionists were erecting barricades,
against an understanding with the American commander, the marines under
Commander McCalla took possession of the city, as a necessary measure
to protect American property, and Aizpuru and others were arrested.
However, on the next day, Aizpuru having pledged himself not to raise
barricades or batteries, the prisoners were released, and the Americans
retired to their encampment outside.[XXVI-100]
[Sidenote: RESULT OF COLUNJE'S SYSTEM.]
On the 27th a well-equipped Colombian expedition of about 850 men,
under General Rafael Reyes, arrived from Buenaventura to support M.
Montoya as civil and military chief of Panamá until a constitutional
government could be organized.[XXVI-101] With the good offices of the
foreign consuls, a peaceable arrangement was entered into, by which
Aizpuru bound himself to disband his forces, deliver all arms, and
retire to private life.[XXVI-102] But having failed, as it was alleged,
as late as the 2d of May to surrender all the rifles and caps in the
hands of the rebels, he and others were arrested and confined in the
town hall.[XXVI-103] On the 12th Aizpuru was sent to Buenaventura and
held at the disposal of the supreme government of Colombia.[XXVI-104]
It is understood that the rebel leaders were called upon to pay
large sums of money to meet the government's necessarily increased
expenditures; and that, in order to secure payments, their property
was seized. This is the result of Colunje's system, which Correoso
followed. He has been now repaid in the same coin.
The Isthmus being now pacified, and 500 more Colombians having
arrived on the 9th of May, under Colonel Dominguez, being another
portion of Reyes' force to relieve Santodomingo Vila at Cartagena, the
American marines, who had been expressly sent out by their government,
returned home, leaving a good name for discipline and general good
conduct.[XXVI-105] The flagship _Tennessee_ of Admiral Jouett, and
the _Galena_, Commander Kane, went to sea from Colon on the 11th of
May. The former conveyed General Reyes, with relief for the Colombian
government's troops at Cartagena.
After the death of President Olarte in 1868, the Isthmus for many years
did not enjoy a single day of peace. The general wealth having declined
throughout the country, and more so in the interior, poverty prevailed.
Capital, both foreign and native, abandoned so dangerous an abode. The
cattle ranges and estates disappeared; likewise agriculture, except on
a small scale.[XXVI-106]
The black men of the arrabal in the city of Panamá, after they were
made important factors in politics, accustomed themselves to depend
on the public funds for a living, and the people of the interior, who
were always peaceable and industrious, came to be virtually their
tributaries. The state became the puppet of the men at the head of
the national government, or of political clubs at Bogotá, whose agents
incited disturbances, removing presidents indisposed to coöperate with
or to meekly submit to their dictation, substituting others favorable
to their purposes, and thus making themselves masters of the state
government, together with its funds, and with what is of no less
import, the state's vote in national elections.
[Sidenote: SOCIETY AND POLITICS.]
Since the establishment of the constitution of 1863, Panamá has
been considered a good field by men aspiring to political and social
position without risking their persons and fortunes. They have ever
found unpatriotic Panameños ready to aid them in maintaining the
quondam colonial dependence, and investing them with power, that they
might grow fat together on the spoils. Almost every national election,
since the great war of 1860, has brought about a forced change in
the state government. The first victim, as we have seen, was Governor
Guardia, deposed by national troops under Santa Coloma. That was the
beginning of political demoralization on the Isthmus. Every similar
illegal device to insure party triumph and power at Bogotá has been, I
repeat, the work of agents from the national capital assisted by men
of Panamá to push their own interests, and supported by the federal
garrison.[XXVI-107]
The office of chief magistrate is desired for controlling political
power, and the public funds to enrich the holder and his chief
supporters. Patriotism, and a noble purpose to foster the welfare
of the country and the people in general, are, if thought of at all,
objects of secondary consideration. At times, the presidency is fought
for with arms among the negroes themselves, and the city is then a
witness of bloody scenes. The aim of every such effort is to gain
control of power for the sake of the spoils.
Panamá cannot, being the smallest and weakest state of the Colombian
union, rid itself of the outside pressure. Neither can it crush the
unholy ambition of its politicians. Both entail misfortunes enough. But
the Isthmus must also share the same sufferings as the other states in
times of political convulsion in the whole nation.[XXVI-108]
In view of the fact that the Isthmus of Panamá may before many years
become much more than it has heretofore been, a great highway of
nations, and that the great interests which will be constantly at stake
on the route will demand an effectual protection, it is self-evident
that measures of a permanent character must in time be adopted to
secure that end. Panamá, as an appendage of Colombia, and at the mercy
of an irresponsible population, cannot afford that protection; neither
is Colombia, with her constantly recurring squabbles, better able to
fulfil any international obligations she might assume in the premises.
Without intending to cast any slur upon her, or to doubt her honorable
intentions, all—herself among the number—must own that it would be
extremely dangerous to lean on so weak a reed. The question therefore
occurs, and must soon be solved, What is to be the future status of
the Isthmus? A strong government is doubtless a necessity, and must be
provided from abroad. Shall it assume the form of a quasi independent
state under the protectorate of the chief commercial nations,
eliminating Colombia from participation therein? or must the United
States, as the power most interested in preserving the independence of
the highway, take upon themselves the whole control for the benefit of
all nations? Time will tell.
[Sidenote: PANAMÁ A DEPARTMENT.]
Since the foregoing remarks were written, a change has taken place
in the political organization of the United States of Colombia, by
which the government has been centralized, the name of the republic
being changed to República de Colombia, and the state of Panamá,
being reduced to a mere national department, to be ruled by a civil
and military governor appointed by the national executive at Bogotá.
Under the new order of things, General Santodomingo Vila, the former
president, became civil and military ruler, with powers to inaugurate
the departmental organization.[XXVI-109] He took possession of
his office, and dictated several measures toward that end, and the
suppression of gambling and other abuses. But without good grounds,
after recognizing the press to be free, suddenly suspended that
freedom, though he soon after restored it. Meantime, however, he caused
the suspension for sixty days of the _Star and Herald_ and _Estrella_
newspapers, alleging their hostility to the government because they
declined to publish some of his measures.[XXVI-110]