POLITICAL AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA.
1867-1885.
PRESIDENT FERNANDO GUZMAN—INSURRECTION—MISCONDUCT
OF PRIESTS—DEFEATS OF THE INSURGENTS—FOREIGN
MEDIATION—GENEROSITY OF THE GOVERNMENT—PRESIDENT VICENTE
QUADRA—INCEPTION OF THE JESUITS—AIMS OF PARTIES—INTERNAL AND
FOREIGN COMPLICATIONS—COSTA RICA'S HOSTILITY AND TINOCO'S
INVASION—PRESIDENTS CHAMORRO AND ZAVALA—MORE POLITICAL
TROUBLES—JESUITS THE PROMOTERS—THEIR EXPULSION—PEACE
RESTORED—PROGRESS OF THE COUNTRY—PRESIDENT ADAN
CÁRDENAS—RESISTANCE TO PRESIDENT BARRIOS' PLAN OF FORCED
RECONSTRUCTION.
The administration of President Fernando Guzman entered upon its duties
on the 1st of March, 1867, under good auspices. Peace reigned, the
country was prosperous, and the public treasury equally so.[XXIII-1]
This was the first time that the government could lay so flattering
a picture before the nation. Guzman pledged himself to use his best
endeavors to consolidate republican institutions.[XXIII-2] He promised
further to pursue a conciliatory policy, and this was received with
joy throughout the land, a policy which was initiated on the same
day of his inauguration with an amnesty to all citizens undergoing
prosecution or punishment for political offences. Those in exile were
invited to return to their homes; among them was Máximo Jerez, who had
been sojourning in Costa Rica, and accepted the pardon. The bishop
of the diocese was apprised of the president's desire for continued
harmony between the civil and ecclesiastical jurisdictions, which was
responded to in the same spirit by the prelate. There was then every
prospect of a long peace. At the opening of the congressional session,
January 25, 1869, the president made a cheering report, and it was
believed that the course of the government was generally well received;
but when it was proposed in congress to vote an approval of it, some
remarks were made in the senate which the president was displeased at,
and he tendered his resignation of the executive office on the 19th of
March.[XXIII-3] Congress unanimously refused to accept it. The session
lasted fifty-seven days, coming to an end March 22d, and in the course
of it several laws were enacted to benefit agriculture and commerce;
but on the other hand, congress was accused of having too lavishly
voted pensions to military men.
[Sidenote: REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT.]
The public peace was disturbed by a revolutionary movement June 26th,
when a party of men calling themselves liberals assaulted and captured
the barracks at Leon. The chief leaders of this revolution were Máximo
Jerez, Ex-president Martinez,[XXIII-4] Hilario Oliva, and Pascasio
Bermudez.[XXIII-5] On the following day they organized a provisional
government, Jerez being its chief, with unlimited powers to overthrow
the existing authorities, and implant the liberal principles set forth
in the plan accompanying his proclamation of the same date.[XXIII-6]
The next step was to levy a contribution of $62,000 in Leon, and then
to occupy the port of Realejo. Jerez installed the government on the
29th with Buenaventura Selva as minister-general, but on the same day
transferred the supreme authority to Francisco Baca, retaining himself
the chief command of the forces.[XXIII-7]
The government at Managua adopted stringent measures to quell the
revolt.[XXIII-8] A number of the clergy having taken a prominent
part in it, promoting discord and animosity against the government,
some parish priests abandoning their flocks and taking up arms, and
even upholding principles not acceptable to their church,[XXIII-9]
superadded to which were their consorting with gamblers and drunkards,
and shedding blood, the bishop's attention was called to all that on
the 12th of August, with a request that he should check such violations
of the constitution of the country, of canonical law, and of the
concordat with the pope.[XXIII-10] But he returned no answer. Both
he and his vicar-general were in Leon and could not be ignorant of
such doings, and yet, whether from apathy, negligence, or complicity,
tolerated them.[XXIII-11]
[Sidenote: CHURCH AND STATE.]
Commissioners from Honduras, Salvador, and Costa Rica exerted
themselves to bring about a friendly settlement of the differences,
but their efforts proved unavailing,[XXIII-12] and the forces of the
opposing governments soon came to blows. The insurgents obtained some
advantage in the unsuccessful attacks made in Correvientos and Chocoya
or Metapa, on the 28th of July, by General Urtecho.[XXIII-13] They
claimed to have again repulsed the enemy's attack under Medina against
Nagarote on the 30th of August, inflicting heavy loss of men, arms, and
ammunition.[XXIII-14] The official organ of the government at Managua
makes no mention of this affair.
President Guzman took command of the forces in the field,[XXIII-15]
leaving the executive office temporarily in charge of Senator Pedro
Joaquin Chamorro. The insurgents took Jinotepe, and about the middle of
September were concentrated in Masatepe, surrounded from north to south
by the well-fortified and garrisoned towns of Managua, Granada, Rivas,
and Nandaimé. An attempt made by them October 13th against Matagalpa
proved disastrous, and they had to retreat to Leon. On the 14th they
were utterly undone by Guzman at Niquinohomo. Their force, 1,500
strong, attacked Guzman at a little past one o'clock, and was repulsed
with heavy losses. The next morning Guzman went in pursuit, and on
approaching Jinotepe the enemy dispersed in all directions, abandoning
the western department.[XXIII-16] Guzman reached Pueblo Nuevo on the
21st, and sent a proclamation on the 22d to the Leonese, assuring them
that he had no desire of doing them any injury, but he must punish the
men who had so unreasonably caused the desolation and misery of the
past four months.[XXIII-17] However, upon a mediation being offered
by General Charles N. Riotte, United States minister resident, at the
request of the insurgent leaders, for a settlement of the difficulties
without further bloodshed, Guzman accepted it, and the war terminated
with the surrender of the rebels.[XXIII-18]
[Sidenote: PEACE AGAIN.]
The acting president, on the 29th of October, gave Guzman a vote of
thanks for his services, and conferred on him the rank of general
of division. After a short visit by the government and Guzman to
Granada, and peace being fully restored, Guzman resumed at that place
the presidential office on November 25th.[XXIII-19] On the 17th of
December he decreed the reëstablishment of the constitution from the
1st of January, 1870. The national congress was installed on the 20th
following, and on the 22d gave vote of thanks to Guzman.[XXIII-20]
Nothing worthy of particular notice occurred this year, except the
election of president for the next term, Vicente Quadra having been
the candidate favored with the requisite majority of votes. He took
possession of the office on the 1st of March, 1871.[XXIII-21] Congress
being about to close its session, the executive in a special message,
March 30th, called its attention to important affairs demanding prompt
measures. The treasury was exhausted, and the government needed
resources to meet its obligations. It also should be clothed with
powers and means to face the complications that might arise from the
disturbed relations of Salvador with Honduras. But congress suspended
the session for twenty days, though not without having first authorized
the president to raise loans for covering the more pressing needs of
the treasury, and empowered him to act as he might think best on behalf
of the honor and interests of the country during the recess.[XXIII-22]
In the war between the above-named states, Nicaragua maintained the
strictest neutrality, and had the good fortune to escape being mixed up
in that trouble.
The country being at peace, both at home and abroad, the government
was enabled to devote its whole attention to the finances, which were
in an unsatisfactory state, owing to a marked decrease of the revenues
in the two last fiscal years.[XXIII-23] The general situation, if
not good, was nevertheless far from discouraging. But a new element
was now ushered in, which was destined to become erelong an agent of
disturbance. I refer to the coming of seventy members of the society
of Jesus, who on their expulsion from Guatemala landed unopposed at
Realejo, and journeyed to Leon, where a portion of the inhabitants
gave them a warm reception. Discussions ensued; some were in favor of
giving the new-comers convents, turning over to them public education,
and allowing them every privilege as they had had at their late field;
others demanded that they should be sent away. The government took no
action, other than permitting them to remain, and they soon ingratiated
themselves with the masses.[XXIII-24]
[Sidenote: PARTIES AND PRINCIPLES.]
Toward the end of the year rumors of an impending revolution were
rife. There was no cause for it. Quadra's administration certainly was
deserving of public support.[XXIII-25] But it seemed the fashion of
Nicaragua either to be on the eve of or in the throes of revolution,
or at least to talk of one.[XXIII-26] At the present time there were
three political parties, and a club aspiring to that rank. The party
in power was called by some of its members liberal conservador,
and by others republicano. This party had a large following of
well-to-do and sedate citizens. It had no monarchical, aristocratic,
or theocratic tendencies; on the contrary, its principles were liberal
and progressive, but it moved slowly, from fear of disturbing peace
and order. Another party was formed, of men who at one time used to
call themselves democrats, but had lately taken a conservative for
a leader, become associated with the clergy, and adopted the name
of moderado. The third party, hardly entitled to the rank, was made
up of young men anxious for the greatest development of liberty and
progress. Its members were scattered, or affiliated with other parties.
Then there was the club, composed of a few hot-heads who insisted on
being the mountain, and parodying the French Jacobins of 1793. The
fears of revolution were on the increase in the first part of 1872.
The self-styled moderados of the five states were working together in
Leon, the native clergy and the jesuits being the common centre of the
revolutionary propaganda, and the government of President Medina of
Honduras encouraging them.
The congressional elections took place in October with much agitation
and disturbance in several localities.[XXIII-27] There was considerable
independence exhibited by the voters. The liberal conservatives
obtained a working majority, and high hopes were entertained from the
congress which was to sit on the 1st of January, 1873.
The year 1872 was a happy one for Nicaragua. Not only was peace
consolidated, but party animosity greatly decreased. Trade and
agriculture yielded good results; the public administration was much
improved; the treasury also felt easy, and public credit was restored.
Congress assembled on the appointed day, and the president's message
contained an encouraging report. He said that the rights of citizens
had been respected, and an asylum allowed to the refugees of other
states, including the jesuits.[XXIII-28] He labored to impress upon
the representatives the necessity of providing means to increase the
revenue; but nothing had been done at the end of February, and the
president saw, besides, that notwithstanding his moderate, impartial,
and conciliatory policy, a considerable portion of the citizens refused
to lend him their coöperation. In view of all this, and of his advanced
age and ill health, he tendered his resignation on the 1st of March,
setting forth the reasons for his doing so; but the chambers refused
to accept it.[XXIII-29] Congress adjourned on the 20th of March to
continue its labors in 1874. Several important laws had been passed,
for which the legislature deserved credit. On the other hand, it
was blamed for a lavish bestowal of pensions, and for an excessive
number of pardons and other favors to criminals. The jesuit question
was resolved February 12th in favor of permitting the priests to
remain.[XXIII-30]
[Sidenote: PRESIDENT QUADRA.]
The relations with Costa Rica were most unsatisfactory, and the
government took action to meet any possible emergency. Pursuant to
its decree of August 28th, congress assembled September 16th, when
President Quadra's message made known that events had taken place
calling for an abandonment of the policy he had hitherto pursued of
absolute abstention from interference in the affairs of the other
Central American states.[XXIII-31] His administration reported the
intrigues of President Guardia of Costa Rica with discontented
Nicaraguans for its overthrow. It was generally believed that a
disturbance of the public peace was impending, and that Costa Rican
money had circulated among the men concerned in the plot.[XXIII-32]
These men, some of whom were officers in the service of Nicaragua,
concealed themselves, and a number of them went to Costa Rica to
tender their services to the enemy of their country. Meantime a body
of armed men raised by the reactionary party of Central America made
its appearance in Honduras, which alarmed the governments of Guatemala
and Salvador. These powers represented to Nicaragua the movements
to be unquestionably the work of Costa Rica, proposing an alliance
against the latter.[XXIII-33] A defensive alliance was concluded on the
26th of August, the plenipotentiaries being Anselmo H. Rivas and B.
Carazo. This treaty was approved by the three governments.[XXIII-34]
It contained, besides, two other clauses; namely, the allied
powers were to endeavor to bring about a settlement of the boundary
question between Nicaragua and Costa Rica, and coöperate toward the
reorganization of Central America under a single government.[XXIII-35]
Congress closed the session on the 15th of October, and shortly after
the government was apprised of the departure from Puntarenas, Costa
Rica, on the vessel named _Tigre_, of an expedition of Nicaraguans
under Tinoco bound to Nicaragua.[XXIII-36] The expedition landed on
the 3d of November, not in Nicaraguan territory, but in San Bernardo, a
small port of Honduras. Nicaragua at once sent a force to the frontier,
and Minister Delgadillo started for Honduras to obtain permission
from the government to pursue the invaders within her limits,
which being granted, the Nicaraguans marched from Somotillo into
Honduras, and acting in accord with another force from Salvador, the
invaders abandoned Corpus, and repaired to Tegucigalpa, where Tinoco
capitulated.[XXIII-37] The Nicaraguan government's force then returned
home.[XXIII-38]
The elections for president and members of congress took place within
the last three months of 1874 under no hindrance, and without any
serious disturbance of the peace.[XXIII-39] Quadra's message of January
13, 1875, announced that public confidence in a continued peace was not
yet fully restored; but a disposition to work and maintain order was
taking deep root among the masses.[XXIII-40]
[Sidenote: PRESIDENT CHAMORRO.]
Pedro Joaquin Chamorro, the elect of the people for the next
presidential term, was inducted into office on the 1st of March,
1875.[XXIII-41] Quadra returned with alacrity to private life. The new
administration soon had to deal with seditious attempts which had been
prepared during Quadra's rule. One of Chamorro's first acts was to
issue an unconditional pardon to the parties implicated, hoping that
it would bring the government's opponents to a better feeling. But the
result was quite different; for they began a series of plots, and it
then became necessary to issue, on the 17th of November, 1875, a decree
of expulsion and of partial banishments. This quieted the country, and
peace would have become consolidated but for the opportunities afforded
the agitators in the neighboring states to start another conflagration.
Costa Rica became the asylum of the discontented of Nicaragua, who
took advantage of the interrupted relations between the two governments
to promote a war that might give them the control of affairs in their
country.
Costa Rica suspended diplomatic and commercial relations with
Nicaragua; but the latter concluded not to decree a suspension of
trade, with the view of not injuring innocent persons. No actual
war existed, but it might break out at any moment, in view of Costa
Rica's menacing attitude.[XXIII-42] At last the government found
itself threatened from various quarters. It then called on all
patriotic citizens for new sacrifices, to which they responded with
enthusiasm.[XXIII-43] Martial law was proclaimed, and the president
assumed personal command of the forces, the executive office
being temporarily placed in charge of Senator Pedro Balladares.
When the danger of war had passed, the decree of martial law was
repealed.[XXIII-44] Elections for supreme and local authorities took
place without hindrance and in good order. But the country suffered
severely from natural causes.[XXIII-45]
Peace reigned during the last two years of Chamorro's rule, which
enabled him to devote his attention to the advancement of the country's
interests. Notwithstanding the past difficulties, the national finances
had attained a better organization, and the national credit was on
a higher plane. The people showed a growing disposition to employ
themselves in the arts of peace, their civil and political rights
being fully respected by the authorities. Friendly relations existed
with foreign powers, and no complications were apprehended with
the neighbors.[XXIII-46] The elections for president, deputies, and
senators were effected at the usual time, the government abstaining
from all interference. General Joaquin Zavala, having been the popular
choice for chief magistrate, took possession of his office with the
customary formalities on the 1st of March, 1879, promising to follow
the conciliatory policy of his predecessor. He congratulated the
representatives on the stability which the republic was evidently
arriving at.[XXIII-47]
[Sidenote: PEACE AND PROGRESS.]
Congress closed the session on the 1st of April. The results of its
three months' labors were quite important.[XXIII-48] Though acting
with independence, the utmost harmony prevailed in its relations
with the executive. At the opening of the next legislative session in
January 1881, the president made known that peace had been undisturbed
both at home and abroad, and there was no cause to apprehend any
immediate change. As far as the government's scanty means permitted,
works of public utility had been fostered.[XXIII-49] Public education
made considerable progress. The finances were duly attended to, and
a few reforms introduced.[XXIII-50] The president congratulated the
nation on the fact that all had been accomplished with the ordinary
revenues. The public credit stood higher than ever. The foreign debt
had been cancelled, and the internal, which amounted to $1,600,000,
reduced to one half this sum.[XXIII-51] Congress adjourned March 6th.
Several important measures were introduced and discussed, but left for
completion in the following year.[XXIII-52]
[Sidenote: JESUIT DISTURBANCES.]
The apprehensions felt by a large number of citizens of serious
troubles from the presence of the jesuits were realized in May 1881.
On the 6th there was an Indian insurrection in Matagalpa, accompanied
with considerable bloodshed, and the jesuits were said to be the
instigators.[XXIII-53] Twenty members of the order residing in that
place were arrested and taken under guard to Granada. A still more
alarming revolt took place in Leon. At the opening of the Instituto de
Occidente, an educational establishment under the special protection
of the national authorities, Professor J. Leonard, from Spain, made
certain remarks, at which the jesuit fathers took umbrage.[XXIII-54]
They, together with a certain Apolonio Orozco, accused Leonard and
Calderon of being free-thinkers and assailants of religion. The forty
or fifty fathers living in Leon took the matter in hand energetically,
and in two days there was hardly a person in the place who had not
been told that the religion of their fathers was imperilled by the
propaganda of the free-thinkers of the instituto. Relying on the
support of a fanatical rabble, they assumed a bold attitude, and
demanded prompt action on the part of Bishop Ulloa y Larios. But the
latter would not uphold them. This greatly exasperated them. Meantime
the rabble became seditious. Parties of armed men intrenched themselves
in the old Recoleccion convent, and laboring under the excitement
produced by the speeches of their leaders and the free use of rum,
they resisted the troops engaged in an effort to preserve order,
eight or ten being killed, and many more wounded. The mob retreated
to the Recoleccion, resolved to continue the fight, defying the local
authorities, who, in fact, did not show much disposition to put them
down, the prefect being a friend of the jesuits. The commander of the
forces was an aged soldier, who could not do much active service.
However, he captured the two chief leaders, Bermudez and Duvon,
and sent them to Managua, where they were imprisoned. The supreme
government adopted prompt measures, despatched troops to Leon, who
brought the rebels under subjection, and then expelled the jesuits
from the country.[XXIII-55] It was believed that the real object of
those movements was to overthrow Zavala and place Pedro Balladares in
the executive chair. The question for a time seemed to be who should
rule—the government or the jesuits. Zavala's energy settled it.
In July 1882 there was a slight rebellion in Gracias á Dios, and
later disturbances in Matagalpa, Telica, and Subtiaba; but though
causing some expense, because the government had to station a strong
force there during a considerable time, public works were not thereby
interrupted. The president, in his message to congress at the inception
of 1883, expressed himself as gratified with the report he had to make,
and retained the most perfect confidence in the future progress and
prosperity of the republic. His successor, Adan Cárdenas,[XXIII-56]
elected by popular suffrage, was placed in possession of the office
on the 1st of March, 1883.[XXIII-57] Congress adjourned on the 12th
of March. The new government issued a decree pardoning all who were
concerned in the revolutionary disturbances at Matagalpa and Leon in
1881 and 1882.
The question of reconstructing the republic of Central America was
now being considered by the five governments.[XXIII-58] Nicaragua
was at peace and progressing both morally and materially. It must be
confessed, however, that priestcraft and bigotry still reigned almost
supreme. The country had suffered, however, during the last two years
from epidemics and other causes.[XXIII-59]
[Sidenote: DISCOMFITED REVOLUTIONISTS.]
On the receipt at Managua in March 1885 of information respecting the
resolution of the assembly of Guatemala to effect the reconstruction
of Central America by force, and the order of President J. Rufino
Barrios, styling himself general-in-chief of the Central American
forces, the people became greatly excited, manifesting a resolution to
oppose Barrios' schemes with all their might. The government entered
into an alliance offensive and defensive with Salvador and Costa Rica
to provide for their mutual defence against Barrios, and troops were
organized, President Cárdenas taking command of the Nicaraguan forces
in the field, first calling Pedro Joaquin Chamorro to temporarily
occupy the executive office.[XXIII-60] Nicaragua at once despatched 500
men to the aid of Salvador, and prepared 500 or 600 more.[XXIII-61]
After the defeat and death of Barrios, the scheme of forcible
reconstruction was abandoned by Guatemala, and peace being restored,
Nicaragua returned to her normal condition. In the latter part of 1885,
however, a movement was made with the view of overthrowing Cárdenas.
A party of revolutionists, calling themselves liberals, landed at
Nancital; but being unable to effect their purpose, took refuge in
Honduras, where they were disarmed.[XXIII-62]