CHAPTER XIX.

DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN SALVADOR.

1865-1885.

RULE OF PRESIDENT DUEÑAS—HIS CONSERVATISM—QUARREL WITH

HONDURAS—THE LATTER ALLIED WITH SALVADORAN LIBERALS—BATTLE

OF SANTA ANA—DUEÑAS DEPOSED—HIS IMPEACHMENT, RELEASE,

AND TEMPORARY EXILE—SANTIAGO GONZALEZ PROVISIONAL

PRESIDENT—GONZALEZ ELECTED CHIEF MAGISTRATE—GUATEMALA AND

SALVADOR AT WAR WITH HONDURAS—MURDER OF VICE-PRESIDENT

MENDEZ—EARTHQUAKES—PRESIDENT VALLE—TROUBLE WITH

GUATEMALA—EXEUNT VALLE AND GONZALEZ—ZALDÍVAR'S LONG

RULE—CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES—ALLIANCE WITH NICARAGUA AND

COSTA RICA—RESISTANCE TO BARRIOS' PLAN OF CONQUEST—SALVADOR

VICTORIOUS—RESTORED PEACE—ZALDÍVAR ELIMINATED—REVOLUTION—F.

MENENDEZ MADE PRESIDENT.

[Sidenote: PRESIDENT DUEÑAS.]

Francisco Dueñas, called to preside over the destinies of Salvador in

1865, by the grace of President Carrera of Guatemala, was a member of

the legal profession, and had already figured in public affairs. He

was from early youth destined for the cloister, and in due time took

the vows as a Dominican. But being of an ardent temperament, he came

after a while to think himself adapted for a political leader rather

than to serve God under a monk's habit.[XIX-1] He accordingly entered

the political field, and soon attained prominence. In 1845 he was a

minister of state, and had previously been a deputy to the federal

congress, wherein for lack of eloquence he made no display; but in

committees and private conversations with his colleagues, he often

managed to have his ideas accepted. He was one of the deputies who

voted against the fatal decree leaving the states free to constitute

themselves. He was then a friend of Central American nationality, and

often defended it almost as warmly as Barrundia. Pretending to follow

public opinion, he was affiliated with the liberals. But his chief

aim was even then the furtherance of his own political advancement.

Thus we see him join the oligarchic clique, and ally himself with

Carrera of Guatemala, from which time he discountenanced every attempt

to restore true democracy. The republic became one in name only, for

his government was personal and absolute.[XIX-2] With the aid of the

oligarchs he managed to sustain himself for years, the country enjoying

peace and material prosperity, for which, as well as for his not

neglecting public education, he should have some credit.[XIX-3]

In December 1868, he was elected president for the next term, and

public affairs continued in a nominal condition for some time, the most

friendly relations being maintained with foreign powers, and specially

with the other Central American states. But in the latter part of

1870 serious differences occurred with the government of Honduras, the

latter imputing to Salvador marked favors to Honduran and Nicaraguan

refugees, who were constantly plotting to overthrow the administration

of President Medina. At last the Honduran government accredited

two commissioners, namely Céleo Arias, and Teodoro Aguiluz, in San

Salvador, with the view of settling those differences, if possible,

in a friendly manner. Salvador on her part named Rafael Zaldívar her

commissioner to treat with them, and their conferences began on the

16th of January, 1871, but they led to no satisfactory result.[XIX-4]

At the fourth and last conference, on the 21st of January, the Honduran

commissioners, after protesting against Salvador's course in rejecting

their demands, proposed as a last resort to preserve friendship—in

view of the fact that all hope of arriving at an understanding had

disappeared, as confidence between the two governments no longer

existed—that the legislatures of both states should be convoked to

meet on the 12th of March, and the two presidents, Medina and Dueñas,

resign their offices. After which elections for chief magistrates

should be held, with the express condition that during those elections

both Medina and Dueñas should reside out of their countries. Four

days having elapsed without any answer having been returned to that

proposition, the Honduran commissioners on the 25th renewed their

protest, declared the conferences closed, and demanded their passports.

However, after this, Zaldívar signified to them an acceptance of the

proposal concerning the resignation. This inspired some hope that

peace might yet be consolidated. But it proved to be a vain hope; for

the government of Honduras on the 7th of February suspended all treaty

stipulations between the two republics, and Salvador despatched in the

same month a body of troops to invade her neighbor's territory;[XIX-5]

in consequence of which President Medina on the 5th of March declared

war against Salvador, or rather against Dueñas' government.[XIX-6]

[Sidenote: HOSTILITIES WITH HONDURAS.]

The liberal party took advantage of the situation to adopt active

measures for the overthrow of despotism, and the restoration of

democratic principles. General Santiago Gonzalez, who had been called

to head a movement, made an address to the people, which produced a

great excitement. Dueñas tried to strengthen himself by means of a

so-called plebiscite, but this only served to show that a revolution

was impending. Gonzalez applied for aid to the government of

Honduras,[XIX-7] which, being then on the point of waging war against

Dueñas, was prevailed on to place under command of that officer the

forces he had organized to invade Salvador through Sensuntepeque.

With his Salvadorans and Honduran allies Gonzalez made himself master

of the departments of Santa Ana and Sonsonate,[XIX-8] from which he

could procure abundant supplies. The government forces, which had been

kept in suspense, not knowing which would be the invaders' objective

point, attacked them at Santa Ana, and after four days' hard fighting,

though much superior in numbers, were utterly routed on the 10th of

April, with heavy casualties; the main army was put to flight, and the

reserve forsook their standard.[XIX-9] Gonzalez was then proclaimed

provisional president, and Dueñas' government collapsed, he, together

with Tomás Martinez, ex-president of Nicaragua, who commanded in chief

the government's army, and others, seeking a place of safety in the

United States legation, then in charge of General A. T. A. Torbert,

minister resident. The next day Gonzalez and his army marched into

the capital amid the most enthusiastic acclamations. His first step

was to protect the person of Dueñas against possible violence from his

exasperated enemies, among whom were the friends of the never-forgotten

Gerardo Barrios, whom Dueñas had caused to be shot in cold blood, and

to obtain his surrender that he might answer before the nation for his

alleged illegal acts.[XIX-10] Both Dueñas and Martinez were surrendered

to the provisional government on its giving a pledge that their lives

would not be imperilled. The surrender of Dueñas was made on the 20th

of April, with his own acquiescence; he was then transferred as a state

prisoner to the military school building.[XIX-11] Martinez was released

and permitted to leave the republic.[XIX-12]

Ex-president Dueñas was, on the 13th of April, 1872, declared by

the senate legally deposed, and amenable to the laws for acts of

usurpation. Murders, among which was reckoned the execution of

Ex-president Barrios, unjustifiable executions, and imprisonments of

citizens, incendiarism, misappropriation of public moneys, and other

misdemeanors. It was further ordered that the accused should be turned

over to the jurisdiction of the courts for trial, pursuant to article

71 of the constitution.[XIX-13] In July of the same year, while the

constitution was in suspense, during a temporary internal disturbance,

the supreme court set him at liberty, which caused much agitation in

Salvador. He left the country after giving bonds in $100,000 that he

would not land in any port of Central America. He went to and remained

in Europe some time, then returned to America, residing a while in

New York, and afterward in San Francisco, California. Subsequently he

was permitted free access to his country, and was treated with high

consideration both in Salvador and Guatemala.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: NEW CONSTITUTION.]

The constituent assembly, which had been convoked by the provisional

government, was installed July 28, 1871, and began its labors on the

31st, when the provisional president gave an account of his official

acts, all of which were legalized at once.[XIX-14] The following

persons were, in the order named, designated to take charge of the

executive, provisionally, in the event of disability of Gonzalez;

namely, Rafael Campo, Manuel Gallardo, and Cruz Ulloa.

On the 16th of October, the assembly adopted a new fundamental law

in twelve titles, which may be said to have been in perfect accord

with democratic principles.[XIX-15] This constitution was amended

on the 9th of November, 1872, in a few particulars by a constituent

assembly, the presidential term being made of four years instead of

two. He could neither be reëlected for the next immediate term, nor

act as president even a single day beyond the time for which he was

chosen.[XIX-16] This same assembly in 1872 enacted several secondary

laws of importance, to wit: on freedom of the press; trial by jury in

criminal and libel cases; use of martial law; elections by universal

suffrage; public instruction; codification of the laws in force since

1821; and appropriation of private property for great public uses.

The presidential election under the new charter of 1871 resulted in

Gonzalez, the provisional president, being chosen the constitutional

chief magistrate, his term to begin on the 1st of February the

following year. The amendment to the constitution of November 9, 1872,

extended it to February 1, 1876.

[Sidenote: CALAMITOUS TIMES.]

The political relations of the governments of Salvador and Guatemala

with Honduras had, early in 1872, become so unfriendly that a war was

unavoidable. Salvadoran and Guatemala forces invaded Honduras, and were

successful in their operations, the details of which will be given in

connection with the history of the latter country.[XIX-17] President

Gonzalez and his victorious army on their return to San Salvador in

June received an ovation. Subsequent events demanded the despatch of

more troops to Honduras, which, together with Guatemala's, completed

the work of the first campaign. The government also felt compelled

to exile a number of persons who were manifestly conspiring for the

destruction of the liberal régime.[XIX-18] The ministers addressed

an exposé to the constituent congress, which had been in session

since September 27th, reviewing the policy of the administration, and

submitting for its sanction the late war measures, at variance with the

constitution. All the acts of the president were subsequently approved

by congress.[XIX-19]

The only other event of 1872 worthy of mention was the murder of the

vice-president, Manuel Mendez, on the night of the 1st of September,

in the public street,[XIX-20] by a man named Juan Melendez. At first

it was supposed that the act might have been prompted by other motives

than personal revenge; the latter proved, however, to be the real

cause. The assassin fled into Honduras, but was finally discovered and

surrendered to Salvador, where he was tried and executed.[XIX-21]

The year 1873 in its first part was a calamitous one for Salvador.

A series of earthquakes caused destruction in many places, specially

on the 19th of March, ruining the capital for the eighth time in its

history. The national congress, after approving the government's acts

to the date of closing its session, left the country to devote its

best energies in repairing the havoc of that catastrophe. The rest of

the year and 1874 formed, indeed, a period not only of restoration

but of marked progress in every respect. National industries went

on developing, public instruction, under the fostering care of the

authorities, was constantly being spread among the masses, and the

financial condition had become much improved. Peace reigned at home,

and the relations with foreign powers were on an amicable footing;

cordiality seemed to preside over those with the other Central American

states. The future, at the inception of 1875, promised concord and

good-will as well as undisturbed progressiveness.[XIX-22] But these

expectations were not realized. The public peace was disturbed on two

occasions; the first, by the Indians of Dolores Izalco, who, because

of a dispute with the authorities anent their community lands, rose in

arms, and on March 14th assaulted the garrison of the city of Izalco,

to be repulsed with considerable loss. Their head men were arrested and

imprisoned some months, until, promising good behavior in the future,

they were released.[XIX-23] The other affair was a more serious one,

calling for energetic action on the part of the military power. An

armed mob of reactionists and religious fanatics, led by one Tinoco and

a clergyman named José Manuel Palacios, on the 20th of June, fell upon

the city of San Miguel, slaying the small garrison, together with the

comandante general, Felipe Espinosa, and several citizens, sacking the

business houses, and burning down a portion of the town. Such deeds of

blood, robbery, and incendiarism as those of the 20th to the 24th had

seldom been witnessed in Central America. Troops arrived from La Union,

and the Honduran port of Amapala, on the 24th, and the malefactors

fled, but not before about thirty of their number, including Father

Palacios, were taken prisoners. A considerable part of the stolen goods

was recovered. Reënforcements followed, and the department was secured

from further molestation. President Gonzalez was at San Miguel on the

27th.[XIX-24]

On the other hand, a sanguinary and disastrous war with Guatemala

caused an entire change in the administration.

The general assembly had, on the 1st of March, convoked the people to

elect on the first Sunday of December a president and vice-president

for the second constitutional term to begin February 1, 1876, and end

February 1, 1880. Andrés Valle was chosen president, and Santiago

Gonzalez, vice-president. The latter offered his resignation, but

the assembly did not accept it. They were inducted into office on

the appointed date. But previous to this, Guatemala having assumed a

menacing attitude, congress decreed that in the event of the president

going to the field at the head of the army, Valle, then a senator,

should act in his stead, pro tempore. On the same date a forced loan of

$500,000 was also ordered to be raised.

[Sidenote: PENDING HOSTILITIES.]

The difficulties arose from a supposed understanding of President

Gonzalez with Guatemalan refugees in Salvador, and the government

of Ponciano Leiva in Honduras, with the ulterior object of bringing

about the downfall of Barrios. The latter alleged also that Gonzalez

intended to uphold with his forces the government of Leiva, which,

according to him, was entirely unpopular, because of its subserviency

to Salvador. This intervention was deemed not only an attack against

Honduran autonomy, but a menace to Guatemala. Gonzalez was notified

that if he persisted in that course, Guatemala would then interfere

in favor of General Medina, who was then trying to overthrow Leiva.

The result of this attitude was a renewed assurance by Gonzalez of

friendly feeling, and a proposition to hold a verbal conference on

Honduran affairs, which Barrios accepted, and such a conference was

held now with President Valle at Chingo, and a convention was signed

on the 15th of February, under which Marco Aurelio Soto, an Honduran

by birth, was to undertake the pacification of his country, backed

by equal forces of Guatemala and Honduras.[XIX-25] Barrios contended

that, though Valle was president, Gonzalez was the real power in

Salvador, whom he accused in a public manifesto of hypocrisy and

treachery. Angry words continued, the two nations being now armed

for the conflict, till they agreed to disband their forces. Both

governments claimed to have done so, imputing to the other a wilful

neglect of its obligation. The probability is, that, distrusting one

another, they merely pretended compliance, keeping their troops ready

for action. Barrios sent 1,500 men into Honduras, and came himself

with a force to threaten Salvador on the west, and actually invaded the

latter without a previous declaration of war. At last, on the 20th of

March, José María Samayoa, minister of war in charge of the executive

of Guatemala, formally declared all official relations with Salvador

at an end, and then again on the 27th, alleging that Salvadoran troops

had invaded Guatemala, decreed the existence of war, giving Barrios

unlimited power to make such uses of this declaration as befitted the

dignity of Guatemala.[XIX-26] The government of Salvador on the 26th of

March decreed the treaty of amity and alliance concluded with Guatemala

January 24, 1872, to be no longer in force.[XIX-27]

[Sidenote: THE WRATH OF BARRIOS.]

Barrios' plan for the campaign was to assail Salvador on the west

direct from Guatemala with an army under his personal command, and

at the same time by a movement from Honduras under General Gregorio

Solares on the eastern departments of San Miguel and La Union.

The Mexican general, Lopez Uraga, adjutant-general of Barrios, was

stationed with a garrison at Jutiapa to guard the army supplies. At

this time the Salvadorans unsuccessfully attacked an isolated position

on the frontier, which roused the ire of Barrios. He then directed

Uraga to move the supplies to Chingo, whence he started himself to

the invasion of Salvador. Solares had not yet been heard from. He had

first of all to get Medina and Leiva out of the way in Honduras. The

Guatemalan president then marched to the Coco hacienda, and hearing

that Chalchuapa was abandoned, occupied it at once. The Salvadorans had

their headquarters at Santa Ana. The armies which were to encounter

each other on the field of battle were the most numerous Central

America had ever seen. Barrios with 8,000 or 9,000 men laid siege of

Ahuachapan. Uraga stationed himself at Chalchuapa with about 1,500, and

Chingo was left with a handful of men.[XIX-28]

The Guatemalans who have occupied Apaneca were driven away, and on

returning thereto encountered the Salvadorans on the 15th of April,

and after a fight lasting from eight in the morning till nightfall,

were routed, and pursued as far as Atiquizaya, sustaining heavy

losses.[XIX-29]

Meantime the belligerent armies in the east were not idle. Solares

after hard fighting from the 17th to the 19th of April won a signal

and decisive victory at Pasaquina over the Salvadorans commanded by

generals Brioso, Delgado, Sanchez, and Espinosa; the results of which

were that he obtained control of the departments of San Miguel and

La Union, menacing those of San Vicente and Usulutan, and even the

official residence of President Valle; thus depriving the government of

large resources, and disheartening the army of Gonzalez in Ahuachapan

and Santa Ana.[XIX-30] After this victory, Solares being reënforced,

the Salvadorans, now reduced to 800 or 900, precipitately retreated

to San Miguel, but by desertions on the march dwindled down to less

than 200. The defence of San Miguel became impossible, and Solares

occupied it, as well as La Union. There being insufficient elements to

defend San Vicente, the government ordered the scattered garrisons to

concentrate at the capital.

[Sidenote: CONVENTION AND TREATY.]

The condition of the army of the west was not much better. There were

in Ahuachapan about 2,600 men, and in Santa Ana hardly 3,500. The

former was greatly decreased by constant fighting during the holy week,

and on the day after easter hardly exceeded 900 demoralized troops.

An unsuccessful attempt was made against Chalchuapa. A few days later

Salvadoran commissioners visited Barrios' headquarters, as he was, it

is averred, on the point of raising the siege of Ahuachapan.[XIX-31]

He then marched to Atiquizaya, and the next day to Chalchuapa, where

the negotiations for peace were held,[XIX-32] which resulted in a

convention, preliminary to a treaty of peace, concluded on the 25th

of April, ratified the next day, and coupled with the condition

sine qua non of a complete change in the personnel of the Salvadoran

government.[XIX-33]

Under the preliminary convention of April 25th, Rafael Zaldívar

was chosen provisional president, and on the 1st of May appointed

his cabinet.[XIX-34] A definitive treaty of peace, friendship,

and alliance, offensive and defensive, was signed at Santa Ana May

8th,[XIX-35] in which Honduras joined on the 27th of May. General

Gonzalez had meantime repaired on board the British war ship _Amethyst_

at La Libertad, transferring himself afterward to the American mail

steamship _Costa Rica_, on which he left Central America.

Pursuant to the 6th clause of the convention of April 25th, the people

were called upon to choose, on the first Sunday of June, a president

and vice-president, as well as representatives to the legislative

assembly, the latter to meet at San Salvador on the 1st of July. This

clause having been duly carried out, the Guatemalan forces withdrew

from Salvador, in accordance with the 7th.[XIX-36] The elections

took place, the national congress being installed July 3d, and Rafael

Zaldívar declared to have been duly chosen constitutional president to

continue the term from February 1, 1876, to February 1, 1880. He was

accordingly inducted into office on the 19th of July.

* * * * *

Rafael Zaldívar had previously served in both houses of congress, in

the cabinet, and filled several diplomatic missions, notably that of

minister plenipotentiary in Berlin.[XIX-37] On his return he became

President Dueñas' right-hand man and supporter. He was president of the

last general assembly at the time of Dueñas' downfall, and considering

his life in danger, he concealed himself, and finally escaped out

of the country.[XIX-38] After this he lived in exile about five

years.[XIX-39]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: CONSTITUTIONAL CONGRESS.]

The new administration had no home or foreign complications to distract

its attention from the usual routine of duties, and progress was

soon noticeable in every branch of industry as well as of the public

service. The executive, on the 3d of April, 1879, called the people to

choose a constituent congress to effect reforms in the constitution

of November 9, 1872. This body was duly installed June 9th, under

the presidency of Teodoro Moreno; but after appointing a committee to

frame a constitution, it adjourned July 2d to meet again between the

1st and 15th of January, 1880. It reassembled on the latter date, and

proceeded to consider the project of a fundamental law laid before it

by that committee. Some amendments were finally adopted on the 19th

of February, and Zaldívar was reëlected president for the ensuing term

from February 1, 1880, to February 1, 1884.

Nothing worthy of special mention occurred till the end of 1882. The

constitutional congress opened its session on the 5th of January,

1883, when the president gave an encouraging account of the political

situation. Peace reigned, and the people were devoted to their

industrial pursuits. The relations with the other nations of the earth

were cordial, Salvador, though a small power, being the recipient of

respect and regard from all others. With Costa Rica the relations,

interrupted since October 1879, were renewed, and with Nicaragua

the most perfect understanding existed. The treaty of alliance with

Guatemala and Honduras was in full force.[XIX-40]

But this happy state of things was not to last. At 2 o'clock in the

morning of April 16th, a body of men armed with rifles, shot-guns,

revolvers, and machetes attacked the garrison at Santa Tecla, crying

Viva la religion! Viva el Doctor Gallardo! Mueran Zaldívar y Barrios!

They were repulsed by the troops commanded by Colonel Matías Castro

Delgado, who captured forty prisoners. The government forces went in

pursuit of the others in the region of the neighboring volcano.[XIX-41]

The insurrectionary movement had ramifications in other towns, namely,

La Libertad, San Salvador, Santa Ana, Ahuachapan, and Sonsonate, where

its authors expected to be seconded. The president at once placed the

departments of San Salvador, La Libertad, and the west under martial

law. This and other prompt measures prevented any further action on the

part of the would-be revolutionists. Quiet having been fully restored,

the decree of martial law was repealed.[XIX-42]

Another change in the constitution was made this year. The executive

called a convention on the 18th of October to meet between the 15th and

20th of December, to revise the charter of February 19, 1880, adapting

the fundamental institutions of the country to its present needs; and

also to take cognizance of other matters which the executive would lay

before it.[XIX-43]

[Sidenote: CHRONIC REVOLUTION.]

A new constitution was adopted soon after, containing all the political

rights recognized in the most liberal instruments of the kind,

guaranteeing also the free exercise of all religions not repugnant to

morality and public order.[XIX-44] President Zaldívar was reëlected

and reinaugurated on the 1st of February, 1884.[XIX-45] But obtaining

leave of absence to visit Europe, where his family had been some time,

he turned over the executive office to the first designado, Angel

Guirola, who was to hold it till his return.[XIX-46] He was again in

San Salvador in August, and resumed his duties.

Another period of trouble is now again impending on Salvador. Elsewhere

I give the particulars of the undertaking of Barrios, president of

Guatemala, to reconstruct Central America as one republic by force

of arms. It is unnecessary to do more than glance at the same here.

On finding a deliberate opposition to his project on the part of the

governments of Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica, he placed his

army in the field to support any movements in those republics toward

the end he had in view. The people of Salvador responded to the call

of their authorities,[XIX-47] who in a short time had about 1,800

volunteers enrolled, and relied, moreover, on the aid of the other

three governments equally interested in defending their autonomy. About

12,000 men were stationed on the western frontier under the direct

command of President Zaldívar, but no act of hostility was committed,

out of respect for the American minister, who had been mediating, and

obtained from Barrios that he would not invade Salvador if his own

territory were not assailed. But this pledge went for nothing. The

Guatemalans invaded Salvador March 30th, compelling the Salvadorans

who had been fortifying the hacienda del Coco to abandon that position,

though only after severe fighting, and retire into their fortifications

of Chalchuapa.[XIX-48] The latter were assailed by the whole force

of the enemy, but the garrison returned the fire with success, and

gallantly met the desperate onslaught until a signal victory crowned

their well-directed efforts. Barrios, the intrepid leader of the

Guatemalans, lost his life, but this did not put an end to the fight

for several hours yet.[XIX-49] The discomfited assailants began their

retreat to the frontier at six o'clock, or a little later, in the

evening, unpursued.[XIX-50]

[Sidenote: FRANCISCO MENENDEZ.]

With the friendly intervention of the foreign diplomatic corps an

armistice was signed, giving time for negotiations, which culminated in

a treaty of peace with Guatemala, the particulars of which are given

elsewhere.[XIX-51] With Honduras[XIX-52] a treaty was concluded, with

the assent of the three allies, which restored friendly relations.

Zaldívar called congress to hold an extra session, and laid before it,

May 4th, an account of the campaign and its results, and concluded,

asking that body to accept his resignation. This was unanimously

refused; nor was his subsequent request for a year's leave of absence

granted. But on his declaring his intention of taking the unused time

of the leave given him in 1884, that body acceded, and allowed him to

be absent twelve months. On the 14th, he placed the executive authority

in the hands of the second designado, General Fernando Figueroa, his

minister of the treasury, who had the support of Zaldívar's friends;

and on the following day departed for Europe.[XIX-53] An insurrection

had already broken out in the west, promoted by political adversaries,

whose leader was General Francisco Menendez. The government reported

a victory over the insurgents at Armenia the 19th of May, but the

revolution gained ground so rapidly that Menendez, who had been

proclaimed presidente provisorio, made his triumphal entry in San

Salvador on the 22d, midst the acclamations of the populace.[XIX-54]

The revolution was successful, and the new government was afterward

recognized by foreign powers.[XIX-55]

In August, Menendez called on the people to choose a constituent

convention, and preparations were made therefor; but disturbances

having occurred in several places, he prolonged his dictatorship and

redeclared martial law.[XIX-56] Zaldívar was charged with improper uses

of the public funds, and the government refused to recognize a certain

indebtedness incurred in his administration. His property in Salvador

was seized, and an attempt was made by certain persons to lay hands on

some real estate of his in Costa Rica, but they were not permitted to

do so.[XIX-57] Shortly after there was a rupture with Nicaragua, which

did not last long, a treaty of peace being signed at Amapala in January

1886.

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