DEMOCRACY RESTORED IN GUATEMALA.
1865-1873.
PRESIDENT CERNA'S RULE—PARTIAL REVOLTS—LIBERALS IN THE
ASSEMBLY—CERNA'S REËLECTION—RIOTS IN THE CAPITAL—ZAVALA'S
COURSE—CRUZ' REBELLION, DEFEAT, AND DEATH—ARRESTS OF
LIBERALS—MODERATION OF THE GOVERNMENT—REVOLUTION OF GARCÍA
GRANADOS AND BARRIOS—PLAN OF PATZICIA—CERNA DEFEATED AND
OVERTHROWN—GRANADOS AS PRESIDENTE PROVISORIO—SEDITIOUS
MOVEMENTS QUELLED—ABOLITION OF PRIESTLY PRIVILEGES—PRELATES,
JESUITS, AND CAPUCHINS EXPELLED—WAR WITH HONDURAS—BARRIOS AS
SUBSTITUTE PRESIDENT—HIS SEVERITY—ELECTIONS—BARRIOS CHOSEN
CONSTITUTIONAL PRESIDENT.
Upon the demise of President Carrera, April 14, 1865, the government
devolved for a time on Pedro de Aycinena, minister of foreign affairs,
who summoned the legislative body to choose a successor in the
executive seat. The person then selected was Vicente Cerna,[XX-1] who
took possession of the chair with the usual formalities on the 24th
of May, and in his manifesto and inaugural made known that his policy
would be that of the preceding administration, being assured of the
coöperation of the late president's ministers, whose qualifications
he could not too highly extol.[XX-2] Though a brave man, and not
an unskilful general, Cerna was not gifted with the extraordinary
acuteness of Carrera; and not possessing the support and overawing
power which the late ruler had over the liberals, omens of trouble
began to appear in the political horizon. The fact is, that the
assembly and people, at the time of his election, had expected some
reforms of the former policy. But at the end of nearly two years these
expectations had vanished, and insurrections were erelong set on foot;
for the liberal party, though kept under so many years, had not died
out. Justo Rufino Barrios, hitherto a refugee in Chiapas,[XX-3] now
appeared on the theatre of war, rendering efficient aid to the most
influential opponent of the government, Serapio Cruz, one of Carrera's
generals, who had early in February 1867 initiated a revolution in
Sanarate, recruiting men and capturing arms from Guastatoya.[XX-4]
Though corpulent, Cruz was energetic and strong, active in his
movements, and possessing a knowledge of the mountainous region, could
not be easily subdued by the government.[XX-5] However, it so happened
that Brigadier Solares pressed him hard, and he had to flee, when
his followers abandoning him, he asked for a safe-conduct out of the
country, which was given him on the 8th of April, and he was taken
under a guard to the frontier of Salvador.[XX-6] The government did not
sanction this proceeding of Solares.
[Sidenote: BARRIOS' PRONUNCIAMIENTO.]
A pronunciamiento took place at the Malacate hacienda, belonging
to Barrios, August 3d, the same year, which also failed, the
insurgents being defeated, and their leader, Francisco Cruz, and
thirty-seven others captured by Indians friendly to the government, and
sentenced.[XX-7] Serapio Cruz with twenty men invaded Guatemala from
Chiapas in March 1869. The government decreed stringent measures.[XX-8]
Cruz on the 27th of April destroyed a small party of troops under
Lieutenant Abelar in the mountains. He was on the 2d and 3d of May
at Huehuetenango,[XX-9] and on the 4th marched to Momostenango with
five hundred Indians and some ladinos. About one hundred of his men
had fire-arms, a number only machetes, and the rest were unarmed. He
continued his march to Santa María Chiquimula, thence to Santa Lucía,
five leagues distant, but abandoned it on the 6th, upon the approach of
government troops, going to Sacapulas, as if to return to the mountains
of Nebaj. Colonel Battle reported May 20th from Nebaj the utter
discomfiture of Cruz that morning. His men had taken flight, scattering
in the mountains.[XX-10] Another report of the 23d stated that Cruz
with only 23 men was on the 21st fleeing through the unsettled region
of Chimal, as if bound to Chiapas by way of Chaculá. It seems that
being pursued from all directions, he fled from Verapaz, where he found
no followers, to Canillá, and succeeded in entering the Sierra Madre.
In Guatemala it was reported, July 30, 1869, that Cruz had again taken
refuge in Chiapas.[XX-11]
* * * * *
While the government had been thus harassed by insurgents in arms,
the liberal opposition in the legislative chamber was daily growing
in strength. Deputy Miguel García Granados repeatedly denounced the
arbitrary acts of the ministers. After a while there came to be but
few less liberals than conservatives in the legislature, and when
Cerna's term was approaching its end, the opposition felt strong enough
to have a candidate of their own at the presidential election. Cerna
was brought forward by his party for the next term—May 24, 1869, to
December 31, 1872. The liberals nominated General Victor Zavala, who
had won so much distinction in the Walker campaign, and was popular
with the military element.[XX-12] Zavala was defeated, though he had a
respectable support in the assembly,[XX-13] which was an omen of a not
distant change in the political situation.
On the 24th of May, 1869, the date of Cerna's second inauguration,
there was a great popular excitement at the capital. A revolution was
impending. At the approach of night every precaution was adopted by the
ministers to guard the president's mansion and the public buildings.
The troops were kept in the barracks under arms. As darkness increased,
cries of Viva Zavala! were repeatedly heard, shots were fired, several
persons being wounded, and one killed in the plaza del teatro. Zavala's
friends tried to prevail on him to lead them in an attempt to overthrow
the administration. He refused to do so, from motives of prudence
and unwillingness to cause bloodshed. He strongly doubted that such a
movement could be successful, and was probably right, but his course
on that occasion lost him the regard of the more enthusiastic portion
of his political supporters. There had been an escape from a sanguinary
revolt, but the public mind remained greatly agitated.
[Sidenote: DETERMINED REVOLUTIONISTS.]
Cerna in his inaugural address had said that the troubled state of the
country had demanded his acceptance of a reëlection, and that this
opportunity, when the republic was at peace with the other Central
American states, and with all foreign powers, was a favorable one for
good citizens to aid the government in securing quiet at home. But
his advice was unheeded. Neither he nor his ministers were allowed
any peace. García Granados continued his agitation in the legislative
chamber, his denunciations of the government growing from day to day
louder and more menacing. The president and his cabinet were aware
that a large portion of the middle class in the chief towns sided
with the liberal agitator, and that the leaven of liberalism already
was working in the army. Several superior officers were accordingly
distrusted, and the lower ones serving under them were of course looked
on as unreliable. The treasury was empty, and the country burdened
with a heavy debt, both internal and foreign.[XX-14] Meantime, Serapio
Cruz was daily gaining strength on the north-western frontier. He was
supplied with money by the liberals, with which he bought arms for
his followers. His Indian allies kept him advised of every advance of
government troops.[XX-15] He was exceedingly active and successful in
the latter part of 1869, having at this time from 700 to 1,000 men, and
being efficiently seconded by J. Rufino Barrios. Various collisions
with the government troops were favorable to the insurgents. The
latter assaulted Huehuetenango, a strongly garrisoned place, and were
repulsed, but not before they had burned down a large part of it. In
December 1869, Cruz approached the capital, and by rapid movements
evaded the superior forces of the government.
On Saturday, the 15th of January, 1870, the liberals in the capital
had made preparations for an outbreak the following day, when Cruz
was expected to march in and support them. Early on Sunday there was
much excitement in the city. Unfortunately for their cause, Cruz had
relaxed his vigilance. Before noon it was whispered that on the road
leading from the eastern gate to Palencia, a severe encounter had taken
place; next came a report that Cruz had been defeated and killed, soon
followed by another that his head was on its way to the city. This
proved to be a fact.[XX-16] The victors marched into the capital with
their ghastly trophy, the head of the man who had expected at that
moment to be master of the place.[XX-17]
[Sidenote: EXCEPTIONAL CLEMENCY.]
All hope of success for the liberals was now at an end, at least
for a time. The correspondence of their chief men with Cruz having
been captured, the government ordered their arrest, but most of them
escaped. José María Samayoa, the wealthiest of them, was imprisoned a
short time, and then banished, and went to sojourn in San Salvador.
García Granados, after being some time concealed, was ultimately
discovered, and sought asylum at the British legation, from which, by
the intercession of other foreign representatives, he was permitted
to leave the country. He went to reside in Chiapas.[XX-18] The
administration must be commended for its magnanimity. Not a single
execution or confiscation of property followed its triumph. Whatever
the motive was which prompted clemency to such bitter opponents[XX-19]
against the opinion of many firm supporters, it may not be denied
that it eventually brought about the government's overthrow; for
the condition of the liberals, though overspread with gloom, was not
altogether hopeless. The government strengthened their bands by failing
to satisfy the people with liberal measures.[XX-20] The discontent grew
apace. Neither the authorities nor García Granados were idle during
1870, both laying in a supply of breech-loading rifles.
Early in 1871, the liberals of Salvador, with the assistance of the
president of Honduras, overthrew the government of Dueñas.[XX-21] This
was a heavy blow to the conservatives. García Granados was organizing
an expedition in Chiapas, probably in concert with the liberals of
Salvador, and as soon as Dueñas' downfall was accomplished, he invaded
Guatemala, where he was joined by J. Rufino Barrios, who, upon the
defeat of Cruz, had retired into Mexican territory. Vicente Mendez Cruz
invaded on the 5th of March at Charulá and proceeded to the sierra of
Nebaj, relying on the aid of the Indians of Chajul. He was joined by
another party under E. Giron, and together they occupied Coban, which
was ungarrisoned. Barrios with about sixty men encountered, April
4th, on the Tacaná heights, a government force, which retreated to San
Márcos. Lastly, Lieutenant-colonel Juan Viteri joined them with some
servants of his hacienda.[XX-22]
[Sidenote: GARCÍA GRANADOS.]
García Granados, by way of Cuilco and Tejutla, reached, May 10th,
Serchil, distant three leagues from San Pedro Sacatepequez. He,
together with Barrios, occupied San Márcos, and on the approach of
Lieutenant-colonel Calonge, retreated toward Coatepeque.[XX-23] The
result of the operations was that on June 1st Calonge, at the head
of 800 men, was routed by García Granados near La Antigua, losing his
artillery, 500 rifles, and ammunition. Of the government troops hardly
100 men got back to the capital. The people of Jutiapa revolted, and
sent a commissioner to General Gregorio Solares, then at Santa Ana, in
Salvador, to invite him to command a considerable force for coöperation
with García Granados. Solares lost no time in answering the call.
The officers of the liberating army held a meeting on the 3d of June
at the town of Patzicia, and in a preamble and series of resolutions
made known their purpose to overthrow Cerna and his administration,
and establish a republic based on democratic principles, to which
effect Miguel García Granados was called to act as provisional
president with ample powers.[XX-24] García Granados had previously
made a proclamation to his countrymen detailing the arbitrary acts of
the government, one of which had been the order to confine him and
other representatives of the people[XX-25] in the dungeons of Fort
San José. He was fortunate, however, in escaping arrest. He now urged
the necessity of overthrowing a despotism under which the nation could
make no progress whatever.[XX-26] Again, after the pronunciamiento of
Patzicia, he issued another manifesto, pledging himself to labor for
the establishment of a republican government.
The troops sent against the insurgents at first made little or no
resistance. They were disaffected men, and led by lukewarm or faithless
officers.[XX-27] Cerna then took the field with the troops which could
be spared from the defence of the capital, a good portion being his
faithful battalions of Santa Rosa and Chiquimula Indians; but it was
too late. He was in no condition to cope with the enemy, most of his
best officers having deserted him. There were several encounters,
in only one of which he had any chance of success. On the 23d of
June he surprised the insurgents on the hills between Totonicapan
and Quezaltenango, in Tierrablanca; his brave Indians drove back the
Quezaltenangos, but Barrios came with reënforcements of his best
troops, and regained the lost ground. At this moment Cerna was no
longer fit to command, being taken very ill.[XX-28] His friends hurried
him off, and his men were utterly routed, and made a hasty retreat
in the afternoon. Next morning Colonel Julio García Granados went
in pursuit, and captured nearly 100 prisoners and a quantity of war
material.
[Sidenote: IMPORTANT VICTORY.]
Cerna reached Chimaltenango, and thought of fortifying himself there.
With reënforcements received from the capital he now had 2,100 men. The
insurgent army, though increased in Los Altos, was only 1,200 strong;
but it was flushed with victory, and counted on the superiority of
its Remington and Winchester rifles. García Granados resolved not to
attack Cerna in Chimaltenango, but to march by way of San Andrés Itzapa
to La Antigua, and occupy the heights of Santa Lucía, thus menacing
the capital.[XX-29] On reaching Chicoj he heard that Cerna was at La
Antigua. Changing his plans, he marched to Chimaltenango, and thence to
Santiago, a town six leagues from Guatemala, where he spent the night.
In Zumpango he was advised of the occupation of Amatitlan by Solares,
whom he at once directed to harass Cerna on his march to the capital.
Granados' intent was to meet Cerna on the Mixco road; and to this end
early on the 29th of June repaired to San Lúcas, to ascertain with
certainty the time when Cerna would pass through Rancho de San Lúcas
toward Bárcenas. He occupied that town, and after a consultation with
his second in command, Barrios, went with a body of cavalry to the
Mixco heights, where he presently heard shots from the direction of
San Lúcas. Cerna had made ready for the struggle. Barrios saw victory
on the San Lúcas hill; and without waiting the return of his chief,
directed Julio García Granados with 800 men to support his front,
and rapidly marched with 400, and occupied the hill, thus winning
the day. Cerna's troops, finding their retreat cut off, disbanded by
hundreds, and by nightfall the number of prisoners and deserters, most
of the latter with their arms, exceeded 1,000.[XX-30] The victory was
complete; for of Cerna's 2,400 men—he had lately received 400—scarcely
30 entered the capital that day.[XX-31]
The provisional president passed the night in Bárcenas, and the next
morning after the civil authorities of Guatemala had met him outside
and quietly delivered the keys of the city together with the castle
and barracks, he, accompanied by Barrios, the other leading officers,
and the troops, marched into the capital amid the most enthusiastic
plaudits.[XX-32] With the exception of a few hostile cries against
Cerna, Bolaños, the comandante general, and others, perfect order
prevailed; no acts of violence or retaliation were permitted.[XX-33]
The task of reorganizing public affairs was an arduous one.[XX-34] The
first attempt to appoint a cabinet was unsuccessful. Persons who were
tendered portfolios declined them. However, Felipe Galvez, who had
been secretary-general during the campaign, became minister of foreign
affairs, public instruction, and ad interim of hacienda; and Arcadio
Estrada, minister of government, justice, and ecclesiastical affairs.
The act of Patzicia was accepted by the principal towns in the
republic, save those of the departments of Santa Rosa and Chiquimula.
The government decreed several liberal measures, and restored
diplomatic relations with Costa Rica.[XX-35]
[Sidenote: DOWNFALL OF THE CLERGY.]
The new administration had hardly initiated reforms when an
insurrection broke out in Santa Rosa, promoted by the priests and
their aristocratic allies. It does not appear that García Granados had
at first intended open hostility to the religious orders. The tone
of his address, early in September 1871, to the Santa Rosa Indians,
indicated that his plans involved absolute religious tolerance.[XX-36]
The priests would not rest contented with the loss of their former high
standing.[XX-37] Had they remained quiet, it is not likely they would
have been molested. The president's call on the insurgents of Santa
Rosa to submit was disregarded, but their movement was quelled by the
end of the month with much bloodshed.[XX-38] An amnesty was granted to
rebels surrendering to the authorities. The decree of martial law was
repealed; and the ministers then in charge of the executive made García
Granados a captain-general and Barrios a lieutenant-general.[XX-39]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: SUPPRESSION OF RELIGIOUS HOUSES.]
The new régime now resolved to cut loose of the ecclesiastical incubus,
and to establish the supremacy of the civil authority in the state
on a firm basis. Its first step was to carry out a decree of the
revolutionary government, dated May 24, 1870, to expel the society of
Jesus forever from the republic.[XX-40] This was not effected without
some scandal and disturbance from the zealous partisans of the order.
Seventy-three jesuits, most of whom were foreigners, were sent away
on an American steamship, bound to Panamá.[XX-41] They did not go so
far down, however, as will be shown elsewhere. The decree under which
this expulsion was effected resembled that of April 2, 1767, issued by
Cárlos III.[XX-42]
Archbishop Piñol of Guatemala, and Ortiz Urruela, bishop of Teya
in partibus infidelium, for their marked hostility in promoting
rebellion, were, on October 17th, ordered to leave the country, and
they departed without offering any resistance. The tithes tax was at
once suppressed.[XX-43] On the 7th of June, 1872, religious communities
of men were extinguished, causing great excitement, but owing to the
energy of the government it soon died out.[XX-44] Nor did the action
of the government stop here. The fuero eclesiástico in both civil
and criminal causes was done away with March 12, 1873, and freedom of
worship decreed on the 15th.[XX-45]
The turn of the nunneries came at last. On the 28th of February, 1874,
it was ordered that all the nuns should be concentrated in one convent,
the Santa Catarina, and be allowed to receive their families and
friends without hindrance. This convent was placed under the immediate
protection and vigilance of the civil authorities, which roused the ire
of the ecclesiastics, who endeavored to nullify the order.[XX-46] The
consequence was, that in February 1874, President Barrios decreed the
suppression of many religious houses, prohibiting professions in the
future, and permitting nuns who so desired to leave the cloister, and
to each one so departing would be given a monthly allowance of twenty
dollars. On the 3d of March the nuns residing in Santa Catarina were
put out of the cloister.[XX-47]
* * * * *
The aspect of public affairs in Central America at the inception of
1872 was not promising of stability and peace. Honduras, together
with Archbishop Piñol, Bishop Ortiz Urruela, the jesuits, and their
conservative friends, all combined, had assumed a reactionary attitude,
with the avowed intent of upsetting the governments which were laboring
to consolidate democratic principles, and serious complications were
apprehended.[XX-48] The two governments thus menaced were, however,
fully prepared for the emergency.[XX-49]
President Medina, of Honduras, having become the leader of the
reactionary element, Guatemala and Salvador entered into a treaty of
alliance and despatched troops against him, after a formal declaration
of war.[XX-50] The president took command of the Guatemalan troops for
the campaign, leaving the executive office temporarily in charge of
Barrios. The war was but a short one, ending advantageously for the
allies, who, after concluding a satisfactory arrangement, retired their
troops. García Granados returned to Guatemala on the 10th of June,
and reassumed his executive duties, Barrios going to Quezaltenango as
comandante general of Los Altos.[XX-51] The cabinet was now organized,
as appears in the note at foot.[XX-52] The reactionists would not keep
still. Colonel Vicente Mendez Cruz, jefe político of Amatitlan, placed
himself at the head of an insurrection.[XX-53]
[Sidenote: ELECTION OF BARRIOS.]
The reactionary forces took the name of "ejército de la reaccion
dirigido por los santos padres," and their avowed object was to bring
Cerna back to uphold their rights and religion, which they claimed to
have been assailed by heretical rulers. The government adopted active
measures, and the rebellion was quelled in a short time, Cruz losing
his life at the hands of his own men.[XX-54] After peace was nearly
restored, García Granados, who had gone to the front, returned to the
capital, and resumed the presidency.[XX-55] On the 29th of March he
convoked the people to chose a constitutional president, although the
constituent assembly, which had been installed March 10, 1872,[XX-56]
had failed to frame a constitution.[XX-57] The elections were to begin
April 20th, and last seven days. The term for which the elect should
hold the office was to be established by the new charter, taking into
account the time already served. The assembly was to be summoned for
the 5th of May, to count the votes. The election took place, and Justo
Rufino Barrios was declared by the assembly on May 7th to have been
popularly elected. He was formally inducted into office on the 4th of
June, 1873.[XX-58]
The late administration must be held to have been somewhat weak.
García Granados was an enlightened and able man, but easy, unassuming,
indolent, and kind-hearted; too much so, indeed, for the place he
had been called to fill at a period demanding of him great energy,
and an unbending will. His was not a disposition to deal harshly with
any one, or inflict suffering. Another drawback was his connection by
the ties of family and early association with the men and women who
were laboring to undo the work of the revolution he had accomplished.
Among his own relatives were some of his most strenuous opponents.
The reactionists took advantage of his good nature to keep the country
in a turmoil, hoping thus to restore the old régime of fanaticism and
general retrogression. They defeated themselves, however, bringing into
existence the iron power of Barrios, who tolerated no opposition to his
will, nor overlooked sedition in any form.