INDEPENDENCE ACHIEVED.
1818-1821.
PRESIDENT CÁRLOS URRUTIA—HIS LIBERAL VIEWS—COLOMBIAN
ASSAULTS—SPANISH CONSTITUTION RESTORED—THE
GAZISTAS, OR BACOS—THE CACOS—JOSÉ DEL VALLE—PEDRO
MOLINA—LIBERAL INSTITUTIONS—EXTENT OF THE POLITICAL
GOVERNMENT—ECCLESIASTICAL ADMINISTRATION—WORK OF AMERICAN
DEPUTIES—PARTY EXCITEMENT IN GUATEMALA—URRUTIA DELEGATES
HIS POWERS—SUBSTITUTE PRESIDENT GAVINO GAINZA—CHIAPAS
AND HER GOVERNMENT—SHE SECEDES FROM SPAIN AND JOINS THE
MEXICAN EMPIRE—GUATEMALA DECLARES FOR INDEPENDENCE—JUNTA
GUBERNATIVA—CONVOCATION OF A CONGRESS.
Successor to Bustamante in the position of governor, president,
and captain-general, in March 1818, was Lieutenant-general Cárlos
Urrutia,[II-1] knight grand cross of the military order of San
Hermenegildo, which entitled him to be called excelentísimo señor. It
was a difficult position. The country was at peace, it is true, but
a political volcano was at work, and no one could foretell when the
upheaval of revolution might occur,[II-2] letting loose the elements
of destruction, as had happened in other parts of Spanish America.
However, another constitutional term under the Spanish monarch was
about being inaugurated, and this fact helped to bring on definitive
results.
Urrutia was a man of experience, with a well-balanced mind, whose
political opinions leaned to the side of progress. He would have been
well adapted to guide the course of events in Central America had
it not been for the infirmities of old age. Guatemala, being as yet
under the sway of Spain, was open to attack from the enemies of that
government, or at least, to such action as they might adopt in aid
of the disaffected portion of the people to secure their country's
independence. The latter was the plan of the Colombian insurgents in
fitting out a combined sea and land expedition to operate against the
ports of Omoa and Trujillo in 1820.[II-3]
[Sidenote: ATTACK ON TRUJILLO.]
On the 21st of April the watch-tower at Capiro, in Trujillo,
announced the approach of a Colombian flotilla of small vessels from
the windward. The garrison, commanded by José M. Palomar, at once
made preparations for emergencies. The flotilla, consisting of two
brigantines, four large and as many small schooners, one felucca, and
one sloop, under Commodore Aury, sailed in at two o'clock,[II-4] and
despatched a boat to shore to demand the surrender of the place within
one hour. Nothing further was done on that day, however; but early the
next morning the flotilla moved toward the mouth of the Guaimoreto,
and after reconnoitering the defences, opened a bombardment with ball
and grape-shot on the intrenchment and demolished it, which compelled
the defenders to fall back. The assailants landed 400 men and 15
horses, and advanced against the garrison, meeting with a repulse at
the fourth parapet. The garrison retreated to the fifth line, at which
the enemy was a second time driven back. The vessels fired broadside
upon broadside on the shore batteries, which were warmly returned.
The bombardment was kept up from nine A. M. till two P. M., when the
flotilla retired out of reach of the batteries. A portion of the land
force then attempted to enter the town by the rear of it, but was
detected and compelled to retire. Early in the morning of the 23d,
the invading troops returned to the vessels, leaving their horses; and
soon afterward the flotilla put to sea, each vessel firing a broadside,
on passing Point Castilla, against the watch-tower. During the night
of the 24th the Colombian vessels dropped out of sight.[II-5] On the
25th the flotilla appeared off Omoa, and for several days was making
attempts to effect a landing, which being unsuccessful, it retired on
the 6th of May, after setting fire to the larger brig, which had been
damaged by the fire from the town.
* * * * *
Fernando VII., under compulsion, restored the constitution of 1812
throughout his dominions. On the 9th of March, 1820, he swore to
support it, and the next day issued a manifesto conveying an apology
for having set it aside in 1814, and giving plausible reasons for
his present change of mind. On the 11th of April he issued another
manifesto, addressed to the people of America, expressing sorrow at
not having sooner reinstated the constitutional government. In another
decree of April 15th he restores to full force and vigor all decrees
of the córtes, both the extraordinary and ordinary, for the better
government and progress of the provinces in America.
It seems that Brigadier Gavino Gainza, appointed sub-inspector-general
of the forces in Central America, was commissioned to bring out
the royal proclamations and decrees for the reinstatement of the
constitution, and of the laws which were passed under it by the córtes.
There is nothing to show the precise time of his arrival in Guatemala,
but it will suffice to state that the diputacion provincial was
installed at the capital on the 13th of July.
At a preparatory sitting of the córtes, on the 26th of June, 1820,
Juan N. San Juan and José Sacasa were present as representatives from
Guatemala, and on the 2d of August Juan N. Tuero, or Fuero, presented
his credentials as a deputy elected from Chiapas for the córtes of
1815-16, which body he found closed on arriving in Spain at the end of
1814.[II-6] The necessity of such a diputacion was ably discussed in
the córtes on the 30th of April, 1821, by Deputy Hermosilla, seconded
by Deputy Milla, both supporting the report of the committee on the
subject. On the 17th of June the chamber was officially informed
of the installation of the diputacion, and commended its patriotic
labors.[II-7]
The 'junta suprema de censura,' created to adjudicate upon alleged
offences against the law regulating the press, had, on the 9th of
August, 1820, nominated, and the córtes confirmed, the members of the
junta de censura for Guatemala.[II-8]
[Sidenote: BACOS AND CACOS.]
The reëstablishment of the constitutional régime under such favorable
circumstances soon brought into life two great parties that for a
long time bore the respective names of Gazista, or Baco, and Caco.
The gazista, with José del Valle as its leader,[II-9] was made up
of Spaniards and artisans. The cacos recognized as their chieftain
José María Delgado.[II-10] Their party was composed of members of
the nobility, and of the men calling themselves independents. This
party from the first aspired to independence, and its candidates were
taken from the independent wing at the election of deputies and other
officials.
The gazistas, or bacos, were numerous and strong, for they had in
their ranks the rulers, many wealthy merchants, and the artisans, and
abundant funds at command, which were scattered without stint among the
needy and ignorant, who were ready enough to sell their votes.[II-11]
They likewise strengthened their influence with the lower class by
means of a pretended hostility to the aristocracy, or to what from that
time went by the name of 'espíritu de familia.' They won the elections,
but their triumph proved to be far from a solid one.
The cacos now resolved to use every endeavor to accomplish
independence. The connection with the aristocratic element was a
drawback; and the absolute necessity of winning over the mechanics
being recognized, a middle party was at once organized, which attached
itself to the independents, and would have no connection with the
nobles. This arrangement facilitated the accomplishment of the object
in view.
The political struggle was now fairly inaugurated. Pedro Molina[II-12]
began the publication of _El Editor Constitucional_, to defend
American rights. The _Amigo de la Patria_ appeared at the same time,
and often opposed Molina's radical doctrines. Urrutia, now styling
himself jefe político y capitan general, made an address to the
people, congratulating them and himself on the happy termination of
the election in the several parishes, and giving assurances that every
voter should have full liberty to cast his vote for representative in
the general congress, the diputacion, and the ayuntamiento.[II-13] A
portion of his address was specially devoted to artisans and laboring
men, whom he warned not to allow themselves to be tampered with to the
discredit of the government on the question of trade in cotton goods;
for, he told them, it was a positive misconception that the government
had it in view to decree freedom of foreign trade; on the contrary, it
had endeavored to check illegal traffic, which had been carried on to
the detriment of national interests and the royal treasury.
The measures adopted by him had to some extent corrected that evil. By
making the traders pay import dues, the treasury had profited, and the
people had been saved from new taxes. Formerly, English goods were paid
for wholly in coin; now, only one sixth of their cost was covered with
money, and the remainder with the produce of the country.[II-14]
* * * * *
The gobierno político de Guatemala had jurisdiction over the same
extent of country as the metropolitan,[II-15] namely, 214 leagues from
the ejidos of Motocinta on the west, and 116 leagues from Golfo Dulce
on the Atlantic, to the Pacific coast.[II-16]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: ARCHBISHOPS.]
The first archbishop of Guatemala appointed by the Spanish crown in
the present century was Luis Peñalver y Cárdenas,[II-17] who reached
his see the 3d of June, 1802, and on the 26th took possession.
During his brief incumbency he founded several rectorships, and two
primary schools for girls. His sight becoming seriously affected,
he relinquished the mitre, and returned to his native city, secretly
departing March 1, 1806.[II-18]
Rafael de la Vara de la Madrid, Peñalver's successor, arrived in
Acajutla on the 13th of December, 1807; in Guatemala city on the 4th of
January, 1808; and on the 3d of February took possession of his office.
In April 1809 he visited the province of Vera Paz, where he died on
the 31st of December, much regretted, as he had endeared himself by his
peaceable disposition and affability.[II-19]
Antonio Bergoza y Jordan, bishop of Oajaca, was nominated for the
succession, but declined the position.
The next and eighth archbishop of the diocese was Ramon Casaus y
Torres, nominated by the supreme council of regency on the 30th
of March, 1811; who entered the capital on the 30th of July, and
being a consecrated bishop, at once began to perform episcopal
functions.[II-20] His nomination was ratified by the king on the 27th
of August, 1814; the papal bulls of confirmation were issued on the
15th of March, 1815, and Casaus received the pallium on the 28th of
September of the same year.
* * * * *
At the sitting of the Spanish córtes on the 25th of June, 1821, the
American deputies laid before that body a memorial setting forth the
condition of their provinces, and the measures which, in their opinion,
would lead to a definitive peace. They not only assured their Spanish
colleagues that Americans were fully conscious of their rights as
freemen, but also of their determination and ability to defend them;
nevertheless, if those rights were respected, and justice was done,
existing difficulties might be obliterated. They believed, however,
that a constitutional system would be impracticable in America, unless
new and efficacious measures were adopted to enable the three branches
of government to act freely within their respective bounds, and
likewise to make effective the responsibility of public officials for
their acts. Another point upon which they laid stress was the inutility
of American deputies at the Spanish córtes unless they were effectively
upheld from their respective countries. They found other faults with
the existing government, and declared that the solution of the great
problem would be found in the establishment of autonomic governments in
America.
[Sidenote: RIPE FOR INDEPENDENCE.]
Commerce between Spanish America and the mother country should be
treated as internal trade, the Americans having equal rights and
privileges with their brethren of Europe. The same equality in respect
to civil rights and appointment to office was likewise to exist between
the natives of America and Spain. If such demands were conceded, Mexico
and Central America would pay to Spain ten million dollars within six
years, in yearly installments from January 1, 1823, to be applied to
the cancelling of the national debt. They would also allow Spain two
million dollars yearly for the support of the royal navy.[II-21]
It was now too late, however, for conciliatory efforts to be
successful. Events crowded upon each other, and were beyond the control
even of the men who made them. Central America was at peace, but the
constitutional system recently established, with its popular elections
and a free press, after the spirit of nationality had gained so much
ground, naturally tended to excite the public mind, emboldening the
timid, and increasing the number of the friends of independence. Party
spirit controlled everything; it was felt even in the domestic circle.
The people were prepared and anxious for a change, when vague rumors
were set afloat of renewed revolutionary efforts in Mexico.[II-22]
Party leaders were of one mind on the desirability of separation. It
was generally admitted that the subjection of the country to Spain
could no longer be maintained. Only a few high officials and Spaniards
dissented. Now was the time, if ever, for a sound head and strong
hand to helm the ship of state. Urrutia, owing to age and physical
ailings, was not the man for the occasion; nor was he, though opposed
to the scheme of secession, able to retard it. Under the circumstances,
the diputacion provincial prevailed on the jefe superior político
to delegate his powers to the sub-inspector of the troops, Gavino
Gainza.[II-23] This officer at first tried to stem the torrent of
revolution, to act as the agent of Spain, disapproving the plan of
separation, but at the same time maintained intimate relations with the
independents and aided their efforts. This party publicly circulated a
paper for signatures to ask Gainza to proclaim independence himself.
He pretended to be indignant; and upon the receipt of the plan of
Iguala, formed in Mexico by Iturbide and Guerrero,[II-24] he issued a
manifesto depicting it in the blackest colors, and ordered that all who
had called on him to declare independence should be prosecuted.[II-25]
The independents became disgusted, but had to make the best of the
situation. They then resolved to play upon his personal ambition,
assuring him that for his coöperation in their plans he would be
retained in command, and afterward chosen the first chief magistrate of
the young nation. While he still hesitated, they despatched Cayetano
Bedoya to Oajaca for military aid from General Bravo. But on the
messenger's arrival at Ciudad Real de Chiapas, he found that the place
had followed the example of Oajaca and Tehuantepec, accepting the plan
of Iguala. This step hastened events in Guatemala, and Bedoya had no
need of going farther.
The act of Ciudad Real, received September 13th, caused the greatest
excitement in the city of Guatemala, and the government had to give
way. Urged by the diputacion, Gainza summoned, on the 14th, the high
officials and other notables to a meeting next day to resolve on some
action responsive to the demands of the people.[II-26]
[Sidenote: GAINZA'S MEETING.]
During the night of the 14th Molina and the cacos scattered their
agents throughout the wards to stir up the masses, and at the same time
to awe the españolistas, or royal partisans. At 8 A. M. on the 15th
a throng of independents filled the porticos, court-yard, halls, and
ante-chambers of the government house. Among them and instructing the
crowds were Molina, Barrundia, Basilio Porras, and other leaders. Soon
after began to arrive at the government house the officials called to
take part in the deliberations of the meeting, namely, two members of
each corporation deputized therefor; the archbishop and prelates of the
religious orders; the chief officers of the army and treasury; who,
together with the diputacion provincial, and under the presidency of
the acting jefe superior político, Gainza,[II-27] at once proceeded to
business. After reading the declarations in Chiapas, several members
briefly expressed their views. The first speaker was Valle, leader
of the gazistas, who eloquently advocated independence as necessary
and just, but ended advising that it should not be proclaimed till
the other sections had formally declared in its favor. The motion was
seconded. The anti-independents[II-28] opposed all action until final
results in Mexico should be received. Every attempt at a vacillating
policy was defeated by the energetic efforts of the independents,
who voted for an immediate declaration of independence.[II-29] Every
vote favorable to independence was received by the people with loud
applause, and every one against it with groans. The popular preference
became so marked and boisterous that the anti-independents, fearing for
their lives, retired from the palace.
[Sidenote: PROCLAMATION OF INDEPENDENCE.]
The diputacion and ayuntamiento then, as the legitimate organs to
express the public will, drew up the Acta de Independencia, which was
adopted, signed, and sworn to by all the members present.[II-30] This
instrument, after declaring the aspiration of Guatemalans to be a free
and independent people,[II-31] invited all citizens of the provinces
to choose without delay representatives, on the basis of one for every
15,000 inhabitants, to a national congress that was to meet March 1,
1822. In the mean time the Spanish laws, courts of justice, and public
functionaries were to continue as heretofore. The representatives were
to be chosen by the same juntas electorales that had lately, since
the restoration of the constitution, elected deputies to the córtes,
without excluding, as the constitution did, men of African descent
from the rights of full citizenship.[II-32] The clause giving the last
electoral college, with its majority of Valle's partisans, the power
to choose the members of the constituent congress, is said to have been
inserted in the acta by himself.[II-33]
On the 17th Gainza issued a proclamation formally placing before the
people the resolutions adopted on the 15th, and enjoining on all the
duty of abiding by them, and of respecting the laws and authorities
recognized by them. Any attempt, by word or deed, to restore Spanish
domination was declared high treason, punishable with death.[II-34]
The powers of the congress would be constituent to adopt a form of
government and frame the national constitution. Meantime Gainza held
civil and military authority, acting with the advice of a provisional
junta consultiva, formed with the diputacion provincial and seven
additional members, representing respectively Leon, Comayagua, Costa
Rica, Quezaltenango, Sololá, Chimaltenango, Sonsonate, and Ciudad
Real.[II-35] Neither the people at large nor the meeting of the 15th
created such a body. It was the creation of the men who remained behind
in the hall, including Valle, who drew up the acta.[II-36] Continuing
his double dealing, Gainza had issued his proclamation, on the 16th,
for the election of representatives to congress. He spoke therein
of the longing for independence since 1810, of the popular love for
the cause which had been so forcibly sustained at the meeting of the
preceding day, and concluded by inviting the whole people to approve
the plan, and to appoint their deputies to complete the work.
* * * * *
Before proceeding further with the political situation at the
capital of Guatemala, I will devote a little space to laying before
the reader some information on one of its most important sections,
namely, Chiapas. The population was computed in 1813 at over 100,000
inhabitants, of whom 70,000 were Indians; the remainder were Spaniards
and mixed breeds, with a few negroes.[II-37]
As a reward for good services and generous pecuniary contributions
to the nation, the Spanish córtes passed, October 29, 1813, a decree
bestowing the title of city on the town of Comitan, and that of villa
on those of Tusta, Tonalá, Tapachula, and Palenque.[II-38]
[Sidenote: THE SUBDELEGADOS.]
In contravention of law, the first name of the three proposed by
the intendente to the president of Guatemala, for chief of each
of the eleven subdelegaciones, was that of some creature of the
intendente. Unfitness for the place or immorality counted for nothing
if the nomination suited the proposer or the confirming power. These
subdelegados, by means of their comisarios, collected the tribute and
speculated with it; each being a tyrant who oppressed the Indians at
his will.
Education was neglected; ignorance prevailed to such an extent that a
large portion of the inhabitants did not know even the first rudiments
of their religion. The poorer Spaniards and the mixed breeds were
entirely without education. Indeed, in nearly three centuries, not
only had the Indians not learned to speak Spanish, but the native
Spaniards spoke the six Indian tongues of the province better than
their own.[II-39]
Chiapas, it is well known, had been an episcopal see, with its
cathedral at Ciudad Real, since the first years of the conquest.[II-40]
The country is fertile and well watered. Its agricultural products
were wheat—of which there was a surplus for exportation—maize, beans,
rice, coffee, and cacao.[II-41] A variety of vegetables in abundance,
and the fruits of all climes, could also be obtained. The maguey was
extensively cultivated for pulque and aguardiente. A great deal of
sugar-cane and good tobacco were grown. Indigo and cochineal were
cultivated to some extent. The country had likewise excellent grazing.
Cattle, sheep, goats, horses, and mules abounded. The mines of gold,
silver, lead, copper, and iron were not worked, owing to the poverty
of the inhabitants. The governor-intendente of Chiapas in 1817, Cárlos
Castañon, as appears in the records, was a confirmed royalist.[II-42]
From the time that Iturbide proclaimed the independence of Mexico, the
canons of the chapter in the diocese of Ciudad Real—bitterly hostile,
like the majority of the Mexican and Central American clergy, to the
reforms of the Spanish córtes respecting the church[II-43]—had been
in communication with that chieftain's auditor de guerra, Fernandez
Almansa, who kept them informed on the progress of the revolution. The
clericals looked upon the Mexican chief as the savior of their ancient
prerogatives and monopolies, and with this end in view, prepared
public opinion for setting aside the authority of Fernando VII. and his
córtes.[II-44]
[Illustration: CHIAPAS.]
[Sidenote: CHIAPAS ACCEPTS ITURBIDE.]
The governor-intendente, Juan N. Batres, together with the ayuntamiento
of Ciudad Real, proclaimed, on the 3d of September, 1821, the
separation of Chiapas from Spain, and her acceptance of Iturbide's
plan of Iguala. On the 8th all the authorities and officers, civil and
military, took the oath to support that act, which was administered
by the governor of the diocese; after which they had high mass and a
sermon in the cathedral, where the secular clergy and the people took
the same oath[II-45] before the aforesaid ecclesiastic authority.
The obligations assumed were to support the Roman catholic apostolic
religion; to secure the independence of the empire, preserving to
that end peace and union between Europeans and Americans; and to obey
Fernando VII., should he adopt and swear to support the constitution
to be enacted by the córtes of the Mexican empire. Chiapas was,
therefore, the first province of the captain-generalcy of Guatemala
to throw off the Spanish yoke; she at the same time separated
herself from Guatemala, and manifested her determination to link her
future with Mexico. All this was made known September 21st by the
comandante-general of Oajaca to Iturbide. The example of Ciudad Real
was unhesitatingly followed by the other towns in the province.
We have seen that Guatemala, at her declaration of independence, did
not at once accept annexation to the Mexican empire. This course
did not suit the rulers and notables of Ciudad Real, who hastened
to manifest their displeasure at a meeting held September 20th, and
attended by the intendente, ayuntamiento, and other official bodies,
prelates, and a large number of citizens.
[Sidenote: CHIAPAS A PART OF MEXICO.]
As a matter of fact, the desire of Chiapas to be detached from
Guatemala and annexed to Mexico existed with some strength even before
the declaration of independence;[II-46] and Guatemala having failed
to return an answer to the letter from the authorities of Chiapas,
announcing her action of the 3d, this neglect had strengthened the
notables of the latter in their resolution to recognize no other
government than that of the Mexican empire under the treaties of
Córdoba. It was also resolved at the meeting not to circulate the
declaration of independence which the jefe político of Guatemala had
sent. These sentiments were duly seconded by the other cities and
towns.
In order to guard against any action Guatemala might take because
of the course of Chiapas, at a formal session of the diputacion,
presided over by the jefe político, and held on the 22d of October, it
was resolved to send to Mexico a commissioner to take the necessary
steps, and procure his province's separation from Guatemala, even
if the latter should come to be thereafter a part of the Mexican
empire.[II-47]