CIVIL WAR.
1829-1838.
REVOLUTION IN HONDURAS—CONSERVATIVES INVADE THE STATE—SECOND
GENERAL ELECTIONS—FRANCISCO MORAZAN CHOSEN PRESIDENT—PLOTS
OF THE SERVILES—ARCE'S INVASION FROM MEXICO—OCCUPATION OF
HONDURAS PORTS BY EXILED REBELS—SPANISH FLAG HOISTED IN OMOA,
AND AID FROM CUBA—SALVADORAN AUTHORITIES IN REBELLION—THIRD
GENERAL ELECTIONS—MORAZAN REËLECTED—FAILURE OF COLONIZATION
PLANS—RAVAGES OF CHOLERA—INDIAN REVOLT UNDER CARRERA—HIS
EARLY LIFE.
It is difficult for us to realize how long it takes and how hard it is
for progressive man to throw away the fetters, temporal and spiritual,
which in times past he stupidly forged for himself. Intellectual light
breaking in on our old savagism finally tells us that the hurtful
manifestations of nature are not the chastisements of offended deity;
and then we wonder how we could have been so stupid so long, with our
pope-worship and king-worship, and our servility to their satellites.
Then when we first gain our liberty we know not what to do with it.
We feel lost without the harness, the reins, the whip and spur. The
people of Central America, high or low, knew little at this juncture
of self-government. In times past they had observed that rulership
consisted largely of personal wranglings for place, from king and pope
down to the lowest aspirant; of wars, political and ecclesiastical,
brother against brother, priests and people butchering and burning as
if the great object of religion and civilization was to preserve upon
this earth as long as possible the hell which we all hope in one way or
another to escape hereafter.
Note further in regard to Central America the strange union of widely
distinct classes in their efforts to sacrifice the country for self.
Though from somewhat different motives, we see join hands the highest
and the lowest, a self-styled aristocracy and the ignorant rabble,
aided by the priests who would not see their power slip from them in
the general overturnings, all spending their energies and blood in the
direction of utter destruction for themselves, their families, and
their country. Fortunately there were others at hand whose ideas of
self-government were different; who earnestly desired that this new
plant of liberty—a boon which had so unexpectedly dropped down to them
from heaven—should have in their midst a healthy growth, in spite of
ignorance, ambition, or superstition.
[Illustration: HONDURAS.]
[Sidenote: TROUBLES IN HONDURAS.]
The legislative assembly of Honduras, pursuant to the proscriptive
law enacted by the federal congress in August 1829, issued a decree of
expulsion, and the government of the state transmitted to Guatemala a
list of those who had come within its provisions.[VI-1] Some exiles
from Honduras and other states of Central America went to Belize to
carry on their plots from that quarter, and soon caused a sedition
in the department of Olancho. The vice-jefe, Vijil, used his best
endeavors to bring the seditious to terms peaceably, but failed.[VI-2]
It became necessary then to resort to force, and Lieutenant-colonel
Terrelonge was authorized to move his troops from Trujillo against
Olancho. The state of Guatemala was also requested to send its force
stationed in Chiquimula to Gracias, for the purpose of aiding in
the preservation of order. The assembly of Guatemala, on the 24th
of November, 1829, directed that 500 men, subject to the orders of
the chief of the state, should repair at once to Honduras and quell
the insurrection. The wording of the decree caused a disagreement
between the president of the republic and Jefe Molina. The latter
insisted that the 500 men to be sent to Honduras should be under
his orders. President Barrundia could not accede to it, because the
command of a military force operating out of the state belonged by
law to the federal government,[VI-3] and through his minister of
war, Nicolás Espinosa, applied to the Guatemalan legislature for a
change in the decree. Espinosa's communication caused much sensation,
and the assembly repealed the act of November 24th, and in its stead
provided that the money needed to muster in and equip 500 men should be
furnished the general government out of the state treasury.
Morazan, jefe of Honduras, and general-in-chief of the Central American
forces, had marched with a division upon the departments of Olancho
and Opoteca, and to him were despatched the troops newly raised in
Guatemala. Colonel Vicente Dominguez was one of the chief promoters
of the revolution of Honduras.[VI-4] Morazan's military reputation
made easy his road to victory. He encountered no great difficulties.
The year 1830 was inaugurated with new triumphs. The Olancho rebels
surrendered to him at Las Vueltas del Ocote, and on the 21st of January
solemnly bound themselves to recognize and obey the government.[VI-5]
Morazan next, on the 19th of February, routed the insurrectionists of
Opoteca.[VI-6] Morazan, after pacifying Honduras, intended marching
into Nicaragua, if political measures should prove insufficient to
establish regularity there. He first despatched Dionisio Herrera to
the seat of Nicaraguan differences, who fulfilled his trust with zeal,
and Morazan had no need of going to the state. Herrera had been chosen
jefe, and was duly inducted in his office on the 12th of May.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: REVOLT AND ELECTION.]
The time for renewing the supreme federal authority having arrived,
elections were held throughout the republic. Congress opened its
session with due solemnity on the 27th of March, 1830. The supreme
court of justice was likewise installed.[VI-7] The election of
president of the republic had been also made. Morazan, José Francisco
Barrundia, José del Valle, Antonio Rivera Cabezas, and Pedro Molina
obtained votes; but by far the largest number of them had been polled
for Morazan and Valle.[VI-8]
The votes were counted in June. Morazan had the largest number; but
in order to ascertain if the election had been legal, it was necessary
first to declare if the basis was to be the number of votes which the
citizens of the republic had the right to poll, or that of the votes
actually given and counted. If the former, there had been no popular
election, and congress had to decide the point between Morazan and
Valle; in the latter case, Morazan had been popularly elected.[VI-9]
[Sidenote: MORAZAN PRESIDENT.]
The congress consisted for the most part of friends of Morazan, and he
was declared president. He made a triumphal entry into Guatemala on the
14th of September, and should have been inaugurated on the 15th; but it
was decided that Barrundia should turn over to him the executive office
on the 16th, in the midst of the festivities of national independence.
This was done by Barrundia with that republican simplicity which had
ever characterized the man. All the states sent their congratulations
to Morazan, and to Barrundia for the good judgment and success of his
administration.[VI-10] Mariano Prado, the distinguished citizen of
Salvador, who did such good service to the liberal cause as vice-jefe
of that state during the campaign that ended in April 1829, was elected
vice-president.
One of Barrundia's measures that did him honor was his saving the
island of Roatan to Central America. The British had driven away
the few inhabitants and small garrison and taken possession.[VI-11]
Barrundia made energetic though courteous remonstrances, and the island
was restored after Morazan had become president.
The country now required peace. Morazan exerted himself to foster
education and national industry. Agriculture and trade began to revive;
but it was not to be continued long, for the demon of political strife
was let loose again. The servile party, though defeated, had not
remained inactive. In 1831 it prepared a plot for the destruction of
the liberals, which had ramifications everywhere. Arce was to invade
the republic from Mexico through Soconusco. Dominguez was to occupy
Honduras with elements gathered for the purpose at Belize. Meantime,
Ramon Guzman seized the fort at Omoa with 200 negroes.[VI-12] Arce
effected his invasion with about 100 men, exiled and discontented
Central Americans,[VI-13] and was defeated at Escuintla de Soconusco,
on the 24th of February, 1832, by the forces under General Raoul.
He succeeded in escaping with a few men into Mexico again.[VI-14]
Guzman, being hard pressed at Omoa by the government troops under
Colonel Terrelonge, hoisted the Spanish flag over the fort, and
despatched, on the 10th of August, the schooner _Ejecutivo_, whose
name had been now changed to _General Dominguez_, to ask assistance
from the captain-general of Cuba, offering himself and those with him
as subjects of the Spanish king. But the vessel was captured on her
return with supplies, and the rebel garrison surrendered on the 12th of
September, after a siege of five months.[VI-15] Almost at the same time
that Omoa was seized by the rebels, the port of Trujillo was occupied
by Vicente Dominguez, who had in his company Pedro Gonzalez.[VI-16]
The Central Americans had two armed schooners at Izabal, besides two
national vessels under Terrelonge, and an armed schooner at Belize.
Duplessis, a Frenchman, commanding the national vessel _Fénix_, was
captured by Dominguez, taken to Omoa, and shot in the plaza.[VI-17]
Dominguez' vanguard reached Yoro on the 7th of March, 1832, and was
defeated at Tercales on the 9th, and again at Olanchito. He fled to
Trujillo, leaving behind 200 muskets, other arms, some money, and other
things.[VI-18] He then transferred himself to Omoa, and with 600 men,
on the 26th of March, attacked the government troops at Jaitique, being
defeated. He was again routed at Opoteca, pursued in all directions,
captured, and taken to Comayagua, where he was put to death on the
14th of September.[VI-19] The rebel plot thus defeated was a formidable
one. Archbishop Casaus from Habana moved his clergy. Bishop Fray Luis
García of Chiapas favored Ex-president Arce, whose friends confidently
asserted that he also had the support of the Mexican government.[VI-20]
Arce's plans were also in combination with the jefe of Salvador, José
María Cornejo.[VI-21] The fallen party would not admit that they had
been vanquished, that their principles were antiquated and repugnant to
the people; they still believed that a reaction was not only possible,
but right and natural.
[Sidenote: HONDURAS AND SALVADOR.]
Cornejo's intrigues led to a disturbance of the peace in Salvador. The
state assembly had been installed in February 1831, and the tendencies
of its members elect, together with Cornejo's workings, had awakened
mistrust among the liberals of Guatemala. The assembly of the latter
state directed the executive, in congratulating the Salvador assembly
upon its installation, to remind it of the necessity of harmony and of
upholding liberal principles.[VI-22]
On the news of the invasion of Honduras, already described,
reaching Guatemala, Morazan decided to establish his headquarters
in San Salvador as a more convenient centre for future operations.
His relations with the authorities of Salvador were anything but
harmonious; neither could they be harmonious under the circumstances.
Mariano Galvez, jefe of Guatemala,[VI-23] desiring to avoid conflicts,
despatched Colonel Nicolás Espinosa with letters to Cornejo, advising
him that his agent was instructed to use his best offices to settle the
differences between him and Morazan. Espinosa, when near Atiquizaya,
heard that orders for his arrest had been issued, and therefore went
back. Galvez became justly indignant at the conduct of Cornejo's
agents.
[Sidenote: SALVADOR SECEDES.]
The president of the republic started from Guatemala on the 29th of
December, 1831, accompanied by his ministers, and journeyed toward
San Salvador without any military force other than his body-guard;
consequently Cornejo had no cause to apprehend any sudden blow at his
authority.[VI-24] Nevertheless, on the 6th of January, 1832, Cornejo
broke out in open rebellion, commanding the national executive, then
at Santa Ana, to quit the state forthwith or he would be driven away.
Morazan, having no means of resistance, obeyed. This insult to the
republic was followed next day, January 7, 1832, by an act declaring
the suspension of the federal compact and the secession of the state
of Salvador. Congress then empowered the executive to repel invasions.
The jefe of Guatemala admitted the obligation of his state to aid
the general government with all its means.[VI-25] The assembly of
Nicaragua, backed by the jefe Dionisio Herrera, who was a stanch friend
and supporter of Morazan, passed an act disallowing the legitimacy of
the Salvador authorities and their acts, and providing means to support
the federal government.[VI-26]
Costa Rica, through her minister of state, Joaquin Bernardo Calvo, in
a note from San José of March 3, 1832, to the government of Guatemala,
signified her readiness to support the laws, and with that end to
place at the disposal of the federal executive all the aid in her
power. A Guatemalan force was stationed on the frontier of Salvador,
first under Colonel Cárlos Salazar, and afterward under Colonel Juan
Prem, a distinguished officer of the campaign of 1829. Even now Galvez
hoped to avert war, sending commissioners to confer with Cornejo at
Ahuachapan. The latter received them, and appointed his own to continue
the conferences; but they were suddenly brought to an end without
results.[VI-27] Further efforts on behalf of peace were useless; the
contest had to be decided by war.[VI-28]
Morazan with a force of Salvador and Honduras men marched from
the river Lempa to Portillo. Cornejo had 600 men in Jocoro of the
department of San Miguel. The latter were signally defeated on the 14th
of March, losing 500 men in killed, wounded, and prisoners.[VI-29] This
was soon followed by pronunciamientos in several departments against
Cornejo and in favor of Morazan. The latter lost no time in marching
upon San Salvador, which he took by assault on the 28th of March,
notwithstanding the obstinate resistance of Cornejo and the garrison,
the assailing force being made up of Nicaraguans and Hondurans.[VI-30]
The state authorities were deposed, sent to Guatemala under a guard,
and subsequently tried by a special court created ex post facto, with
the name of jurado nacional.[VI-31] Morazan then assumed control of
Salvador until constitutional authorities should be reorganized.[VI-32]
This step, illegal as it was, gave dissatisfaction, not in Salvador
alone, but in the other states, which subsequently seceded from the
union; and though later retractions took place, it may be said that the
confederation was dissolved at this period.[VI-33]
Meantime, the federal congress had continued its sessions, striving
to promote the welfare of the country by a liberal policy. Among the
acts adopted at this time, and deserving special mention, was that
of May 2, 1832, abolishing the exclusiveness of the Roman religion,
and recognizing freedom of conscience and of worship.[VI-34] This
law, though practically of little effect, inasmuch as there were but
few foreigners in the country, showed that a spirit of toleration
was gaining ground. Another important measure was the adoption of
Livingston's Louisiana code, and trial by jury. This form of trial was
not understood by the people, and fortunately fell into disuse.
[Sidenote: ELEMENTS OF DISUNION.]
Notwithstanding the acts of disunion passed by the several states,
there was no serious disturbance during the remainder of 1832 or in
1833. In the middle of the latter year[VI-35] congress adjourned,
and there were fair prospects of peace. Indeed, the liberals had
been made to see the folly of disunion. The states, relinquishing
their antagonisms, quietly returned to the confederacy. The federal
government, on the 20th of April, 1833, convoked a new congress to
adjust differences. But now a new element of discord appeared. This
was the jealousy felt by the smaller states toward Guatemala, which
being larger in extent and population, naturally had a corresponding
influence in the national congress.[VI-36] These states demanded
an equal voice in that body, and insisted that this right should
be recognized before proceeding to the elections.[VI-37] Guatemala,
heeding the anxiety of the liberal leaders, assented to the demand.
Some of the states proceeded with their elections, but it soon became
obvious that the plan of compromise could not be satisfactory or
permanent, and it was dropped. The proposed congress accordingly did
not meet.[VI-38]
Rumors were current for some time in 1833 of an intended invasion of
Salvador by Arce, by sea from Acapulco,[VI-39] but they proved to be
unfounded. The federal government transferred its seat on the 5th of
February, 1834,[VI-40] first to Sonsonate, and later to San Salvador,
which for the time being quieted the jealous feeling of the several
states against Guatemala. But after a few weeks the dissensions between
the federal and state governments, of so frequent occurrence when the
former was in Guatemala, were renewed in San Salvador. On the 23d of
June, 1834, a fight took place between troops of the two parties, and
the affair ended in another overthrow of the local authorities,[VI-41]
who were proscribed under ex post facto laws.[VI-42] The state
government went first into the hands of General Salazar, who called
himself jefe provisorio, and afterward into those of the vice-president
of the republic. Neither had any legal authority in the premises.
This state of affairs caused dissatisfaction in Salvador. Political
disturbances were also experienced in other states. The flame of
discord was fanned everywhere by the oligarchs, who found their task
made easier by the extreme religious liberalism of the ruling party.
Their influence was felt when, on the 7th of February, 1835, after
San Salvador, together with a few surrounding towns, was constituted a
federal district,[VI-43] a new constitution, based on the former one of
1824, was generally rejected.[VI-44]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: ELECTION AND DEATH OF VALLE.]
Elections for supreme authorities of the republic were decreed on
the 2d of June, 1838. The end of Morazan's term was approaching, and
his popularity was to be again put to the test. There was really but
one man that could compete with him, José del Valle, who was leading
a retired life devoted to scientific and political studies; but his
reputation was a national one, eminently Central American, and a large
portion of the people summoned him to rulership. He was elected, but
died before the certificates of election were opened.
* * * * *
The death of Valle occurred on the 2d of March, 1834. The highest
honors were paid to his memory.[VI-45] This untoward event necessitated
another election to carry out the decree of June 1833, and José
Francisco Barrundia having declined to be a candidate, Morazan
encountered no opposition and was reëlected.[VI-46] For the office of
vice-president, no one having obtained the constitutional number of
votes, congress, on the 2d of June, 1834, chose from among candidates
having forty votes and upward José Gregorio Salazar, to be inducted
in office on the 16th. Mariano Prado, the former vice-president, had
been as such at the head of the federal executive authority in 1831;
but he was chosen jefe of the state of Salvador, and took charge of
that office on the 25th of July following. The vice-presidency and the
office of a state jefe were incompatible. He chose the latter, and was
most unfortunate in the discharge of its duties. There being then no
vice-president, José Gregorio Salazar had charge of the executive in
1834 as the senior senator, Morazan having for a time, and with the
permission of the senate, absented himself. Upon being elected on the
2d of June, Salazar continued in charge, and it was by his order that
the federal authorities transferred themselves to the city of Santa Ana
during San Martin's insurrection against the national government. The
day after the inauguration of Morazan for the second presidential term,
congress closed its session.[VI-47]
No important event affecting the confederation occurred during the
remainder of 1835, but the atmosphere was filled with folly and
misrule, foreboding the storm which was to make of Central America for
many a day the theatre of the bloodiest of civil wars.
* * * * *
It has been shown that the party in power pursued in general a liberal
policy—too liberal, in fact, as later events proved. In view of the
tardy development of the country in the old way, inducements were
offered for foreign immigration, and an English company was organized
for the purpose of fostering colonization in the department of Vera
Paz.[VI-48] Settlers were sent out, and several hundred thousand
dollars expended, but the scheme failed because of unskilful and
dishonest management.[VI-49] Nevertheless, the servile party turned
this incident to account, filling the minds of the lower classes,
especially the Indians, with prejudice against the government, which it
accused of an intent to exterminate the native population by throwing
open the country to foreign influence, religion, and administration of
justice. The innovations in this last respect had, more than anything
else, imbittered the natives, and on the 6th of March led to an
outbreak at Ostuncalco, where the Indians had become irritated at being
compelled to work at the construction of prisons.[VI-50] An armed force
was sent to quell the disturbance, out of which the judges and some
officials had great difficulty to escape with life.
[Sidenote: REVOLT AND CHOLERA.]
Scarcely was this trouble over when a worse one stole in—the cholera.
The scourge began its ravages in Central America early in 1837,[VI-51]
and soon spread throughout the towns of the republic. The governments
of the different states, and notably that of Guatemala, used the
utmost efforts to relieve suffering. Physicians and medical students,
provided with medicines, were despatched to the several districts.
But their efforts were largely frustrated by the opposition of the
servile party, which never ceased its work even in these days of awful
distress. Determined to bring to an end the influence of the liberals,
the servile party hesitated at nothing. All means to that end were
made available. The priests made the ignorant masses believe that the
waters had been poisoned in order to destroy the natives and make way
for foreigners.[VI-52] Their deviltry was crowned with success. The
low murmurs of hatred soon swelled to loud cries of vengeance against
the government and foreign residents. Several physicians became the
victims of popular fury, being put to death with cruel tortures.[VI-53]
Others barely escaped death. The greatest violence was in the district
of Mita, where it assumed the form of a general insurrection. The
government despatched a body of troops to dissolve a large assemblage
of insurrectionists. The instructions were to use gentle means to allay
the disturbance, resorting to force only in case of necessity. The
magistrate of the district, having imprudently left the strong body
of infantry behind, had no sooner attempted to explain his mission
than the mob fell upon him and his guard of forty dragoons, killing a
number of them and putting the rest to flight. This was on the 9th of
June.[VI-54] The leader of the mob on this occasion was Rafael Carrera,
a mixed-breed, who now for the first time, at the age of twenty-one,
possibly a few years older, appeared on the stage, to become afterward
the bitterest foe of the liberal party, and eventually the dictator of
the country.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: RAFAEL CARRERA.]
Rafael Carrera was a native of Guatemala, of Indian descent, of a
violent, irascible, and uncommunicative disposition, base-born,
ignorant, though gifted with talents, bold, determined, and
persevering. From common servant he became a pig-driver, and while such
obtained much influence among the lower class of Indians—an influence
which was due no less to his blood connections and the force of
circumstances than to his bravery and capabilities.[VI-55]
Carrera was at first a mere tool of the priests, and seemed to have
been a believer of the lies they had circulated. After he became
powerful, they and their allies, the so-called nobles, humored his
idiosyncrasies, and often had to put up with his insults and abuse. He
had upon them the heel of insane revolt.[VI-56]