CENTRAL AMERICAN CONFEDERATION.
1822-1825.
SECESSION FROM MEXICO—ARZÚ'S CAMPAIGN—PREVARICATION OF
SALVADOR—FILISOLA'S VICTORY—HIS SUBSEQUENT COURSE—LIBERAL
TRIUMPH IN COSTA RICA—HONDURAS FAVORS UNION—NATIONAL
INDEPENDENCE SECURED—LABORS TO ORGANIZE A NATION—THE
CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY—PROVINCIAS UNIDAS DEL CENTRO
DE AMÉRICA—ABOLITION OF AFRICAN SLAVERY—PROVISIONAL
GOVERNMENT—MODERADOS OR SERVILES—LIBERALES OR
FIEBRES—PRINCIPLES AND AIMS OF PARTIES—MEXICAN
FORCES RETIRE—SEDITIONS BEGIN—SALVADORAN FORCE IN
GUATEMALA—CONFEDERACION DE CENTRO AMÉRICA—FUNDAMENTAL
LAW—FINANCES—ADJOURNMENT OF THE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY.
[Sidenote: DEFEAT OF ARZÚ.]
Arce's invasion of territory occupied by Guatemala afforded the latter
a sufficient pretext, if any were needed, to declare war against her
high-spirited and troublesome neighbor. Colonel Arzú was thereupon
despatched on the 19th of March, 1822, at the head of a force, which
in a few days had been increased to 1,000 men, to bring Salvador under
subjection. Arzú's dilatory movements, however, defeated the object
of the expedition.[IV-1] He lost two months and more waiting for
reënforcements and artillery, and by indecision as to whether or not
he should heed the protestations of the Salvadorans.[IV-2] The latter
employed the time thus gained in fortifying their city, though short
of arms to equip a sufficient garrison. Aroused at last by Gainza's
positive commands, Arzú continued his march,[IV-3] and avoiding the
fortifications of San Salvador, entered the city on the 3d of June,
taking its defenders by surprise.[IV-4] Having now every advantage,
Arzú might have made himself master of the place had he not carelessly
permitted his troops to disband for purposes of plunder. The result
was, that the Salvadorans had time to rally, and a street fight
ensued, ending with the total discomfiture of Arzú and his force, who
with the loss of their arms were driven from the city.[IV-5] Had the
victors made the most of their success, they might have annihilated
the invading force; but they failed to conduct the pursuit with any
skill.[IV-6]
Arzú's defeat produced a deep impression in Guatemala, where such a
result had been unexpected, the expedition having been fitted out with
the utmost care. Fears began to be entertained that the Salvadorans
might become aggressors and invade Guatemala. The friends of Mexico
were therefore much pleased on hearing that the Mexican commander,
Filisola, had been ordered to supersede Gainza, who was summoned to
Mexico.[IV-7] With about 600 men Filisola arrived in Guatemala on
the 12th of June, 1822, and ten days later took possession of the
government. He inaugurated a comparatively good state of affairs;
for though as a supporter of the Mexican cause, and specially of the
empire, he aimed at consolidation, yet his policy was a conciliatory
one.[IV-8] He endeavored to obtain the assent of Salvador to union
with Mexico without resorting to force. At first his course presented
a promising aspect, inasmuch as the representatives of the former
apparently made little objection; and on the news of Iturbide's call to
the Mexican throne, among the many congratulations received by Filisola
were those of Salvador, delivered by a special deputation. But the
object, as it turned out, was merely to gain time. The negotiations
were continued several months, hostilities having been suspended
by both belligerents, till early in September it was agreed that
further negotiations should be carried on directly with the executive
and congress of Mexico.[IV-9] This agreement was not carried out,
however, owing to new difficulties raised by San Salvador. Filisola,
who evidently would not assume the responsibility of war, referred
the whole matter to Mexico for instructions. Iturbide, who had just
dissolved the Mexican congress for its opposition to his plans,[IV-10]
felt no inclination to permit little San Salvador to dictate the terms
of union, and disallowing the armistice concluded by Filisola, ordered
him to begin hostilities forthwith if unconditional submission were
refused.[IV-11]
[Sidenote: FILISOLA'S CAMPAIGN.]
Leaving his second officer, Colonel Codallos, in charge of the
government at Guatemala, Filisola began the military operations toward
the end of November, taking possession of Santa Ana and marching[IV-12]
upon the city of San Salvador, after having routed several small
hostile detachments which attempted to check his progress. At the same
time he published the decree of the Mexican government of November
4th, making of Central America, or the former captain-generalcy of
Guatemala, three comandancias generales, namely, those of Chiapas,
Sacatepequez, and Costa Rica, the capitals being respectively Ciudad
Real, Nueva Guatemala, and Leon in Nicaragua.[IV-13] The government
of San Salvador was in a precarious situation; although disposing
of an army whose numerical force and equipment were not inferior to
Filisola's, yet it had neither discipline nor experienced officers.
The few encounters which had already taken place between the two
forces had made it evident that the Salvadorans could not cope with
Filisola's military skill. Under the circumstances, the authorities
of San Salvador resolved upon incorporation with Mexico, and demanded
that Filisola should proceed no farther. They declined to inform him of
the terms under which they would submit to annexation, though offering
to lay them before the congress in Mexico. They based this action on
the ground that if their purpose became known in Salvador a revolution
would certainly follow.[IV-14]
The Mexican commander paid no heed to these ambiguous statements, which
he considered devices to gain time, and continued his march.[IV-15]
[Sidenote: FALL OF ITURBIDE.]
It was at this critical moment that the congress of San Salvador,
carried away by hatred to Guatemala and Mexico, resolved upon a
singular step. On the 2d of December, 1822, the act of incorporation
with Mexico was repealed, and the state was placed under the
protectorate of the Anglo-American states, as an integral portion
thereof. Solemn protests were made in the name of that republic
against Filisola's hostile acts. A member of the congress, Juan Manuel
Rodriguez, was commissioned to make known the incorporation to the
government of the United States.[IV-16] For a short time it seems
that hopes were entertained of an armed protection on the part of
the northern republic in favor of the new acquisition; but soon the
folly of such expectations became apparent. Filisola disregarded the
protests,[IV-17] and after several victorious encounters, routed the
Salvadorans under Arce at Mejicanos,[IV-18] and entered the city of
San Salvador without further opposition on the 9th of February, 1823.
Filisola fulfilled the promise he had made the preceding day to the
ayuntamiento, that he would respect all rights, and not treat the
town as a conquered country. The only Salvadoran force remaining was
compelled, on the 21st of February, to surrender at Gualcince, a town
on the other side of the Lempa River.[IV-19] This was the end of the
war.[IV-20] Arce, who departed for the United States, wrote Filisola
from Belize a letter full of firmness and dignity, meanwhile thanking
him for his humane conduct. Delgado remained at his hacienda. The
local authorities swore allegiance to the Mexican empire. Filisola now
returned to Guatemala,[IV-21] where he arrived about the 6th or 7th
of March. He had already received the news of the movement in Mexico
resulting in the overthrow of Iturbide. It was this that hastened his
return to Guatemala, and induced him to adopt a course opposed to his
last instructions from Mexico. Granada, in Nicaragua, had not been
reduced to obedience. Governor Gonzalez Saravia had asked for troops
to accomplish it, but Filisola declined to employ coercion; and after
informing him and Juan Fernandez Lindo, governor of Honduras,[IV-22]
as well as other officials in the provinces, of the state of affairs in
Mexico, assured them that he would take no important step without first
obtaining their assent. Indeed, after he convinced himself that the
imperial government had fallen never to rise again, he arrived at the
conclusion that he had no right to keep annexed to Mexico the Central
American provinces; as the annexation had been made solely, as claimed
by Mexico and her supporters, for the sake of securing stability to
their government, and the respect which would be afforded it from a
long distance by a great and wealthy country. All this prestige had
disappeared, owing to the revolution at Casa Mata in Mexico,[IV-23] the
paper money, and other arrangements made by Iturbide with reference to
these provinces.
Being asked to summon a congress of all the provinces of Central
America, he complied, issuing a decree on the 29th of March, 1823,
with the view of carrying out the acta of September 15, 1821, which
had been annulled by the incorporation of the country with Mexico.
This was tantamount to a recognition of the independence of Central
America from Mexico.[IV-24] His decree was hailed with joy by the party
friendly to absolute independence. The Mexican or imperialist party
was vanquished, and the people were ready to take an active part in the
coming elections. Peace was not only temporarily restored in Guatemala
and Salvador, but in Nicaragua and Costa Rica party struggles were
brought to a close.
In Granada, Ordoñez had continued committing many outrages.[IV-25]
He had successfully repulsed Saravia, who had come against him from
Leon. The latter was in the act of preparing another expedition, when
Filisola's decree was promulgated, and he was summoned to Guatemala.
Nicaragua subsequently constituted a junta gubernativa of its
own.[IV-26]
In Costa Rica, Saravia, with the aid of Bishop Jerez, attempted to
force the province into the union with Mexico, and with that view
endeavored to overthrow the provincial government established at
Cartago. A conspiracy was planned there, and its authors, seconded
in Ciudad Vieja, openly espoused the cause of Iturbide on the 29th
of March. The men of the liberal party fled to San José, and after
strengthening their ranks there and at Alajuela, attacked the
imperialists on the field of Las Lagunas, near Cartago, and defeated
them.[IV-27] The town had to surrender, and was occupied by the
victorious independents, but the seat of government remained in San
José.[IV-28]
In Honduras, the provincial assembly resolved on the 10th of May to
enter into the union with the other provinces of Central America, with
the view of constituting an independent nation.[IV-29]
[Sidenote: SEPARATION FROM MEXICO.]
Central America then, after a fifteen months' connection with
Mexico, was again in the same position it had occupied at the time
of separation from Spain. No advantages had been derived from that
union; but, on the contrary, numerous heavy taxes had exhausted the
country, though the treasury was invariably empty. The whole country
was suffering from other consequences of the internal wars, in the
form of abuses on the part of unscrupulous political parties and
military chiefs; none worse, however, than the military sway imposed
by Mexico.[IV-30] There have not been wanting those who believe the
separation from the northern republic was a false step.[IV-31] The
people had for centuries lived under the same superior government,
subject only to the Spanish crown. Then followed a period when they
often faced one another as foes. Now they were invited to sit side by
side and discuss measures for the benefit of the great family to which
they all belonged. The elections were conducted with enthusiasm on
the part of the republicans, the field having been left to them by the
imperialists.[IV-32]
Congress assembled on the 24th of June, 1823,[IV-33] under the
presidency of José Matías Delgado,[IV-34] the installation being
graced by the presence of Filisola and the municipal council of the
city.[IV-35]
On the 2d of July following it assumed the name of Asamblea Nacional
Constituyente. The body was in session nineteen months, closing its
labors on the 23d of January, 1825. Its work was momentous, having to
organize a government imbued with the prevailing liberal spirit; to
improve the imperilled finances; to establish relations with foreign
powers; and, what was of the highest importance, to bring unity out
of chaos. The first step toward the accomplishment of these purposes
was taken on the 1st of July, 1823, with the adoption of the ordinance
which declared the provinces of the former captain-generalcy of
Guatemala to be free and independent states, confederated into a nation
under the name of Provincias Unidas del Centro de América.[IV-36]
Inasmuch as a considerable number of representatives had not arrived
on that date, the ordinance was subsequently ratified on the 1st of
October.[IV-37] The new confederation was recognized by Mexico only a
little more than a year after.[IV-38]
[Sidenote: ORGANIZATION.]
Shortly after independence was proclaimed, a division of the powers
of government into three branches was resolved on; namely, the
legislative, to be vested in the asamblea; the executive, composed
of three members, to be elected by and to be subject to that body;
and the judicial, to be exercised by the existing courts.[IV-39] The
executive, as then constituted, was to be merely provisional, and until
a fundamental code should give it a permanent organization. The public
debt was recognized; the catholic religion was declared to be that of
the state; and freedom of the press decreed.
From the moment that the choice of the executive occupied the attention
of the assembly a division of parties became manifest. The friends of
absolute independence formed a large majority; those of the former
Mejicanistas were few in number. The larger portion of the deputies
was composed of the best men of the country, whatever their party
affiliations, and their intentions were upright. Those of moderate
views from all sections formed themselves into one party, and went
by the name of moderados; their opponents applying to them the
epithets of servil and aristócrata.[IV-40] The radicals formed another
organization, and were called fiebres and liberales, their enemies also
giving them the appellation of anarquistas.
The liberal party advocated the establishment of a federal republic,
and as a rule was guided by a liberal patriotism, and a desire to
see the abolishment of unjust privileges and antiquated vices in the
government. Its opponents, in favor of a centralized government and
the continuation of the old fueros, struggled against the restrictions
that were being put to the influence of Guatemala. Nevertheless, a
liberal spirit predominated for a time, and three well-known liberals
were chosen to constitute the executive authority, namely, Manuel José
Arce,[IV-41] Doctor Pedro Molina, and Juan Vicente Villacorta.[IV-42]
It must be acknowledged that this government was not a strong one,
the only man of superior talent in it being Molina, and he had little
experience wherewith to found a republic and manage its affairs at such
a critical period.
A constantly increasing coolness between the government and Filisola
became intensified when the deputies from Costa Rica and Nicaragua
refused to occupy their seats in the assembly while a Mexican army
had virtual sway over the capital. Complaints also came from various
quarters, of abuses committed by the Mexican soldiers,[IV-43] and
demands were made for their departure. Some time elapsed in discussions
and negotiations, partly because of difficulty in raising the needed
funds. But finally, all obstacles being removed, Filisola departed with
his force on the 3d of August, 1823, leaving behind him a good name,
which was little affected by charges preferred against him at a later
date.[IV-44]
The liberals now were at greater liberty to carry out their plans,
which involved, among other things, the disappearance of old practices,
including titles and compellations,[IV-45] not even the hackneyed 'don'
escaping the general reformatory tendency.[IV-46] A coat of arms was
likewise decreed, showing the national name in golden letters,[IV-47]
as also a flag, the latter consisting of three horizontal stripes, the
middle one being white, with the national coat of arms about half-way
from the mast, and the other two blue.
[Illustration: SEAL OF CENTRAL AMERICA.]
[Sidenote: DECREES OF THE GOVERNMENT.]
Among other decrees enacted by the assembly in 1823, the following are
worthy of mention: One of August 21st, to annul all acts of the late
imperial government affecting Central America; one of August 26th,
declaring the 15th of September to be the national anniversary, and
how it was to be observed—this decree was reiterated by the legislative
assembly on the 15th of October, 1834; one of October 27th, directing
the Central American deputies—those of Chiapas excepted—to withdraw
from the Mexican congress; and one of November 15th, to form a general
census.[IV-48]
[Sidenote: ARIZA'S REVOLT.]
Another measure adopted was that which authorized the executive to
dismiss without formality all officials having their appointments
from the Spanish or Mexican governments. Little discretion was shown
in this, and discontent resulted, which was made manifest in the
opposition met with by every measure of the government, even such
as were generally recognized to be of public utility. Financial and
military affairs were in the worst possible condition. To improve the
former was a difficult task, the expenses being greater than during
the colonial period, and several branches of revenue, which formerly
yielded considerable resources, having disappeared with the old
dependence.[IV-49] As to the army, the greater part of it had been
disbanded, and only one battalion of the regular force and a few bodies
of militia formed the entire defensive power of the republic. The
government was almost at the mercy of a handful of men, and it was not
long before they exhibited their lack of discipline and loyalty. The
soldiers had for some time past shown dissatisfaction at the neglect of
the government to pay them their dues. Under the circumstances, it was
rather easy to prevail on them to revolt, and it was done, the leader
being Captain Rafael Ariza y Torres.[IV-50] The authorities, though
aware of his machinations, had taken no decisive measures to defeat
them,[IV-51] other than commissioning Ignacio Larrazábal to make an
investigation. Ariza, fearing that delay might cause the failure of
his plan, in the evening of the 13th of September assumed the title of
commander-in-chief of the forces; and the next morning[IV-52] volleys
of musketry and other manifestations apprised the alarmed inhabitants
of the insurrection. A scene of excitement ensued. The assembly hastily
met, and amidst the confusion a messenger came from Ariza to assure the
chamber of his loyal disposition toward the government, and to add in
explanation that the position of commander had been forced upon him by
the troops. The messenger was peremptorily ordered to retire without
receiving any answer. A number of enthusiastic citizens assailed
a portion of Ariza's men, only to be driven back to the university
building, where the assembly held its sittings. A show of defence
was made there,[IV-53] to enable the assemblymen to seek safety in
flight. Few of their number remained. Negotiations were then begun to
prevent the commission of outrages by the mutinous soldiers,[IV-54] and
the government finally gave way, and conferred on Ariza the title of
commander-in-chief; he thereupon took the official oath on that day.
The concession was made only to gain time, hopes being entertained that
the auxiliaries summoned from the surrounding country and other states
would soon arrive.
The rebellious captain had in the mean time begun to realize his
awkward position. Assuming a submissive tone, he protested his
readiness to obey the government; whereupon he was commanded to leave
the city and retire to Antigua, where his force dispersed before any
coercive action on the part of the government and its allies became
necessary. Ariza himself escaped by flight the punishment which his
reckless behavior deserved.[IV-55]
But the difficulties were not yet over. The feeble conduct of the
government, and the humiliating concessions it had made to the rebel,
reflected so much discredit that the labors of the moderado party
for the election of a new executive now gave promise of fruitful
results.[IV-56] On the 4th of October congress reassembled, and the
same day Villacorta, Molina, and Rivera tendered their resignations,
which were accepted; and in their stead, on the 4th of October, Manuel
José Arce was again elected, together with José del Valle and Tomás
O'Horan,[IV-57] and as substitutes for the two first, then absent, José
Santiago Milla and Villacorta, the same person who had resigned.[IV-58]
The new government found at once its attention engrossed by the
troublesome situation, which had arisen from the coming of a Salvadoran
force, called to help against the revolting soldiers. Although
forbidden to approach the city, and ordered to return home, it refused
to comply,[IV-59] and on the 12th of October entered the city of
Guatemala, all remonstrances to the contrary having proved unavailing.
The Salvadorans occupied the capital three weeks, during which rumors
were rife of their plans to pillage the place in retaliation of
Guatemalan troops having occupied San Salvador the previous year.
Brawls and fights between them and soldiers from other provinces were
of daily occurrence.
The regular garrison and all the inhabitants breathed more freely when
at last, on the 3d of November, the unwelcome guests departed.[IV-60]
The same day the auxiliary troops from Quezaltenango, who had been of
good use in keeping others somewhat in check, also returned home.
[Sidenote: A CONSTITUTION.]
The labors of the assembly had been continued in the mean time, and
on the 17th of December, 1823, were decreed and published the bases
of the constitution for the republic,[IV-61] adopting a popular,
representative, federal form of government. Each one of the five
states, Guatemala, Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica, which
were to form the confederation of Central America, was to have the
same division of powers, and with the same functions, in its internal
administration, as the general government with respect to the whole
republic.[IV-62]
The labors of framing the constitution lasted a year longer, and were
terminated only on the 22d of November, 1824, when the fundamental law
of the Central American republic was promulgated, strict obedience
thereto being solemnly sworn on the 15th of April, 1825,[IV-63] and
ratified by the national congress five months later, namely, on the
1st of September. While discussing the constitution, both the liberal
and moderado parties used their best efforts for the adoption of
their respective principles. The former triumphed, being especially
strong in the provinces, whereas its antagonists resided chiefly in
the capital. Although a number of good and able men were among the
members of the congress, their good purposes were repeatedly balked
by party spirit; and thus only an imperfect result was obtained in
the constitution adopted November 22, 1824.[IV-64] It was the first
effort to define the rules for the government of a country which
at that time was beginning the life of an independent nation. The
constitution of the United States had been taken as a model; but it had
not been borne in mind that a difference existed between the people
of the northern and Central American republics at the time when they
respectively gained their independence. However good the intentions of
the framers of the Central American constitution, they fell short of
their object; for in adopting certain forms, altogether inappropriate,
they also introduced contradictory clauses. No provision was made for
a federal district to hold the national capital. Thus Guatemala, where
the federal authorities then and afterward resided, became also the
seat of the state government, and in the course of time collisions
were unavoidable.[IV-65] The constitution further defined the rights
of property and liberty of thought, as well as freedom of the press,
and placed the chief authority of the republic in the hands of
congress,[IV-66] in addition to the legislative power with which it was
vested. Laws were to be enacted by the two houses forming the congress,
one of which was the senate, whose members were also elected by the
people, two for every state. This body acted as an executive council,
with a general supervision to see that the different high officials
and magistrates faithfully discharged their duties. Its president was
ex officio vice-president of the republic.[IV-67] A supreme court of
justice was also created, the members being, like those of congress and
senate, chosen by popular vote.[IV-68]
[Sidenote: SLAVERY ABOLISHED.]
Among the most important laws enacted were those of December 31, 1823,
and April 17 and 24, 1824, which emancipated all slaves, and made
free slaves of other countries coming to Central America.[IV-69] The
slave-trade was prohibited, under the penalty of forfeiture of the
rights of citizenship.[IV-70] Of all the nations of North America,
to the Central American republic belongs the honor of having first
practically abolished slavery.[IV-71]
The new republic also took a deep interest in a project for the union
of all the American states.[IV-72] The project failed, because of its
impracticability. The particulars of this subject are given in treating
of the famous Panamá congress of American nations.
The exhausted condition of the treasury appearing to be the chief
impediment to all projected improvements, the remedy was looked for in
a foreign loan, about $7,000,000 being borrowed on rather favorable
terms from a London firm.[IV-73] The tobacco and customs revenues
were pledged toward its repayment.[IV-74] It is understood that a
portion of the money was applied to strengthening the fortifications,
and the remainder was distributed among the states for their local
requirements.
The initiation and execution of the different measures I have made
mention of, and others of less magnitude, were the work of the
constituent assembly, which closed its session on the 23d of January,
1825. If all its resolutions were not wise ones, allowance must be made
for the many difficulties that were in the way, and a full recognition
given its members of the good faith and assiduity with which they
performed their work.[IV-75]