POLITICAL EVENTS IN COSTA RICA.
1856-1886.
REWARDS TO WALKER'S CONQUERORS—REËLECTION OF
MORA—HIS DOWNFALL AND EXILE—HIS RETURN, CAPTURE,
AND EXECUTION—MONTEALEGRE'S ADMINISTRATION—VIOLENCE
OF PARTIES—COMPROMISE ON JESUS JIMENEZ—HIS PEACEFUL
RULE—PRESIDENT JOSÉ M. CASTRO—CHARGES AGAINST HIM—HIS
OVERTHROW—SEVERAL NEW CONSTITUTIONS—JIMENEZ AGAIN
PRESIDENT—HIS ARBITRARY ACTS—HOW HE WAS DEPOSED—PRESIDENT
CARRANZA—OTHER TEMPORARY RULERS—PRESIDENT GUARDIA'S
DESPOTISM—FAILURE OF HIS WARLIKE PLANS—HIS
DEATH—ADMINISTRATION OF PRÓSPERO FERNANDEZ—PREPARATIONS TO
DEFEND INDEPENDENCE—HIS SUDDEN DEATH—BERNARDO SOTO'S PEACEFUL
RULE.
In describing the early operations of the Costa Ricans in Nicaragua
against Walker in 1856, I alluded to the sudden departure of President
Mora and his brother from Rivas for Costa Rica, because of tidings
received of an attempted insurrection against the government, then
temporarily in charge of Vice-president Oreamuno. This revolt was soon
quelled, and the leaders and officers connected therewith were arrested
and expatriated. Oreamuno having died, Vicente Aguilar was chosen
vice-president on the 17th of September, but resigned the position the
next month.[XVIII-1] A change of ministry took place on the 26th of
September, the distinguished statesman taking charge of the portfolio
of foreign relations.[XVIII-2] The president, owing to war against the
filibusters, suspended the action of the constitution on the 15th of
November, but repealed the decree a few days later.[XVIII-3]
The successful termination of the war was hailed in Costa Rica with
great joy, and the men who gave this glorious page to her history were
highly honored. The president was made a captain-general,[XVIII-4] and
the officers, as well as the rank and file, were promoted and otherwise
rewarded.[XVIII-5]
The elections for president and vice-president of the republic took
place, and congress on the 4th of May, 1859, declared that Juan Rafael
Mora had been reëlected, and Rafael G. Escalante chosen for the second
position.[XVIII-6]
Mora's administration had initiated a number of measures tending to the
advancement of the country. Among other improvements was that of the
fine national palace in San José. Costa Rica had enjoyed a long period
of internal peace with an increasing prosperity. Mora was quite popular
with the masses, but encountered opposition from the property owners,
merchants, and army men. For this reason he could not strengthen his
government, and found himself at the mercy of a coup de main the
moment the people thought their interests were jeopardized by his
power.[XVIII-7] Hence the revolutionary movement that hurled him from
his executive office in the night of August 14, 1859. A provisional
government, composed of his political enemies, was at once organized,
meeting with no opposition on the part of the people. It was a palace
revolution, and no blood was spilt. Mora was kept in confinement,
though otherwise well treated during three days at the end of which he
was taken to Puntarenas, and sent out of the country on an American
steamer. He settled with his family in Salvador, where he introduced
the cultivation of coffee.
[Sidenote: VICENTE AGUILAR.]
The new government now took steps to have itself confirmed by a
constituent assembly, and to cause its provisional president, José
María Montealegre, regularly elected. The influential man of the
administration was Vicente Aguilar, ex-vice-president, a wealthy man,
and the deadly enemy of Mora. He was the minister of the treasury and
of war, and by his instigation some reactionary and despotic measures
were adopted, thereby increasing the general uneasiness. The country
was henceforth divided into two political parties, each claiming to be
the representative of law and order.[XVIII-8]
The constituent assembly, pursuant to convocation, met on the 16th of
October, and on the 26th of December adopted a new constitution in 142
articles, which was promulgated the next day. This fundamental law was
liberal except in the matter of religion, as it neither recognized nor
tolerated any form of faith but the Roman catholic. All other rights of
man were conceded.[XVIII-9] The constituent congress adjourned sine die
on the 27th of December, and the ordinary congress opened its session
on the 22d of April, 1860, on the next day declaring that José María
Montealegre had obtained a popular majority for the office of president
of the republic, and appointing the 29th for his inauguration. On the
24th that body designated the persons who were to fill the executive
chair in the temporary or absolute absence of the president.[XVIII-10]
[Sidenote: DEATH OF MORA.]
Before many months had passed, Costa Rica witnessed a catastrophe
which filled the whole of Central America with sorrow, indignation,
and shame. Mora, the deposed president, had solemnly protested against
the revolutionary acts which deprived him of his office. There were
not wanting men, who, either honestly or with evil intent, beguiled
him into the belief that he was wanted back, and would meet with a
cordial reception and support. He allowed himself to be thus deceived,
and committed the error of going against an accomplished fact, in an
attempt to recover by force the executive authority, which was now
legitimately held by Montealegre. He landed in September at Puntarenas
with a few friends, was received with apparent enthusiasm, and got
together about 300 or 400 men;[XVIII-11] but believing it safer to
increase his force before marching to the capital, he tarried behind,
thus allowing the government an opportunity to organize superior
forces, and to issue relentless decrees. The government's forces
assailed Mora on the 28th of September at La Angostura,[XVIII-12]
and defeated him. He soon found himself forsaken by his men, and
though aware that stringent orders for his arrest had been issued,
he surrendered to his enemies on the 30th, when he was tried by a
drum-head court-martial, and shot three hours after.[XVIII-13] This
judicial murder of this honorable, just, and progressive man, who had
rendered such great services in saving national independence, caused
general consternation and displeasure. His invasion was not approved
of, but no one had imagined that his life could be in peril if he
were captured. Public opinion was pronounced against such relentless
vengeance. Even Nicaragua, which had grievances against Mora, and had
excluded his supporters from her territory, regretted his untimely
end.[XVIII-14] In Costa Rica his death was attributed to bitter
personal and sordid animosity. Public opinion was not at fault. Mora
wrote his wife, one hour before his execution, on his faith as a
Christian, that Vicente Aguilar justly owed him upwards of $200,000;
and if he ever expected to die in peace with his God, he should make
restitution of that sum to Mora's family. Aguilar, as minister of war,
signed the orders for the execution, and was responsible for Mora's
death. These orders included the execution of two others, namely,
General J. M. Cañas, and Manuel Argüello, a young lawyer. The latter
was saved by General Máximo Blanco, but Cañas was shot two days after
Mora.[XVIII-15]
The penalty of death was doubtless intended by Aguilar to be a
settlement of accounts with the man he detested; but it did not
satisfy him; he added confiscation, and to the end showed himself
relentless in his animosity to Mora's family and supporters. But he
did not long survive his victims, dying on the 26th of April, 1861,
of ossification of the heart. After his death, a milder policy was
inaugurated. A general amnesty, from which were excluded only a few
military men who while in active service had joined revolts, was
issued;[XVIII-16] exiles returned to their country, and regularity
in affairs was restored. The government gained in popular esteem
by a scrupulous observance of the promises made at the time of its
creation, restoring internal peace based on constitutional liberty and
a proper economy.[XVIII-17] However, Mora's friends, though disposed
to do justice to Montealegre's administration, never would forgive
its origin and early acts. They and their political confrères
brought on a reaction against it. Party excitement became great, and
there was danger of civil war. Two presidential candidates for the
next term, namely, Aniceto Esquivel and Julian Volio, were in the
field, the former being a warm friend of the administration, and the
latter independent. Montealegre was the first to suggest a compromise.
There was in Cartago a former minister of Mora, Jesus Jimenez, who was
finally agreed upon by all parties for the executive office, and was
accordingly elected.[XVIII-18] He took possession of the chair on the
7th of May, Montealegre surrendering it with greater alacrity than he
had occupied it in 1859.[XVIII-19] [Sidenote: JIMENEZ AND CASTRO.]
Jimenez, during his administration, fully answered expectations. He
maintained peace by pursuing a just and conciliatory policy. The
country kept on its career of progress and prosperity.[XVIII-20]
The next president duly chosen was the founder of the republic, José
María Castro, for the term from May 8, 1866.[XVIII-21] The number of
ministers of state having been reduced to two, the president decreed
the organization of a privy council whose members were to serve without
pay.[XVIII-22] Castro's government was a strictly economical one. It
diminished the number of officials, and suppressed the president's
guard of honor. The result was that the treasury was enabled to meet
obligations contracted for the development of education, and of the
interests of the country.[XVIII-23]
During the presidential election in 1868, party agitation jeopardized
the public peace. The press became virulent, not sparing even the
families of prominent men. The government was accused of making
no effort to check such abuses, or to restore harmony. There would
certainly have been a resort to arms but for the moderation of the
two chief officers of the army, generals Lorenzo Salazar and Máximo
Blanco.[XVIII-24] These officers and others placed themselves at the
head of a pronunciamiento which took place at San José on the 1st of
November to depose Castro and suspend the constitution of December 27,
1859. Jesus Jimenez, the first designado, was then called to assume
the executive office, with ample powers to call a constituent assembly.
He accordingly placed himself at the head of affairs, and convoked the
assembly, to meet on the 1st of January, summoning the people also to
choose the next president, together with senators and representatives
for the next constitutional term to begin May 1, 1869.[XVIII-25]
The new constitution was framed on the 18th of February, and
promulgated in April 1869, consisting of 149 articles, and containing
very liberal principles.[XVIII-26]
[Sidenote: REVOLUTION.]
The ordinary congress met, and declared Jimenez to be the
constitutional president for the next term, and he was inducted into
office with the usual formalities.[XVIII-27] But owing to congress
having refused to pass a railroad bill, Jimenez lost his temper,
resigned his office, and left the capital. But the resignation was
not accepted, and he was induced to return. Subsequently, on his
representing that the country was in danger from internal disturbances
due to party violence, that body decreed a suspension of the
constitution.[XVIII-28] This order of things lasted until the 27th of
April, 1870, on which day sixteen men, among whom were Tomás and Víctor
Guardia, Pedro and Pablo Quiroz, and Próspero Fernandez, captured the
artillery barracks of San José by a coup de main. There were a few
killed and wounded, among the former being the commander, Colonel A.
Biscoubi, a French officer who distinguished himself in the defence of
San Salvador in 1863.[XVIII-29]
After the capture of the barracks the president was seized, and kept a
prisoner about twenty-four hours. Bruno Carranza was then proclaimed
provisional president, and assumed the duties on the 28th. Jimenez
and his ministers were detained to answer charges that would be
preferred against them.[XVIII-30] Jimenez was allowed to reside in
Cartago under surveillance; but, fearing for his life, as he alleged,
escaped.[XVIII-31] The men who brought about the overthrow of the
oppressive government of Jimenez were not left unrewarded.[XVIII-32]
All proscriptive orders which had emanated from it were revoked, and
persons in exile were enabled to come back.
The people were again summoned to elect a constituent assembly to meet
on the 8th of August, which took place; it declared the constitution
of 1869 no longer in force, and temporarily revived that of December
1859. Carranza resigned on the same day that the convention assembled,
and Tomás Guardia[XVIII-33] was appointed his successor on the 10th.
One of Carranza's last acts, July 30th, was to suspend the treaty
of friendship with Guatemala of 1848, because the latter had closed
diplomatic relations with Costa Rica.[XVIII-34] It is to be said to the
credit of Carranza's short rule that though clothed with dictatorial
powers they were used very sparingly.[XVIII-35]
[Sidenote: TOMÁS GUARDIA.]
Public tranquillity was constantly menaced, till finally a number of
assemblages passed resolutions to rescind the powers conferred on the
constituent assembly, and granted the authority of a dictator to Tomás
Guardia, whereupon on the 10th of October that body was dissolved by
him.[XVIII-36] That same day he decreed a full amnesty to Ex-president
Jimenez and his ministers Agapito Jimenez and Eusebio Figueroa. He
next, on the 13th, created a council of state with prominent political
men,[XVIII-37] assumed personal command of the forces, and appointed
Rafael Barroeta his substitute. In May 1871, several prominent citizens
were ordered to reside on the Golfo Dulce.[XVIII-38]
A constituent assembly was convoked on the 12th of August,[XVIII-39]
and met on the 15th of October, which adopted another fundamental
law for the republic on the 7th of December. It was a most liberal
constitution, recognizing all the rights of man. On religion it
accepted the Roman catholic as the only one to be supported, but
tolerated other forms. Foreigners were allowed the privilege of
trading and other lawful industries, including navigation of rivers
and coasts, of holding property, marrying, and testating. They could
not be compelled to become citizens, but if they wished it, one
year's residence sufficed to obtain naturalization. The government was
declared to be popular, representative, alternative, and responsible.
It was divided into three branches; namely, legislative, executive, and
judicial.[XVIII-40]
The national congress being installed May 1, 1872, on the 30th declared
Tomás Guardia duly elected president, and on the same date appointed
José Antonio Pinto and Rafael Barroeta first and second vice-president
respectively. The same body June 20th granted Guardia leave of
absence, with permission to visit foreign countries for the benefit
of his health, and authorized the government to appropriate out of the
treasury a sum not exceeding $25,000 for his travelling expenses. José
A. Pinto had charge of the executive in his absence.[XVIII-41] Guardia
reassumed his office on the 26th of January, 1873.
The policy Guardia's government had pursued toward Guatemala, Salvador,
and Nicaragua caused these three powers to prepare for any emergency
which might arise. They accordingly entered into a treaty of alliance
on the 26th of August, 1873.[XVIII-42] Minister Montúfar had been the
only one to endeavor to check Guardia's hare-brained plans; but he was
despatched to Europe with the intent of dismissing him in his absence.
Costa Rica, on the 24th of October, addressed a circular to other
governments remonstrating against that treaty.[XVIII-43] Her government
implied that the treaty had been prompted by private animosity, which
the others indignantly denied.[XVIII-44]
[Sidenote: MORE PRESIDENTS.]
This state of affairs created much alarm in Costa Rica, as well as
elsewhere in Central America, and Guardia, professing to give way
to the demands of public opinion, which pointed to him as the sole
promoter of war, temporarily resigned the executive office into
the hands of the first designado, Salvador Gonzalez, on the 21st
of November.[XVIII-45] Gonzalez formed a new cabinet, with José M.
Castro as minister of foreign affairs, and fixed upon a policy that
would secure public confidence at home and peace with the other
states.[XVIII-46] Gonzalez and his ministers had believed in Guardia's
sincerity, but they soon discovered that he had been playing a
hypocritical rôle. Pretending indignation at what he called lowering
the country's honor, and trailing its flag in the dust,[XVIII-47] he
resumed the presidential office on the 1st of December, and the next
day placed it in charge of Rafael Barroeta,[XVIII-48] who held it till
the 28th of February, 1874, when Guardia resumed it. The latter was
again granted a leave of absence May 19, 1875, and was absent several
months.[XVIII-49]
Some further correspondence passed between the governments of Costa
Rica and Nicaragua, resulting from an abortive attempt at revolution
in Guanacaste, when the insurgents, being defeated, escaped into
Nicaragua. A force of Costa Ricans landed from a steamer, killed some
persons and arrested others in territory claimed to be within the
neutral district, under the boundary treaty of 1858, which both parties
had bound themselves to respect till the question of limits should
be finally settled.[XVIII-50] Congress, in March 1876, authorized
the executive to station troops in Guanacaste, on the frontier of
Nicaragua, and defend the country's honor, if assailed. He was also to
arrange, if possible, the troubles with that republic. Guardia visited
the frontier, where General Máximo Jerez and a number of officers also
went via Puntarenas.[XVIII-51]
On the 27th of March a general amnesty was issued to all political
offenders, which implied that the government was confident the public
peace would not be disturbed.[XVIII-52]
Congress declared, May 3d, that Aniceto Esquivel had been
constitutionally chosen president of the republic,[XVIII-53] and on
the 9th appointed Tomás Guardia and Vicente Herrera first and second
designados in the order named. On the 8th Guardia took the chief
command of the forces; and as the constitution did not allow of his
reëlection to the presidential chair, he could reoccupy it at pleasure
by virtue of his position as first designado.[XVIII-54]
[Sidenote: MORE REVOLUTIONS.]
Esquivel inaugurated his administration under favorable circumstances.
He pledged himself to pursue a conciliatory policy, at home and abroad,
though never failing to uphold the rights of Costa Ricans in foreign
lands. Discord, however, broke out, and the opponents of Guardia vented
their hostility by the press. A revolt, with bloodshed, occurred in
Cartago, July 29th, and 30th, to depose Esquivel,[XVIII-55] which
movement proved successful. Vicente Herrera, second designado, was
called to occupy the executive seat.[XVIII-56] The new ruler made
Saturnino Lizano his minister-general, closed diplomatic and commercial
relations with Nicaragua,[XVIII-57] and on the 11th of August
established censorship of the press as a necessity for the preservation
of order.
Herrera's administration was noted for its illiberality toward
foreigners, and for religious bigotry.[XVIII-58] The press was gagged;
capitalists and merchants were heavily mulcted on the pretext of their
being malecontents; men of reputation and standing were driven from
their homes upon the reports of paid spies; and other outrages were
committed.
A revolutionary movement on the 11th of September, 1877, forced
Herrera to surrender the executive office[XVIII-59] to Tomás Guardia,
who assumed the duties, the municipal governments recognizing him
as provisional president with unlimited powers.[XVIII-60] On the
24th he called on the people to choose a constituent assembly to
meet on the 23d of December. The same day he created a gran consejo
nacional, delegating the choice of the majority of its members to the
municipalities. That body, under its constitution, had devolved upon it
several important duties.[XVIII-61] A general amnesty law for political
offences was decreed October 15th, and on the 17th the gran consejo
nacional issued a ley de garantías, declaring life, liberty, and
property inviolable.[XVIII-62] This law was in force only about three
months.
[Sidenote: ARBITRARY RULE.]
Costa Rica was not, it seemed, to be free from actual or impending
trouble. Guatemala refused to recognize Guardia's government, and
the latter closed relations with her as long as Barrios should be her
ruler.[XVIII-63] Early in the following January rumors came that the
republic would soon be invaded by a party of men who had in Nicaragua
organized a government, and purposed establishing it in Costa Rica by
force of arms, if necessary. The invasion took place through Limon,
under the leadership of Federico Mora, who called himself provisional
president. In consequence of this the law of guaranties, and the
elections for the constituent assembly, were suspended, and a decree
issued for the punishment of the invaders when taken.[XVIII-64] The
attempt to overthrow Guardia failed, Mora being defeated at El Zapote
and Matina, and fleeing to Nicaragua. The campaign lasted only eight
days.[XVIII-65] Quiet having been restored for a time, an amnesty was
granted to political offenders.[XVIII-66]
Very little worth mentioning occurred in 1879, except that in October
Costa Rica suspended relations with Salvador. Guardia on the 10th
of July, 1880, restored the law of guaranties, and repeated those of
January 21 and February 1, 1878, appointing August 1st for the election
of deputies, and the 29th of the same month for the instalment of the
constituent assembly. This body met on the appointed day,[XVIII-67] but
had been in session only about three weeks, when from the liberal views
introduced and discussed, and likely to be incorporated in the new
constitution, it became apparent that Guardia would not be the popular
choice for the next presidential term. The last day's proceedings
were an indication of the doom of despotism.[XVIII-68] Guardia and
his satellites, alarmed at their impending downfall, resolved that
their safety lay in dissolving the assembly, suspending the law of
guaranties, and imposing on the people anew the dictatorship. This was
done at once on the pretext of suppressing an imaginary revolution.
The military being all powerful, Guardia on the 28th of September
revived the gran consejo nacional to meet at San José on the 16th of
October. He continued his usual arbitrary practices of imprisoning and
exiling such persons as made themselves obnoxious to him.[XVIII-69]
In 1881 he revisited Europe, and in his absence Salvador Lara acted
as president. A constituent assembly was convoked, which adopted a
constitution containing very liberal clauses, on the 7th of December.
This constitution Guardia suspended on his return to power, early
in 1882, but restored with amendments by his decree of April 26th.
Guardia's health had not been much benefited by his journey to Europe,
and death overtook him at Alajuela in the evening of July 6, 1882. The
highest honors were paid to his remains, such as were never seen in
Central America before or after the independence. They were buried in
San José.[XVIII-70]
Saturnino Lizano had charge of the executive office until the 20th
of July, when he surrendered it to the designado General Próspero
Fernandez, who being subsequently elected president was inducted
into office on the 10th of August.[XVIII-71] The new administration
soon restored diplomatic intercourse with Guatemala, Salvador, and
Honduras.[XVIII-72]
[Sidenote: CHURCH AFFAIRS.]
The relations of the government with the church became strained in
1883. Early that year a decree was issued forbidding the entry of
members of the society of Jesus into the republic, though a few who
had charge of a college at Cartago were allowed to remain. The clergy
began an agitation, and had to be advised by the government, and the
bishop as well, to moderate their zeal.[XVIII-73] But the trouble did
not end. The old struggle between the civil and ecclesiastical powers
was revived. Bishop Thiel, with the aid of the jesuits, attempted to
interfere with and to place himself above the government, which, on
its part, under the authority conferred by congress, resolved to uphold
its supreme authority at all hazards. Hence a decree of July 18, 1884,
expelling the bishop and the jesuits from the country.[XVIII-74] Other
important measures affecting the clergy were also adopted at this
time.[XVIII-75] The bishop was recalled in the following year.
The republic was at peace, when a measure of the legislative assembly
of Guatemala came to create a great alarm. I refer to the decree of
February 28, 1885, declaring the union of Central America in the form
of a single republic, to carry out which scheme President Barrios
assumed military command over Central America. The news of this was
received by President Fernandez from Barrios himself in a telegram on
the 7th of March.[XVIII-76] The national congress was then summoned
to meet on Sunday the 8th, and the president called on the people
to prepare for the defence of Costa Rican independence. The call was
responded to with much enthusiasm. Congress clothed the executive with
extraordinary powers.[XVIII-77] But fate had decreed that Fernandez
should be saved the vexation of spirit and anxiety which the situation
must have caused him. He died suddenly in Aténas between 3 and 4
o'clock in the morning of March 12th. Fernandez was greatly esteemed
both as a private and public man. His funeral took place from the
presidential mansion on the next day, with the honors due his position
as the national chief magistrate.[XVIII-78]
[Sidenote: PEACE AND WAR.]
The first designado, General and Licentiate Bernardo Soto, immediately
assumed the duties of president, as well as of commander of the
forces,[XVIII-79] and at once called to form his cabinet José M.
Castro, Mauro Fernandez, and Santiago de la Guardia.[XVIII-80]
Preparations for war were continued, and other nations advised of
Costa Rica's disapproval of Guatemala's action.[XVIII-81] Peace was
proclaimed on the 19th of April, and the president on the 30th called
congress to meet on the 8th of May, when he would surrender the
extraordinary powers it had clothed him with.
General Fadrique Gutierrez attempted a revolution in August,
which failed. He was taken prisoner, tried by court-martial, and
cashiered.[XVIII-82]