RENEWED EFFORTS FOR CENTRAL AMERICAN UNITY.
1873-1885.
PRESIDENT BARRIOS OF GUATEMALA—END OF REACTIONARY
WAR—GUATEMALAN PROGRESS—WAR WITH SALVADOR AND
HONDURAS—BARRIOS' SUCCESSES AND GENEROSITY TO THE
VANQUISHED—CONSTITUTIONAL RÉGIME IN GUATEMALA—BARRIOS'
REËLECTIONS—HIS VISIT TO THE UNITED STATES—PEACEFUL
EFFORT TO UNITE CENTRAL AMERICA—RESORT TO ARMS—ALLIANCE OF
GUATEMALA AND HONDURAS—BARRIOS ATTACKS SALVADOR—HIS DEFEAT
AND DEATH—HIS PLAN ABANDONED—M. L. BARILLAS, PROVISIONAL
PRESIDENT OF GUATEMALA—RESTORATION OF PEACE.
Justo Rufino Barrios, now president of the republic by the popular
choice, was born about 1834 in San Márcos, department of Quezaltenango.
He received his education in Guatemala, and fitted himself for a
notary public, and received his commission as such; but it does not
appear that he performed notarial duties.[XXI-1] He was of about
middle height, and rather light complexion, with a cold, distant
look, and plain and unassuming in his dress. His manners were brusque,
unrefined, and unconventional, as if it were easier for him to despise
good manners than to acquire them. However, after a while they become
more polished. Without any claim to enlightenment, or to a knowledge
of public affairs,[XXI-2] it is not too much to say that he possessed
natural talents, a far-reaching mind, and a disposition to labor
unremittingly for the welfare of his country, though at the same time
looking after his own aggrandizement. His energy of character and
iron will have been generally recognized. Whatever his enemies may
say, the fact stands that his country owes him much; for example,
liberal institutions, internal peace, and with them the advancement of
intellectual pursuits, industries, and wealth.[XXI-3]
The cause of education was fostered as it had never been before,
efforts being constantly made to elevate the lower classes;[XXI-4] and
the country was endowed with many of the improvements of the age, like
the railroad and the telegraph. Acts of despotism and brutality without
number have been rightly imputed to Barrios,[XXI-5] some well founded,
but most of them inventions of his enemies, among whom were of course
the would-be oligarchs and the priests, together with their fanatical
followers. Still, it must be said that his government was one in which
fear of the sword was constantly holding its opponents in check.[XXI-6]
[Sidenote: COSTLY INSULT.]
The efforts of the reactionists to regain the upper-hand were finally
defeated in the latter end of the year, when an amnesty was granted
to the remnants of rebels in Santa Rosa and elsewhere.[XXI-7] In the
following year an outrageous act was perpetrated by a military officer,
bringing upon his government a serious complication with a foreign
power. Colonel Gonzalez, a native of Spain, who had been intrusted with
the responsible command at the port of San José, for some disagreement
with the British vice-consul, had him seized and beaten as a common
criminal in the most barbarous manner. Realizing, on the next morning,
the responsibility he had incurred, he tried to escape on the American
mail steamship, but his infamous conduct had preceded him, and he
was driven away. Both he and his accomplice, Bulnes, were promptly
arrested, tried, and sentenced to undergo heavy penalties.[XXI-8] The
British government demanded prompt reparation of the insult, which
Barrios unhesitatingly acceded to. Guatemala saluted the British flag
at San José with every mark of respect,[XXI-9] and was mulcted in the
sum of $50,000, which she paid.[XXI-10]
The government had another foreign difficulty on its hands in 1875,
resulting from a hasty recognition of the independence of Cuba on the
6th of April. In August, Commodore E. Butler, of the Spanish royal
navy, arrived at Guatemala, bearing a note from Conde de Valmaseda,
captain-general of the island, to President Barrios, demanding
satisfaction. It was finally agreed[XXI-11] that Guatemala would at
once accredit a minister at Madrid to discuss the subject and arrange
it satisfactorily. This was done, and the difficulty was amicably
settled.[XXI-12]
[Sidenote: FURTHER HOSTILITIES.]
The political outlook at the beginning of 1876 was not such a one as
promised a continuance of peace. Serious troubles were impending over
three of the important sections of Central America. Barrios had brought
about the assembling of a diet, which was installed in Guatemala
January 15th, with the object of reorganizing the country under one
government.[XXI-13] Civil war raged in Honduras, and while the diet
was sitting, Barrios was moving his troops; 600 men were stationed in
Esquipulas, and 1,200 more marched to Jutiapa.[XXI-14] Salvador was
not slow in preparing for hostilities. On the 23d of January, however,
Guatemala and Salvador agreed to disarm.[XXI-15]
It was believed in Guatemala that Enrique Palacios, and about 3,000
of her refugees sojourning in Salvador, had been wheedled and promised
aid by President Gonzalez for the overthrow of Barrios, and that they
were exasperated, and would insist on those promises being carried
out. On the other hand, Barrios was chagrined at the failure of the
diet to arrive at a conclusion in favor of consolidation.[XXI-16] He
now resolved, whether with the purpose of pursuing the reorganization
scheme or with that of further securing himself, or both, to change the
rulers of Salvador and Honduras, replacing them with his supporters.
The task in Honduras was an easier one, that country being in
the throes of revolution. Salvador, as he thought, with a hostile
government in Honduras, and war threatening from the side of Guatemala,
must succumb. The results of his policy were as he had planned them.
The fortune of war favored him,[XXI-17] and from 1876 to 1884 he could
count on the resources of Guatemala, Salvador, and Honduras[XXI-18] to
effect what he undertook to accomplish single-handed at another time.
But this will be treated of at the proper time.
After his successful campaign, Barrios was received in triumph at his
capital,[XXI-19] and erelong other honors poured upon him. Costa Rica
made him a general of division of her army.[XXI-20] The constituent
assembly declared him a benemérito de la patria; and the legislature
of conquered Salvador voted him a sword of honor.[XXI-21] The political
atmosphere, however, became cloudy immediately after the return of the
forces. Barrios would have dismissed his ministers then had they not
been preparing their reports to present to the constituent assembly
which was to assemble in a short time.[XXI-22]
The assembly was installed on the 11th of September, 1876,[XXI-23]
and passed a few acts; namely, October 19th, approved all the acts
of Barrios during the time he had held the executive office, and
his budget for the fiscal year from July 1, 1876, to June 30, 1877;
October 23d, declared that the proper time for framing a national
constitution had not yet arrived; the work was therefore postponed to
a more suitable period. The presidential term for Barrios was fixed at
four years from the date of the decree.[XXI-24] The change of ministers
Barrios desired to make finally took place.[XXI-25]
[Sidenote: MURDEROUS PLOT.]
With the exception of an insignificant affair in Quiché, the year 1877
had nearly run itself out without any alarms or disturbances, when on
the 1st of November a plot was detected in the capital, having for its
objects, as appeared, to murder the president and other leading men,
sack the city, and effect a general change in affairs. The persons
implicated were tried by court-martial and convicted; seventeen of the
chief leaders being executed in the plaza de armas, and accomplices of
a lower degree sentenced to other penalties. Most of the latter were
subsequently pardoned.[XXI-26]
On the 9th of November, 1878, the president issued a convocation for
a constituent assembly of 71 members to meet on the 15th of March
following, for the purposes of framing a national constitution, and
resolving upon such matters as the government would submit to its
deliberations.[XXI-27] The assembly was installed on the appointed
day, and the president, whose term of appointment in 1876 had not
expired, surrendered his dictatorial powers. In a lengthy message
he gave a detailed account of public affairs, with the assurance
that the republic was enjoying peace and prosperity.[XXI-28] For
further particulars he referred to the reports of his ministers. This
much-valued peace continued uninterrupted, notwithstanding the efforts
of refugees in Chiapas to invade Guatemala with views hostile to the
government. But they were balked by the action of Mexico at Barrios'
request, in keeping the parties away from the frontier.[XXI-29] The
constituent assembly adopted on the 11th of December, 1879, a new
constitution for the republic, which was promulgated a few days after.
It recognized the great principles of democracy and social reform,
and was in harmony with the social condition and political needs of
Guatemala.[XXI-30]
[Sidenote: BARRIOS DICTATOR.]
Pursuant to the requirements of the constitution, the government
issued on the 13th of December, 1879, and 12th of January, 1880,
decrees for the elections of president of the republic and deputies to
the assembly, which took place without any disturbance. Justo Rufino
Barrios was chosen, by popular suffrage, president of the republic
for the term from March 1, 1880, to March 1, 1886.[XXI-31] Peace
continued without interruption,[XXI-32] and the government was enabled
to devote its attention to the advancement of the country's educational
and material interests. Judicial and administrative reforms were
introduced, and the army was reorganized, receiving marked improvements
in every branch. Agriculture and commerce progressed, and the national
finances had never been in so promising a condition.[XXI-33]
Barrios took advantage of this quiet to pay a visit to the United
States. He landed at New Orleans, and thence repaired to Washington,
where he was received with the high consideration due to the chief
magistrate of a friendly nation. In other cities of the union he was
also welcomed and hospitably entertained.[XXI-34] His visit was one
of business rather than of pleasure, having the double object of
inviting the American government, Mexico having likewise done so,
to act as mediator for the final settlement of their long-pending
boundary question; and also of bespeaking the influence and good
offices of the same power to bring about the union of the five Central
American states, in order that they might form a single republic.
The first request was acceded to, and the boundary difficulty was
terminated.[XXI-35] As regarded the other matter, the United States,
while recognizing the wisdom of the five Central American republics
becoming consolidated, declined to interfere.
[Sidenote: BARRIOS RESTLESS.]
Barrios made a flying visit to Europe, and returned by way of the
United States, embarking at San Francisco, California, for his
country, where he arrived early in November 1882.[XXI-36] On the 29th
of December he laid before the legislative assembly, then sitting in
extra session, his resignation of the executive office, pleading the
precarious state of his health, which demanded rest and special care.
He said that the constitutional régime being restored and consolidated,
his further services might be dispensed with. He considered the
occasion a propitious one for a change in the chief magistrate.[XXI-37]
Barrios' act caused much anxiety to his friends,[XXI-38] but the
assembly, while appreciating his motives, declined to accept the
resignation, alluding to the alarm the news of it had created among
the people. It did not seem to concur with him on the point of internal
peace being secure, apprehension existing against reactionary projects
which might arrest the progress of the past few years. The chamber
promised, however, to devise some means of conciliating the demands of
his health with the need of his services.[XXI-39] It was understood
that if the project of the union of the states, then engaging the
attention of their governments, should be carried out, the measure to
be suggested by the assembly would be granting him a leave of absence.
The decision of the legislature was received with great satisfaction by
the people. Barrios accepted it, and on the 6th of January, 1883, in
an address to the people, announced his resumption of the presidency,
though only for a short time.[XXI-40]
Meanwhile the scheme of Central American reconstruction had not been
neglected. Barrios at an early day renewed negotiations with that
object in view. Salvador and Honduras seemed to be in full accord
with his plan; but Nicaragua and Costa Rica had failed to see the
practicability of its realization. Delfino Sanchez, a Guatemalan
commissioner, and Salvador Gallegos, minister of foreign affairs of
Salvador, together visited Honduras, whose president, ministers, and
influential citizens renewed assurances of concerted action. They
next repaired to Nicaragua, and then to Costa Rica, at both of which
places they met with cordial receptions, and their propositions were
attentively considered, leading them to expect a successful result to
their joint mission.[XXI-41] Those governments consented to accredit
five delegates each to a congress, which was to sit in March 1884,
either at Ahuachapan, or Santa Tecla, in Salvador, with powers limited
to discuss and subscribe to the plan for a general constitution,
and organic laws intended for the reorganization of Central America.
Costa Rica's promise was subject to sanction by her legislature. She
subsequently receded, and officially made it known to the government of
Nicaragua.[XXI-42]
The project was early in 1884 as far from realization as ever. Barrios
in his message of that year to the national assembly alludes to the
result as a sore disappointment to him; adding that no one had dared
to declare himself against the lofty idea, and yet there had been so
many elements, both of personal ambition and localism, hostile to its
success,[XXI-43] that the use of force would have had to be resorted
to, which had formed no part of his peaceful plan, to conquer the
covert and persistent opposition. But his government would not let
slip any opportunity favorable to its realization, continuing meantime
with its liberal institutions, laws, and general policy, to exhibit
unequivocal proofs of a fraternal spirit. He soon had a falling out,
however, with President Soto of Honduras, who, believing himself in
peril of overthrow, or other form of revenge, at the hands of his more
powerful neighbor, was charged with abandoning his slippery position,
and seeking safety in a foreign land, well provided with pecuniary
means to lead a luxurious life. But on this subject more particulars
are given in connection with Honduras history in another chapter.
With Nicaragua a general treaty of friendship, defensive alliance,
commerce, navigation, and extradition of criminals was concluded at
Guatemala, December 27, 1883.[XXI-44]
[Sidenote: ATTEMPTED ASSASSINATION.]
An attempt was made, with a metallic bomb, against the life of
President Barrios, as he was walking in the Plaza del Teatro with the
minister of war, J. Martin Barrundia, on the evening of April 13, 1884.
The bomb burst, happily, failing of its object. No one was injured;
but the incident served to excite alarm and indignation against the
perpetrators of the crime throughout Central America. Expressions of
sympathy and congratulation at the narrow escape of Barrios and his
companion, came in from the diplomatic corps, and from all classes of
society.[XXI-45]
The investigations made by the authorities led to the discovery of the
perpetrators, and they were tried, convicted, and sentenced.[XXI-46]
But the president, exercising his prerogative, granted them a full
pardon on the 4th of July, and they were at once set at liberty.
Barrios, who had been visiting the western departments, returned to
the capital on September 13th, having with him as national guests
the presidents of Salvador and Honduras with their suites, and Tomás
Ayon, representing the chief magistrate of Nicaragua, who had been
unable to respond in person to the invitation of the government of
Guatemala, and be present with the others at the inauguration of the
southern railroad.[XXI-47] The visit of these personages lasted till
the termination of the festivities, when they took their departure the
21st; Barrios and his ministers accompanying them as far as Port San
José.
The scheme of Central American unification was never lost sight of.
Barrios had been watching for a propitious opportunity, and early in
1885 resolved to initiate it. He accordingly issued, on the 28th of
February, a decree wherein, after explaining in a long preamble the
advantages which would accrue to all concerned from his action, he
proclaimed, in accord with the legislative assembly of Guatemala, the
consolidation of the five states into one republic, and the manner
of effecting it.[XXI-48] He likewise made a manifesto to the people
of Central America at large, assuring them that he was not prompted
by personal ambition, or the desire of holding power, for he had had
abundant experience of its bitterness.[XXI-49]
The president of Honduras on the 7th of March telegraphed to Guatemala
the resolutions adopted that same day by the state assembly in favor of
Central American consolidation.[XXI-50]
[Sidenote: DIVERSIFIED OPINIONS.]
The people of Guatemala and Honduras seemed to be generally disposed to
support their governments. But it proved to be otherwise in Salvador,
Nicaragua, and Costa Rica, though many citizens of the three states
favored the initiative of Guatemala. The administration of Salvador
having failed to second the movement, Barrios' passionate temper was
roused. He wrote President Zaldívar that, relying upon the assurances
of Salvador and Honduras,[XXI-51] he had launched his decree of
February 28th, and as he had not shown the proper disposition to fulfil
his pledges, the government of Guatemala would employ its abundant
resources to force compliance;[XXI-52] for he was resolved to carry
out his enterprise at all hazards. He announced at the same time the
appointment of Francisco Menendez, a Salvadoran general of division,
to command the western departments of the latter republic,[XXI-53]
with instructions to raise over them the standard of Central America,
and expressed the hope that Zaldívar would not permit obstacles to
be thrown in that officer's way. Zaldívar telegraphed him on the
9th to await the visit of their mutual friends, Menendez and Avilez,
and not act hastily, nor look upon him as a foe, for he had no wish
to be one. Barrios then concluded to wait for the coming of those
commissioners.[XXI-54]
[Sidenote: COERCION CONDEMNED.]
The decree of February 28th, which was now raising such a political
storm, had been officially communicated to the foreign diplomatic
and consular corps on the 6th of March. The German minister was the
first to answer it; he seemed to commend the effort about to be made.
The other representatives acknowledged its receipt in more or less
expressive terms. The Spanish minister endeavored, however, though
unofficially, to dissuade Barrios from carrying out his plan without
the concurrence of the other states. His effort, he said, was to
avert bloodshed. Barrios was indisposed to brook this interference,
returning on the 10th a haughty reply to the effect that the question
of Central American unification was not an international one, and
solely concerned the people of Central America. He therefore requested
him to discontinue his officious intervention, and finally added, that
if Zaldívar fulfilled his engagements, paying attention only to the
wishes of patriotic citizens, there would be no bloodshed. The minister
then went to Guatemala, and wrote an explanatory letter, closing his
interference, to which Barrios replied that, being engaged with other
important affairs, he could not give his letter all the attention it
demanded; but he was glad the discussion had been brought to an end.
The government of Mexico, to which the Guatemalan minister, Francisco
Anguiano, had made known Barrios' action, replied through its minister
of foreign affairs, Ignacio Mariscal, disapproving of the movement,
and signifying its intention to provide for the defence of Mexico's
frontiers and interests.[XXI-55]
The government of the United States also looked with disfavor on the
plan of forcible organization, promptly ordering naval forces to the
Central American coasts for the protection of American interests.
The Nicaraguan congress had, on the 8th of March, resolved to reject
the union decreed by Guatemala, and to energetically oppose what they
called Barrios' attempt to impose his will, and to constitute himself a
dictator over Central America. The executive was accordingly empowered
to make provision, singly or conjointly with other states, for national
defence at whatever sacrifice. The government of Costa Rica adopted
a similar course, the executive being clothed with extraordinary
powers.[XXI-56]
[Sidenote: DEATH OF BARRIOS.]
Finally, the three republics of Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa
Rica appealed to the governments of the United States and Mexico to
interfere on their behalf against Barrios' projects. Mexico responded
at once. President Diaz notified Barrios on the 10th by telegraph,
that the governments and people of those three republics had rejected
his scheme, which had, moreover, produced an impression on the Mexican
people, demanding on the part of their government the assumption
of an attitude suitable to an emergency by which the independence
and autonomy of nations of this continent had been menaced. Barrios
telegraphed back that his answer would go by mail. He afterward issued
an address to the Mexican nation, of a friendly nature.[XXI-57] But the
die was cast. War was now unavoidable. The three opposing governments,
for their mutual protection, entered on the 22d of March into an
alliance offensive and defensive,[XXI-58] and took active measures to
give effect to the union. Guatemala on her part, and her ally Honduras,
had not been slow in their preparations for the impending strife.
Regardless of all opposition, Barrios was still bent upon his difficult
task, and for its accomplishment marched an army into Salvadoran
territory. The events of this campaign are given in another chapter, in
connection with the history of Salvador, where the fighting took place.
Let it suffice to say here that the invaders met with disaster, and
Barrios lost his life, fighting heroically, on the 2d of April.[XXI-59]
His remains were rescued, it is said at the cost of twenty lives, and
conveyed to Guatemala, where they were interred with civic and military
honors. His widow, Francisca Aparicio de Barrios, and their seven
children, being escorted to the port of San José by a military guard,
embarked for San Francisco, accompanied by friends. They afterward
transferred themselves and their belongings to New York, where Señora
Barrios established her residence, it being understood that the family
has been left amply provided with pecuniary means.[XXI-60]
Upon the news reaching Guatemala of the disasters which had befallen
the army operating in Salvador, and of the death of the president,
the legislative assembly, and the provisional president, Alejandro
Sinibaldi,[XXI-61] in accord with it, revoked on the 3d of April the
decree of February 28th. Subsequently, through the mediation of the
diplomatic corps, preliminaries of peace were agreed to, but not before
the president of Salvador had signified an unwillingness to treat
with Sinibaldi and Barrios' ministers. The former then surrendered the
executive office to the second designado, Manuel Lisandro Barillas, and
the ministers retired with him.
The new government on the 15th of April restored peace with
Salvador and her allies Nicaragua and Costa Rica.[XXI-62] All treaty
stipulations existing between Guatemala and Salvador on the 28th of
February last were also restored, to remain in force until a new treaty
should be concluded.[XXI-63] An amnesty was granted to all Guatemalans
who took part in the late president's movement, and to all Guatemalans
who were absent for political offences committed six months prior to
the aforesaid date; the government signifying its intention of making
the amnesty general as soon as circumstances would permit.[XXI-64] With
the change of ruler diplomatic relations were reëstablished with the
government of Mexico.[XXI-65]
[Sidenote: PEACE AT LAST.]
The cabinet of Salvador now proposed to the other four republics
the meeting of a congress of plenipotentiaries on the 15th of May
at Santa Tecla, with the object of reconstructing Central America as
one republic, or at least of adopting measures conducive to that end.
President Zaldívar then signified his intention of resigning his office
on the assembling of congress, and as soon as it should have arrived at
some resolution on the scheme. Guatemala deemed it premature. Nicaragua
declined. Honduras accepted the proposition. The government of Costa
Rica, though her magistrate was clothed with ample powers, did not feel
justified in entering into such an arrangement without first obtaining
the assent of congress, which was not then in session, and would not be
for some time.[XXI-66]
Peace and quiet being generally reëstablished, martial law was removed,
the country placed under the rule of the constitution, a general
amnesty decreed, and a constituent congress convoked.[XXI-67] Congress
assembled on the 24th of August, the acting president manifesting much
confidence in its wisdom to accomplish much good to the country. But
it does not appear that after a long session, it accomplished any thing
worth recording.[XXI-68]
The election took place on the 22d of November, Barillas being chosen
president by a unanimous vote of the electoral college. Colonel Vicente
Castañeda, a deputy, was elected vice-president.[XXI-69] Barillas was
quite the opposite of Barrios in some respects. He was a man of the
kindest and most benevolent instincts, who would rather suffer wrong
than do wrong. The discontented were not long in taking advantage of
his clemency to create disturbance. A number of generals and others
were detected in a diabolical plot, intended to murder Barillas and
destroy the foreigners. The parties implicated were arrested, and
surrendered to the courts, the president refusing to interfere.
The ministers were requested to resign their portfolios, which were
intrusted to the following persons, all young men of recognized
abilities and progressive ideas, namely: A. Lazo Arriaga, of foreign
relations; Abel Cruz, of government and justice; Escobar, of the
treasury and public credit; Cárlos Herrera, a son of the late Manuel
M. Herrera, one of Barrios' best assistants, minister of fomento;
and Manuel Valle, journalist, poet, and orator, minister of public
instruction.