Transcriber's Note:
Inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have
been preserved. Obvious typographical errors have been corrected.
In some cases, Bancroft uses both "u" and "v" to spell an
author’s name, e.g. Vetancurt and Vetancvrt.
Other archaic letter substitutions include "b" for "v" and "i" for
"y" and vice versa. These have been left as printed.
Possible printer's errors include:
On page 5, córtes extraordinary should possibly be córtes
extraordinarias.
On page 149, Patsun should possibly be Patzún.
On page 270, quarters should possibly be halves.
On page 387 repeated should possibly be repealed.
On page 652, 1855-5 appears to be an error.
Joaquin Eufracio Guzman should possibly be Joaquin Eufrasio
Guzman.
Joaquin Eustacio Guzman should possibly be Joaquin Eufrasio
Guzman.
The index reference to "Atrato River" wasn't found.
The index reference to "Montaiglon, M. de, works of," wasn't
found.
Possible alternate spellings or printers errors include:
Jutecalpa and Jutigalpa
Tempsky and Tempski
Blazquez and Blasquez
Savana and Sabana
Sutiaba and Subtiaba
Pontaz and Pontaza
Mourgeon and Murgeon
Iztapan and Iztapam
Serapiqui, Sesapiqui, Sarapiqui River
Carataska and Caratasca
Gualcince and Gualcinse
Nandaime, Nandayme, and Nandaimé
mosquitoes and musquitoes
Cuzcatlan and Cuscatlan
Granadans and Granadians
Chimilapa and Chimalapa
Fitzroy and Fitz-Roy
Victor and Víctor
Jil and Gil
Carlos and Cárlos
Quiroz and Quiróz
Angel and Ángel
Vijil and Vigil
Jerardo and Gerardo
Italics in the footnote citations were inconsistently applied
by the typesetter.
Accents and other diacritics are inconsistently used.
Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.
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THE WORKS
OF
HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT.
VOLUME VIII.
HISTORY OF CENTRAL AMERICA.
VOL. III. 1801-1887.
SAN FRANCISCO:
THE HISTORY COMPANY, PUBLISHERS.
1887.
Entered according to Act of Congress in the Year 1887, by
HUBERT H. BANCROFT,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.
All Rights Reserved.
CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME.
CHAPTER I.
LAST DAYS OF SPANISH RULE.
1801-1818.
PAGE
Popular Feeling in Central America—Effect
of Events in Spain—Recognition of American
Equality—Representation in the Spanish
Córtes—Delusive Reforms—End of Saravia's
Rule—President José Bustamante—His Despotic
Course—Demands in the Córtes—Constitutional
Guarantees—Official Hostility—Campaign in
Oajaca—Revolutionary Movements in Salvador—War in
Nicaragua—Conspiracy in Guatemala—Treatment of
the Insurgents—Disrespect to the Diputacion—The
Constitution Revoked—Royal Decrees 1
CHAPTER II.
INDEPENDENCE ACHIEVED.
1818-1821.
President Cárlos Urrutia—His Liberal
Views—Colombian Assaults—Spanish Constitution
Restored—The Gazistas, or Bacos—The Cacos—José del
Valle—Pedro Molina—Liberal Institutions—Extent
of the Political Government—Ecclesiastical
Administration—Work of American Deputies—Party
Excitement in Guatemala—Urrutia Delegates his
Powers—Substitute President Gavino Gainza—Chiapas
and her Government—She Secedes from Spain and
Joins the Mexican Empire—Guatemala Declares for
Independence—Junta Gubernativa—Convocation of a
Congress 23
CHAPTER III.
UNION WITH MEXICO.
1821-1822.
First Acts of Guatemalan Rulers—Intrigues
of Parties—Their Evil Consequences—Gainza's
Intrigues—Independence in the Other Provinces—Rewards
to Gainza—Troubles in Salvador—Dissensions in
Honduras—Local Squabbles in Nicaragua—Predilection
for Imperialism—Costa Rica Neutral—Condition
of Various Sections—Seceding Districts
of Guatemala—Perplexities of the Junta
Consultiva—Iturbide's Devices—Military Pressure—His
Proposals Accepted—Illegal Annexation—Protests and
Resistance—War Begins 42
CHAPTER IV.
CENTRAL AMERICAN CONFEDERATION.
1822-1825.
Secession from Mexico—Arzú's Campaign—Prevarication
of Salvador—Filisola's Victory—His Subsequent
Course—Liberal Triumph in Costa Rica—Honduras
Favors Union—National Independence Secured—Labors to
Organize a Nation—The Constituent Assembly—Provincias
Unidas del Centro de América—Abolition of African
Slavery—Provisional Government—Moderados or
Serviles—Liberales or Fiebres—Principles and
Aims of Parties—Mexican Forces Retire—Seditions
Begin—Salvadoran Force in Guatemala—Confederacion de
Centro América—Fundamental Law—Finances—Adjournment
of the Constituent Assembly 60
CHAPTER V.
CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT.
1825-1830.
General Elections—Meeting of the First
Congress—Manuel José Arce, First President
of the Republic—Foreign Relations—Arce's
Prevarications—Conflict with Guatemala—Party
Bickerings—Liberals Quarrel with Arce—He Joins their
Opponents—Bitterness Engendered—President versus
Guatemalan Rulers—Arrest of Jefe Juan Barrundia—Riots
at Quezaltenango—Murder of Vice-jefe Cirilo
Flores—Arce as Dictator in Guatemala—War against
Salvador—Arce Defeated—He Gives up the Presidency,
and Cannot Recover It—Bloody War of 1826-9—Morazan
the Victor—José Francisco Barrundia, Acting
President—Liberal Measures—Peace Restored—Spanish
Schemes 79
CHAPTER VI.
CIVIL WAR.
1829-1838.
Revolution in Honduras—Conservatives Invade the
State—Second General Elections—Francisco Morazan
Chosen President—Plots of the Serviles—Arce's
Invasion from Mexico—Occupation of Honduras Ports by
Exiled Rebels—Spanish Flag Hoisted in Omoa, and Aid
from Cuba—Salvadoran Authorities in Rebellion—Third
General Elections—Morazan Reëlected—Failure of
Colonization Plans—Ravages of Cholera—Indian Revolt
under Carrera—His Early Life 108
CHAPTER VII.
DISSOLUTION OF THE REPUBLIC.
1837-1840.
Campaign against Carrera—Several Departments of
Guatemala in Rebellion—Jefe Galvez Deposed—Carrera
Takes Guatemala—Murder of Salazar—Carrera Accepts
Money to Leave the City—Dictatorship Offered
Morazan by the Aristocrats and Refused—Carrera's
Second Rebellion—The Republic in Peril—Morazan's
Efforts to Save It—Nicaragua and Honduras Forces
Invade Salvador—Morazan Defeats Them—His Retreat
to San Salvador—He Embarks—Is Refused Hospitality
in Costa Rica—Goes to South America—The Republic is
Dead—Salvador at the Mercy of Carrera 127
CHAPTER VIII.
GUATEMALA AND HONDURAS.
1824-1840.
State Government of Guatemala—Barrundia's
Radicalism—His Overthrow—Vice-jefe Flores
Assassinated in Quezaltenango—Downfall
of the Liberals in Guatemala—Aristocratic
Leaders Exiled—Jefe Molina—His Differences,
Impeachment, and Acquittals—Rivera Cabezas'
Reforms—Earthquakes—Galvez' Rule and its
Benefits—Party Opposition to Him—Indian
Outbreaks—Carrera Captures Guatemala—Galvez
Resigns—Subsequent Rule of the Aristocrats—Guatemala
again Independent—Honduras' State Government—Jefe
Dionisio Herrera—Early Dissensions—Comayagua
Assaulted by Rebels—Morazan in the
Field—Honduras Secedes from the Central American
Confederation—Federalism Rooted out of her Territory 145
CHAPTER IX.
SALVADOR, NICARAGUA, AND COSTA RICA.
1824-1840.
Salvador State Government—Liberals
Overthrown—Secession from the Union—San Salvador as
the Federal Seat of Government—Guatemala Imposes her
Will—Jefe Cañas and Comandante Malespin—Nicaragua's
Early Troubles—Siege and Bombardment of
Leon—Organization of State Government—Dissensions
and Warfare—Eruption of Cosigüina—Secession from
the Confederation—Costa Rica as a Confederated
State—Juan Mora's Administration—Towns' Bickerings
Settled—Braulio Carrillo's Rule—Final Secession from
the Central American Republic—Prosperity of the State 165
CHAPTER X.
DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION.
1839-1852.
Interstate Dissensions—Pacto de
Chinandega—Confederacion Centro Americana—Supremo
Delegado Chamorro—Hostility of Guatemala and
British Officials—Arce Invades Salvador—War of
the Confederacy against Guatemala—Helplessness of
Chamorro—End of the Pacto de Chinandega—Condition of
the States—Ferrera's Bad Faith—Salvador and Honduras
against Nicaragua—Horrors of Leon—Vice-president
Joaquin E. Guzman—Honduras and Salvador at
War—Guardiola's Vandalism—Malespin Overthrown—Renewed
Efforts to Confederate—Guatemala an Independent
Republic—Costa Rica Follows—Salvador, Nicaragua,
and Honduras a Confederacy—Its Short Life—Further
Unsuccessful Attempts 186
CHAPTER XI.
REPUBLIC OF COSTA RICA.
1841-1856.
Rule of Carrillo Continued—Plots
for its Overthrow—Invasion of
Morazan—Change of Government—Morazan's
Policy—Opposition—Revolts—Morazan's Defeat and
Death—Satisfaction of the Oligarchs—Measures
of the Victors—New Constitution—Subsequent
Amendments—Sedition—Castro's Administration—Costa
Rica Declared a Republic—Recognition by
Spain—Relations with Other Powers—Boundary Questions
with Nicaragua and Colombia—President Juan Rafael
Mora—His Repressive Measures 215
CHAPTER XII.
REPUBLIC OF NICARAGUA.
1838-1855.
State Government—Director Buitrago's
Conservatism—British Aggression—Director
Sandoval's Rule—Internal Troubles—Guerrero's
Administration—The Mosquito Kingdom—Its Origin
and History—Bubbles—British Pretensions—Seizure
of San Juan del Norte—Diplomatic
Complications—Clayton-Bulwer Treaty—Nicaragua
Recovers her Own—Relations with Foreign
Powers—An American War Ship Bombards San Juan
del Norte—Pineda's Government—Establishment of
the Republic—Party Dissensions—Legitimists versus
Democrats—Chamorro and Castellon—Civil War—Death of
Chamorro—Estrada Succeeds Him 238
CHAPTER XIII.
REPUBLIC OF GUATEMALA.
1840-1865.
President Rivera Paz—Carrera's Course—Pretended
Sedition—Dissolution of the Assembly—A
Consejo Constituyente Created—Carrera Becomes
President—Attempt against his Life—Revolt of
Monterrosa—Carrera's Despotism—The Republic
Established—Relations with Other Powers—Revolution of
the Mountain—Constituent Assembly Convened—Carrera's
Forced Resignation and Exile—Liberals
Triumphant—Their Squabbles and Disintegration—The
Moderado Party—Revolution of Los Altos—Intrigues
of the Serviles—Presidencies of Martinez and
Escobar—Causes of their Resignations—Paredes—Recall
of Carrera—Deeds of Vengeance—Carrera again
President—Partial Restoration of Peace 264
CHAPTER XIV.
REPUBLIC OF SALVADOR.
1839-1865.
Malespin's Acts—Lindo's Coup d'Etat and Deposal—Jefe
Guzman—Revolt at Santa Ana—President Aguilar—The
Bishop Expelled—Viteri's Alliance with Malespin and
Honduran Oligarchs—President Vasconcelos—British
Hostilities—Salvador's Relations with Foreign
Powers—San Martin's Administration—Destruction of
San Salvador—President Campo—Campaign against Walker
in Nicaragua—Establishment of the Republic—Santin's
Overthrow—Presidency of Gerardo Barrios—War
of Salvador and Honduras against Guatemala
and Nicaragua—The Latter Victorious—Barrios'
Flight—Restoration of Peace—Dueñas as
President—Barrios' Subsequent Return—His Capture and
Surrender by Nicaragua—His Execution in San Salvador 285
CHAPTER XV.
REPUBLIC OF HONDURAS.
1840-1865.
President Ferrera—Revolutionary Movements—Political
Executions—Presidency of Juan Lindo—New
Constitution—Lindo Overthrown—Belize—Honduras'
Troubles with Great Britain—British
Occupation of Tiger Island—Bombardment of
Omoa—Bay Islands—President Cabañas—War with
Guatemala—Guardiola's Assassination—Provisional
Rules of Castellanos and Montes—Alliance with
Barrios—Unsuccessful War with Guatemala and
Nicaragua—Montes Deposed—Establishment of the
Republic—José M. Medina Chosen President—Amendment of
the Constitution 309
CHAPTER XVI.
WALKER'S CAMPAIGN IN NICARAGUA.
1855-1856.
Kinney's Expedition—William Walker Joins the
Democrats—Failure of his Expedition to Rivas—Cholera
Decimates the Legitimists at Managua—Death
of Muñoz—Walker's Victories at La Vírgen and
Granada—Execution of Minister Mayorga—Walker's
Convention with Corral—Provisional Government
Organized—President Patricio Rivas—Commander of
the Forces, Walker—Minister of War Corral Put
to Death for Treason—Recognition by Salvador
and Honduras—Seizure of the Transit Company's
Steamers—Costa Ricans on the War-path—Havoc of
Cholera 327
CHAPTER XVII.
END OF FILIBUSTERING IN CENTRAL AMERICA.
1856-1867.
Recognition of President Rivas by the United
States—Walker's Hostile Attitude—Flight of
Rivas—Walker Makes Himself President—Alliance
against Him—Death of Estrada—The Legitimists
Accept Rivas—Costa Ricans and Nicaraguans in
Rivas—Destruction of Granada—It is Occupied by
Allied Forces—Walker Reoccupies Rivas—Where He is
Besieged—Successes of the Costa Ricans—Failure of
Lockridge's Expedition—Surrender of Walker—War
of Nicaragua and Costa Rica—Commodore Paulding
and Walker's Second Attempt—Walker's Invasion
of Honduras, Capture, and Execution—Government
Reorganized—President Martinez' Administrations 347
CHAPTER XVIII.
POLITICAL EVENTS IN COSTA RICA.
1856-1886.
Rewards to Walker's Conquerors—Reëlection of
Mora—His Downfall and Exile—His Return, Capture,
and Execution—Montealegre's Administration—Violence
of Parties—Compromise on Jesus Jimenez—His Peaceful
Rule—President José M. Castro—Charges against
Him—His Overthrow—Several New Constitutions—Jimenez
again President—His Arbitrary Acts—How He was
Deposed—President Carranza—Other Temporary
Rulers—President Guardia's Despotism—Failure of his
Warlike Plans—His Death—Administration of Próspero
Fernandez—Preparations to Defend Independence—His
Sudden Death—Bernardo Soto's Peaceful Rule 371
CHAPTER XIX.
DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN SALVADOR.
1865-1885.
Rule of President Dueñas—His Conservatism—Quarrel
with Honduras—The Latter Allied with Salvadoran
Liberals—Battle of Santa Ana—Dueñas Deposed—His
Impeachment, Release, and Temporary Exile—Santiago
Gonzalez Provisional President—Gonzalez Elected
Chief Magistrate—Guatemala and Salvador at
War with Honduras—Murder of Vice-president
Mendez—Earthquakes—President Valle—Trouble with
Guatemala—Exeunt Valle and Gonzalez—Zaldívar's Long
Rule—Constitutional Changes—Alliance with Nicaragua
and Costa Rica—Resistance to Barrios' Plan of
Conquest—Salvador Victorious—Restored Peace—Zaldívar
Eliminated—Revolution—F. Menendez Made President 392
CHAPTER XX.
DEMOCRACY RESTORED IN GUATEMALA.
1865-1873.
President Cerna's Rule—Partial Revolts—Liberals
in the Assembly—Cerna's Reëlection—Riots in
the Capital—Zavala's Course—Cruz' Rebellion,
Defeat, and Death—Arrests of Liberals—Moderation
of the Government—Revolution of García
Granados and Barrios—Plan of Patzicia—Cerna
Defeated and Overthrown—Granados as Presidente
Provisorio—Seditious Movements Quelled—Abolition of
Priestly Privileges—Prelates, Jesuits, and Capuchins
Expelled—War with Honduras—Barrios as Substitute
President—His Severity—Elections—Barrios Chosen
Constitutional President 413
CHAPTER XXI.
RENEWED EFFORTS FOR CENTRAL AMERICAN UNITY.
1873-1885.
President Barrios of Guatemala—End of Reactionary
War—Guatemalan Progress—War with Salvador and
Honduras—Barrios' Successes and Generosity
to the Vanquished—Constitutional Régime in
Guatemala—Barrios' Reëlections—His Visit to the
United States—Peaceful Effort to Unite Central
America—Resort to Arms—Alliance of Guatemala and
Honduras—Barrios Attacks Salvador—His Defeat and
Death—His Plan Abandoned—M. L. Barillas, Provisional
President of Guatemala—Restoration of Peace 431
CHAPTER XXII.
HONDURAS AFFAIRS.
1865-1886.
National Flag and Escutcheon—Order of Santa
Rosa—Medina's Long Rule—His Differences with Dueñas,
and Triumph—War with Salvador and Guatemala—Medina
Defeated and Overthrown—Céleo Arias Succeeds Him—His
Liberal Policy—He is Beset by the Conservatives—His
Former Supporters Depose Him—Ponciano Leiva Becomes
President—His Course Displeases Barrios, Who Sets
Medina against Him—He is Forced to Resign—Marco
Aurelio Soto Made President by Barrios—Attempted
Revolt of Ex-president Medina—His Trial and
Execution—Soto's Administration—He Goes Abroad—His
Quarrel with Barrios, and Resignation—President
Bogran—Filibustering Schemes 453
CHAPTER XXIII.
POLITICAL AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA.
1867-1885.
President Fernando Guzman—Insurrection—Misconduct
of Priests—Defeats of the Insurgents—Foreign
Mediation—Generosity of the Government—President
Vicente Quadra—Inception of the Jesuits—Aims of
Parties—Internal and Foreign Complications—Costa
Rica's Hostility and Tinoco's Invasion—Presidents
Chamorro and Zavala—More Political Troubles—Jesuits
the Promoters—Their Expulsion—Peace Restored—Progress
of the Country—President Adan Cárdenas—Resistance to
President Barrios' Plan of Forced Reconstruction 470
CHAPTER XXIV.
INDEPENDENCE OF THE ISTHMUS.
1801-1822.
Administration under Spain—Influence of
Events in Europe and Spanish America on the
Isthmus—Hostilities in Nueva Granada—Constitutional
Government—General Hore's Measures to Hold
the Isthmus for Spain—MacGregor's Insurgent
Expedition at Portobello—Reëstablishment of the
Constitution—Captain-general Murgeon's Rule—The
Isthmus is Declared Independent—Its Incorporation
with Colombia—José Fábrega in Temporary Command—José
María Carreño Appointed Intendente and Comandante
General—Abolition of African Slavery 488
CHAPTER XXV.
DIVERS PHASES OF SELF-GOVERNMENT.
1819-1863.
Panamá Congress—Provincial Organizations—Alzuru's
Rebellion and Execution—Secession from Colombia
and Reincorporation—Differences with Foreign
Governments—Crime Rampant—Summary Treatment
of Criminals—Riots and Massacre of Foreign
Passengers—Attempts to Rob Treasure Trains—Neutrality
Treaties—Establishment of Federal System—Panamá
as a State—Revolutionary Era Begins—A Succession
of Governors—Seditious Character of the Negro
Population—Revolution against Governor Guardia and
his Death—Another Political Organization—Estado
Soberano de Panamá—Liberal Party in Full
Control—Stringent Measures 510
CHAPTER XXVI.
FURTHER WARS AND REVOLUTIONS.
1863-1885.
Presidents Goitia, Santa Coloma, and Calancha—Undue
Interference of Federal Officials—Colunje's
Administration—President Olarte's Energy—Enmity
of the Arrabal's Negroes—Short and Disturbed
Rules of Diaz and Ponce—President Correoso—Negro
Element in the Ascendent—Conservatives Rebel, and
are Discomfited—Armed Peace for a Time—Feverish
Rules of Neira, Miró, Aizpuru, Correoso, and
Casorla—Cervera's Long Tenure—Temporary Rule of Vives
Leon—President Santodomingo Vila—Obtains Leave of
Absence—Is Succeeded by Pablo Arosemena—Aizpuru's
Revolution—Arosemena Flees and Resigns—Outrages at
Colon—American Forces Protect Panamá—Collapse of
the Revolution—Aizpuru and Correoso Imprisoned—Chief
Causes of Disturbances on the Isthmus 532
CHAPTER XXVII.
CENTRAL AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS.
1886.
Extent of the Country—Climate—Mountains and
Volcanoes—Earthquakes—Rivers and Lakes—Costa Rica's
Area, Possessions, and Political Division and
Government—Her Chief Cities—Nicaragua, her Territory,
Towns, and Municipal Administration—Honduras' Extent,
Islands, Cities, and Local Government—Salvador, her
Position, Area, Towns, and Civil Rule—Guatemala's
Extent and Possessions—Her Cities and Towns—Internal
Administration—Isthmus of Panamá—Area, Bays,
Rivers, and Islands—Department and District Rule—The
Capital and Other Towns—Population—Character and
Customs—Education—Epidemics and Other Calamities 560
CHAPTER XXVIII.
THE PEOPLE OF COSTA RICA, NICARAGUA, AND SALVADOR.
1800-1887.
Central American Population—Its Divisions—General
Characteristics and Occupations—Land Grants—Efforts
at Colonization—Failure of Foreign Schemes—Rejection
of American Negroes—Character of the Costa Rican
People—Dwellings—Dress—Food—Amusements—Nicaraguan
Men and Women—Their Domestic Life—How They Amuse
Themselves—People of Salvador—Their Character and
Mode of Living 587
CHAPTER XXIX.
THE PEOPLE OF HONDURAS AND GUATEMALA.
1800-1887.
Amalgamation in Honduras—Possible War of
Races—Xicaques and Payas—Zambos or Mosquitos—Pure
and Black Caribs—Distinguishing Traits—Ladinos—Their
Mode of Life—Guatemala and her People—Different
Classes—Their Vocations—Improved Condition of the
Lower Classes—Mestizos—Pure Indians—Lacandones—White
and Upper Class—Manners and Customs—Prevailing
Diseases—Epidemics—Provision for the Indigent 608
CHAPTER XXX.
INTELLECTUAL ADVANCEMENT.
1800-1887.
Public Education—Early Efforts at Development—Costa
Rica's Measures—Small Success—Education in
Nicaragua—Schools and Colleges—Nicaraguan
Writers—Progress in Salvador and Honduras—Brilliant
Results in Guatemala—Polytechnic School—Schools of
Science, Arts, and Trades—Institute for the Deaf,
Dumb, and Blind—University—Public Writers—Absence of
Public Libraries—Church History in Central America
and Panamá—Creation of Dioceses of Salvador and
Costa Rica—Immorality of Priests—Their Struggles for
Supremacy—Efforts to Break their Power—Banishments of
Prelates—Expulsion of Jesuits—Suppression of Monastic
Orders—Separation of Church and State—Religious
Freedom 621
CHAPTER XXXI.
JUDICIAL AND MILITARY.
1887.
Judicial System of Guatemala—Jury Trials in the
Several States—Courts of Honduras—Absence of
Codes in the Republic—Dilatory Justice—Impunity
of Crime in Honduras and Nicaragua—Salvador's
Judiciary—Dilatory Procedure—Codification of Laws
in Nicaragua—Costa Rican Administration—Improved
Codes—Panamá Courts—Good Codes—Punishments
for Crime in the Six States—Jails and
Penitentiaries—Military Service—Available Force of
Each State—How Organized—Naval—Expenditures—Military
Schools—Improvements 638
CHAPTER XXXII.
INDUSTRIAL PROGRESS.
1800-1887.
Early Agriculture—Protection of the Industry—Great
Progress Attained—Communal Lands—Agricultural
Wealth—Decay of Cochineal—Development of Other
Staples—Indigo, Coffee, Sugar, Cacao, and
Tobacco—Food and Other Products—Precious Woods
and Medicinal Plants—Live-stock—Value of Annual
Production in Each State—Natural Products of
Panamá—Neglect of Agriculture—Mineral Wealth—Yield
of Precious Metals—Mining in Honduras, Salvador,
and Nicaragua—Deposits of Guatemala and Costa
Rica—Mints—Former Yield of Panamá—Mining Neglected on
the Isthmus—Incipiency of Manufactures—Products for
Domestic Use 650
CHAPTER XXXIII.
COMMERCE AND FINANCE.
1801-1887.
Early State of Trade—Continued Stagnation
after Independence—Steam on the Coasts—Its
Beneficial Effects—Variety of Staples—Ports
of Entry and Tariffs—Imports and
Exports—Fairs—Accessory Transit Company—Internal
Navigation—Highways—Money—Banking—Postal
Service—Panamá Railway Traffic—Local Trade of the
Isthmus—Pearl Fishery—Colonial Revenue in Finances of
the Federation—Sources of Revenue of Each State—Their
Receipts and Expenditures—Foreign and Internal Debts 663
CHAPTER XXXIV.
INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION.
1801-1887.
Ancient Ideas on the North-west Passage—From
Peru to La Plata—Cape Horn Discovered—Arctic
Regions—McClure's Successful Voyage—Crozier's
Discovery—Franklin's Attempts—Finding by
Nordenskiöld of the North-east Passage—Projects to
Unite the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans across the
Isthmuses—Plans about Tehuantepec—Explorations for a
Ship-canal Route in Nicaragua, Panamá, and Darien—The
Nicaragua Accessory Transit Company—Construction of
the Panamá Railway, and its Great Benefits—Further
Efforts for a Canal—Organization of a French
Company—A Ship-canal under Construction
across the Isthmus of Panamá—Difficulties and
Expectations—Central American Railroads and
Telegraphs—Submarine Cables 688
HISTORY
OF
CENTRAL AMERICA.
CHAPTER I.
LAST DAYS OF SPANISH RULE.
1801-1818.
POPULAR FEELING IN CENTRAL AMERICA—EFFECT OF EVENTS IN
SPAIN—RECOGNITION OF AMERICAN EQUALITY—REPRESENTATION
IN THE SPANISH CÓRTES—DELUSIVE REFORMS—END OF SARAVIA'S
RULE—PRESIDENT JOSÉ BUSTAMANTE—HIS DESPOTIC COURSE—DEMANDS
IN THE CÓRTES—CONSTITUTIONAL GUARANTEES—OFFICIAL
HOSTILITY—CAMPAIGN IN OAJACA—REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENTS IN
SALVADOR—WAR IN NICARAGUA—CONSPIRACY IN GUATEMALA—TREATMENT
OF THE INSURGENTS—DISRESPECT TO THE DIPUTACION—THE
CONSTITUTION REVOKED—ROYAL DECREES.
The opening century was pregnant with important events both in Europe
and America. By 1808 affairs in Spain culminated in the French
emperor's detention of the king and other members of the royal
family at Bayonne, where he forced them finally to resign in his
favor their rights to the Spanish crown. The circle surrounding the
captain-general, audiencia, and archbishop of Guatemala was made up,
not only of European Spaniards, but of Guatemalans belonging to the
so-called noble families. Popular displeasure was manifested both
against the Spaniards and against the provincial aristocracy.[I-1] The
oligarchy was hated throughout the province of Guatemala proper, and
still more in the other provinces of the presidency.
However, when the news of Napoleon's usurpation reached America, it
caused a strong revulsion of feeling in Central America, as well as
elsewhere in the Spanish dominions, even among the large class which
had hitherto secretly fostered a warm desire for independent national
existence. Creoles of pure Spanish descent, though yearning to be
free from the old thraldom, could not bring themselves to discard the
country which gave them blood, religion, and civilization. As to the
educated Indians, who were also among the wishers for independence,
like all of their race, they looked up to the ruling power with
reverence and fear. Thus arose a struggle between the old veneration
and the love of freedom; a struggle which was to last in Central
America a few years longer, though the people were becoming more and
more impatient, while leaning to the side of independent nationality.
Circumstances seemed to demand that the old connection should not be
ruptured till 1821, when decisive results in New Spain brought on the
final crisis here. When the news of Napoleon's acts of violence and
usurpations reached Guatemala, popular loyalty was aroused, and showed
itself in various ways. Manifestations by the authorities, expressive
of fealty to the mother country and the royal family, met with an
apparently hearty response from the people.
Advices came on the 30th of June, 1808, of the occurrences at
Aranjuez of March 19th.[I-2] July passed amid much anxiety about
affairs in Spain, and the public mind became depressed by unfavorable
news received on the 13th of August. Next day, at a meeting of the
authorities,[I-3] the state of affairs was anxiously discussed.
The mariscal de campo, Antonio Gonzalez Mollinedo y Saravia, had
succeeded Dolmas on the 28th of July, 1801, in the offices of governor,
captain-general, and president of the audiencia. He had seen forty
years of service in the royal armies,[I-4] and had with him his wife,
Micaela Colarte, and offspring.[I-5]
[Sidenote: SARAVIA AND FERNANDO VII.]
President Saravia read to the meeting a despatch from the viceroy of
Mexico, and a copy of the _Gaceta_ giving an account of the abdication
of Fernando VII., and of the surrender by other members of the royal
family of their rights to the Spanish crown. After due consideration,
the meeting declared these acts to have resulted from violence, being
therefore illegal and unjust, and not entitled to recognition. It
was further resolved that the authorities and people should renew
their allegiance to the legitimate sovereign, continue upholding the
laws hitherto in force, and maintain unity of action, for the sake of
religion, peace, and good order. Instructions were received[I-6] to
raise the standard of Fernando VII., and swear allegiance to him, which
were duly carried out.[I-7]
The opportunity has now arrived for a radical change in the political
status of Spanish America. The colonies have hitherto had no
government, save that of rulers set over them by a monarch whose
will was absolute, whose edicts constituted their code of laws; the
subject being allowed no voice in public affairs, save occasionally as
a timid petitioner. But troubles beset Spain at this time. Her king
is powerless; the friends of constitutional government have now the
control, and proceed to establish the desired liberal régime. In order
to be consistent, and to some extent satisfy the aspirations of their
fellow-subjects in America, the provisional government decrees, and the
córtes upon assembling confirm, all the rights claimed for Spaniards
dwelling in Spain, together with representation in the córtes and other
national councils.
The Junta Suprema Central Gubernativa in the king's name declares on
the 22d of January, 1809, the Spanish possessions in America to be, in
fact, integral parts of the monarchy,[I-8] and, approving the report of
the council of the Indies of November 21, 1808, in favor of granting
to the American dominions representation near the sovereign, and the
privilege of forming by deputies a part of the aforesaid junta, issues
to the president of Guatemala an order to invite the people of the
provinces to choose their deputy to reside at court as a member of the
governing junta.[I-9] On the 3d of March, 1810, the electors assembled
in Guatemala and chose for deputy the colonel of militia, Manuel José
Pavon y Muñoz.[I-10] The powers given him by his constituents were
general, but enjoined allegiance to the king and permanent connection
with the mother country.[I-11]
[Sidenote: DIPUTACION AMERICANA.]
The supreme government, early in 1810, in its anxiety to be surrounded
by the representatives of the people, hastened the convocation of
córtes extraordinary. Fearing, however, that there might not be a
sufficient number chosen for their timely attendance at the opening of
the session, it apprised the provincial authorities, reiterating the
decree a little later,[I-12] that deficiencies would be temporarily
supplied until regularly elected deputies presented themselves to
occupy their seats in the chamber. Guatemala, in common with the rest
of America, was unable to send her deputies in time, and had to be
represented at the inauguration by suplentes, or proxies. These[I-13]
were Andrés del Llano, a post-captain, and Colonel Manuel del Llano.
One of the first acts of the córtes[I-14] was to confirm the principle
that all the Spanish dominions possessed the same rights, promising
to enact at an early day laws conducive to the welfare of the American
portion, and to fix the number and form of national representation in
both continents.
At the suggestion of the diputacion americana, as the body of American
members was called, a general amnesty for political offences was
decreed, with the expectation of its yielding the best results in
favor of peace and conciliation. Promises of reform, and of better
days for Central America, were held out, but the provincial government
paid little attention to them. Meanwhile a jealous and restless police
constantly watched the movements of suspected persons. Informers and
spies lurked everywhere, seeking for some one against whom to bring
charges.
The promised blessings proved delusive. Instead of reforms, the people
witnessed the installation of a tribunal de fidelidad, with large
powers, for the trial and punishment of suspected persons.[I-15] This
court was short lived, however, being suppressed about the middle of
the following year, under the order of the supreme government, dated
February 20, 1811. And thus Guatemala was kept quiet and apparently
loyal, when the greater part of Spanish America was in open revolt.
Saravia's rule came to an end on the 14th of March, 1811. He was
promoted to the rank of lieutenant-general, and appointed by the
government at Cádiz to the command in chief of the forces in Mexico.
On his arrival in Oajaca, the viceroy, who was chagrined at his powers
having been thus curtailed, detained him at that place. In November
1812, the city being captured by the independents, Saravia was taken
prisoner and shot.[I-16]
[Sidenote: BUSTAMANTE Y GUERRA.]
The successor of Saravia was Lieutenant-general José Bustamante y
Guerra, appointed by the supreme council of regency, and soon after
confirmed by the córtes generales extraordinarias. He was a naval
officer, and had made several important cruises in the cause of
science,[I-17] and latterly had been civil and military governor of
Montevideo, a position that he filled efficiently. His zeal against the
independents in that country pointed him out as the one best fitted to
retard the independence of Central America. On his return to Spain from
South America he refused to recognize Joseph Bonaparte.
Bustamante is represented to have been an inflexible, vigilant,
and reticent ruler. He lost no time in adopting stringent measures
to check insurrections, and displayed much tact in choosing his
agents and spies. No intelligent native of the country was free from
mistrust, slight suspicion too often bringing upon the subject search
of domicile, imprisonment, or exile. He never hesitated to set aside
any lenient measures emanating from the home government in favor
of the suspected, and spared no means that would enable him, at the
expiration of his term, to surrender the country entire and at peace
to his superiors. He was successful, notwithstanding there were several
attempts at secession.
Meanwhile the American representatives had been permitted to lift
their voice in the national councils. They had called attention to
the grievances of their people. In a long memorial of August 1, 1811,
to the córtes, they had refuted the oft-repeated charge that the
friends of independence in America were or had been under Napoleonic
influence. They set forth the causes of discontent,[I-18] which they
declared was of long standing, and called for a remedy. Reference was
made to Macanar's memorial to Felipe V.,[I-19] wherein he stated that
the Americans were displeased, not so much because they were under
subjection to Spain, as because they were debased and enslaved by the
men sent out by the crown to fill the judicial and other offices.[I-20]
The organic code was finally adopted on the 18th of March, 1812.[I-21]
The instrument consisted of ten titles, divided into chapters, in
their turn subdivided into sections, and might be considered in two
parts: 1st, general form of government for the whole nation, namely, a
constitutional monarchy; 2d, special plan for the administration of the
Indies.[I-22]
[Sidenote: NEW ORGANIC CODE.]
In lieu of the old ayuntamientos, which were made up of hereditary
regidores, whose offices might be transferred or sold, others were
created, their members to be chosen by electors who had been in their
turn chosen by popular vote. The ayuntamientos were to control the
internal police of their towns, their funds, public instruction within
their respective localities, benevolent establishments, and local
improvements. They were to be under the inspection of a diputacion
provincial, formed of seven members, elected by the above-mentioned
electors, in each province, under the presidency of the chief civil
officer appointed by the king; the chief and the diputacion were
jointly to have the direction of the economical affairs of the
province. No act of either corporation was final till approved by
the national córtes. In America and Asia, however, owing to great
distances, moneys lawfully appropriated might be used with the assent
of the chief civil authority; but a timely report was to be made
to the supreme government for the consideration of the córtes. Such
were the chief wheels in the machinery of provincial and municipal
administration. Now, as to popular rights, equality of representation
in the provinces of the Spanish peninsula, Asia, and America was
fully recognized. The descendants of Africans were alone deprived of
the rights of citizenship. This exclusion was combated with forcible
arguments by many of the American deputies setting forth the faithful,
efficient services colored men had repeatedly rendered and were still
rendering to the nation, and their fitness for almost every position.
Many of them, they said, had received sacred orders, or had been
engaged in other honorable callings, in which they had made good
records; besides which, they comprised a considerable portion of the
useful mining and agricultural population. Unfortunately for the negro
race, the American deputies were not all of one mind. Larrazábal,
from Guatemala, probably acting both on his own judgment and on the
opinion expressed in 1810 by the real consulado, asserted the black
man's incapacity, advocating that persons of African blood should
be conceded only the privilege of voting at elections. This motion
was supported by a Peruvian deputy. The peninsular members favored
the admission to full rights of colored priests, and all colored men
serving in the royalist armies. The measure was lost, however; but the
article as passed authorized the admission to full political rights, by
special acts of the córtes, of colored men proving themselves worthy
by a remarkably virtuous life, good service to the country, talents,
or industriousness, provided they were born in wedlock, of fathers
who had been born free, married to free-born wives, and were residents
of Spanish possessions, practising some useful profession and owning
property.
Pursuant to the constitution, the córtes ordered, May 23, 1812,
elections for members to the ordinary córtes of 1813.[I-23]
The constitution was received at Guatemala on the 10th of September,
1812, proclaimed on the 24th, and its support solemnly sworn to by the
authorities and people on the 3d of November, with great satisfaction
and evidences of loyalty. Gold and silver medals were struck off to
commemorate the event.[I-24]
The installation of the córtes took place, with the apparent approval
of Guatemala. The president, members of the audiencia, and other
dignitaries who had thriven under absolutism, looking on Americans
as 'our colonists,' became at once liberals and constitutionalists,
pretending to recognize the wisdom of the national congress in
declaring that the Americans were no longer colonists, but citizens
of one common country. Their manifestation of September 15, 1812, was
followed three days after by one from the ayuntamiento of Guatemala
to Deputy Larrazábal, in the same strain, suggesting the creation of a
board advisory to the córtes, on the reino de Guatemala legislation.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: EXPEDITION TO OAJACA.]
After the fall of Oajaca during the Mexican war of independence, the
patriot chief Morelos regarded the rear of his military operations as
secure. Sympathizing messages had reached him from men of weight in
Guatemala, which lulled him into the belief that attack need not be
apprehended from this quarter. To Ignacio Rayon he wrote: "Good news
from Guatemala; they have asked for the plan of government, and I'll
send them the requisite information." It was all a mistake. His cause
had friends in Central America, and enemies likewise. Among the most
prominent of the latter were Captain-general Bustamante and Archbishop
Casaus. The ecclesiastic, with a number of Spanish merchants from
Oajaca who had sought refuge in Guatemala, prompted the general, then
anxious to avenge the execution of his predecessor, to fit out an
expedition, invade Oajaca, and harass the insurgents even at the gates
of the city.
About 700 men, mostly raw recruits, were accordingly put in the field,
early in 1813, under the command of Lieutenant-colonel Dambrini, a
man of little ability and unsavory record, and crossed the line into
Tehuantepec. Dambrini could not abandon his money-making propensities;
and having been led to believe he would encounter but little or no
resistance, took along a large quantity of merchandise for trading. On
the 25th of February a small insurgent force was captured in Niltepec,
and Dambrini had its commander, together with a Dominican priest and
twenty-eight others, shot the next day. This was the usual treatment of
prisoners by both belligerents. But on April 20th the Guatemalans were
flanked and routed at Tonalá by the enemy under Matamoros. Dambrini
fled, and his men dispersed, leaving in the victors' possession their
arms, ammunition, and Dambrini's trading goods. The fugitives were
pursued some distance into Guatemalan territory.[I-25]
* * * * *
Germs of independence, as I have said, were fostered in secret by
the more intelligent, and slowly began to develop, the movement being
hastened by a few enthusiasts who were blind to the foolhardiness of
their attempt. The government tried all means to keep the people in
ignorance of the state of affairs in Mexico and South America, and when
unsuccessful, would represent the royalist army as victorious. Other
more questionable devices were also resorted to.[I-26]
Undue restraint and ill treatment, as practised under the stringent
policy of Bustamante, soon began to produce effects. Restiveness and
despair seized a portion of the people; the hopes for a government more
consonant with the spirit of the age, which had been held out from
Spain, evaporated. Men were unwilling to live longer under the heel
of despotism; and the more high-spirited in Salvador and Nicaragua
resolved to stake their fortunes upon a bold stroke for freedom.
It was, indeed, a rash step, undertaken without concert, and almost
without resources. It could but end as it did at every place where a
revolutionary movement was initiated.
Matías Delgado and Nicolás Aguilar, curates of San Salvador, Manuel and
Vicente Aguilar, Juan Manuel Rodriguez, and Manuel José Arce were the
first to strike the blow for Central American independence. Their plan
was carried into execution on the 5th of November, 1811, by the capture
of 3,000 new muskets, and upwards of $200,000 from the royal treasury
at San Salvador. They were supported by a large portion of the people
of the city, and in Metapan, Zacatecoluca, Usulutan, and Chalatenango.
But other places in the province of Salvador, namely, San Miguel, Santa
Ana, San Vicente, and Sonsonate, renewed their pledges of fealty to the
government, declaring the movement for freedom a sacrilege.[I-27]
The promoters of the revolt, which had been started in the king's name,
became disheartened and gave up further effort, and with the dismissal
of the intendente, Antonio Gutierrez Ulloa, and other officials, peace
was soon restored. San Salvador had been quiet without other government
than that of alcaldes during the disturbance.
[Sidenote: AYCINENA IN SALVADOR.]
Upon the receipt of the news of these occurrences, Bustamante
despatched Colonel José de Aycinena with ample powers to take charge
of the intendencia, and restore quiet. He had been getting troops ready
to send down, but by the mediation of the ayuntamiento of Guatemala he
had suspended preparations, and had adopted the former course. A member
of that body, José María Peinado, was associated with Aycinena.[I-28]
They reached San Salvador on the 3d of December, amid the acclamations
of the fickle populace; their presence and the exhortations of the
missionaries checked all revolutionary symptoms. The authors of the
revolt were leniently treated under a general amnesty.[I-29] Peinado
was a short time after appointed Aycinena's successor as acting
intendente.[I-30]
Another and a still more serious attempt at revolution, which may be
called a sequel to that of Salvador, had its beginning in the town of
Leon, Nicaragua, on the 13th of December, 1811, when the people deposed
the intendente, José Salvador. This action was seconded on the 22d at
Granada, where the inhabitants, at a meeting in the municipal hall,
demanded the retirement of all the Spanish officials. The insurgents,
on the 8th of January, 1812, by a coup-de-main captured Fort San
Cárlos. The officials fled to Masaya. Villa de Nicaragua—the city of
Rivas in later times—and other towns at once adopted the same course.
Early in 1812, after the first excitement had become somewhat allayed,
a board of government was organized in Leon, the members of which
were Francisco Quiñones, Domingo Galarza, Cármen Salazar, and Basilio
Carrillo. Bishop Fray Nicolás García Jerez was recognized as gobernador
intendente by all the towns, and his authority was only limited in one
point, namely, he was in no way to favor the deposed officials. The
people of Granada resolved to send two deputies to the board.[I-31]
[Sidenote: REVOLUTION IN NICARAGUA.]
The royal officials at Masaya having called for assistance from
Guatemala, Bustamante had 1,000 or more troops placed there under
command of Sargento Mayor Pedro Gutierrez. The people of Leon had ere
this accepted an amnesty from Bishop Jerez, and thereafter took no part
in movements against the crown. Granada, more firm of purpose, resolved
upon defence; caused intrenchments to be built to guard all avenues
leading to the plaza, and mounted thereon twelve heavy cannon. A
royalist force, under José M. Palomar, on the 21st of April approached
Granada to reconnoitre, and reached the plazuela de Jalteva.[I-32]
Early in the morning he opened a brisk fire on the town, and kept it
up for several hours. After a parley, next day the citizens agreed
to surrender, on Gutierrez solemnly pledging the names of the king
and Bustamante, as well as his own, that they should in no wise be
molested. But after the royal troops were allowed to enter the city on
the 28th, Bustamante, ignoring the solemn guarantees pledged by his
subordinate, ordered the arrest and prosecution of the leaders. The
governor accordingly named Alejandro Carrascosa fiscal to prosecute the
conspirators of Granada. The proceedings occupied two years, at the end
of which the fiscal called for, and the court granted, the confiscation
of the estates, in addition to the penalties awarded to those found
guilty. Sixteen of the prisoners, as heads of the rebellion, were
sentenced to be shot, nine were doomed to the chain-gang for life, and
133 to various terms of hard labor.[I-33] The sentence of death was
not carried out, however. The condemned were taken to Guatemala, and
thence transported to Spain, where the majority died as exiles. Four
others were removed as convicts to Omoa and Trujillo. The survivors
were finally released by a royal order of June 25, 1817.[I-34]
The conduct of the Leonese in leaving Granada to bear alone the
consequences of the revolution had, as I remarked, a bad effect upon
the country.[I-35] From that time dates a bitter feeling between Leon
and Granada, and between Managua and Masaya on the one part and Granada
on the other.[I-36]
Notwithstanding the existing grievances and the generally depressed
condition of business, the people did not fail to respond to the calls
from the home government upon all parts of the Spanish dominions
for pecuniary aid to meet the enormous expenses of the war against
Napoleon's forces, and other pressing demands. In 1812 there were
collected and remitted as donations $43,538. The citizens of San
Salvador also agreed to give $12,000 for 1812, and an equal sum
in 1813, if they could obtain a certain reform for the benefit of
indigo-planters.[I-37]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: FANATICISM.]
We have seen how the first steps toward independence failed. Nor
could any other result have been expected from the degraded condition,
socially and intellectually, of the masses. The people were controlled
by fanaticism, in abject submission to king and clergy. Absurd
doctrines and miracles were implicitly believed in; and every effort
made to draw the ignorant people out of that slough was in their
judgment treason and sacrilege, a violation of the laws of God, an
attempt to rob the king of his rights; certain to bring on a disruption
of social ties, and the wrath of heaven. The lower orders had been
taught that freedom signified the reign of immorality and crime,
while fealty to the sovereign was held a high virtue. Hence the daily
exhibitions of humble faithfulness, the kneeling before the images of
the monarch and before their bishops, and the more substantial proof of
money gifts to both church and crown.[I-38]
The first efforts on behalf of emancipation were not wholly lost, as
they led to definitive results in the near future. The next attempts
also met with failure, and brought upon their authors the heavy hand of
Bustamante. The first one, in 1813, was known as the Betlen conspiracy,
which derived its name from the convent where the conspirators usually
assembled. Much importance was given to this affair by the government
and the loyalists. The meetings were presided over by the sub-prior
Fray Ramon de la Concepcion, and were sometimes held in his cell,
and at others in the house of Cayetano Bedoya, under the direction of
Tomás Ruiz, an Indian.[I-39] All were sworn to secrecy, and yet the
government suspected the plot, and arrested some persons who had the
weakness to divulge the plan and the names of their associates.[I-40]
The conspirators, all of whom were men of character and good standing,
soon found themselves in prison, excepting José Francisco Barrundia,
who remained concealed six years, and afterward was one of the most
prominent statesmen of Central America. Major Antonio del Villar was
commissioned fiscal to prosecute the prisoners. He spared no one in
his charges, and managed to bring into the meshes of the prosecution
several persons who were innocent.[I-41] On the 18th of September,
1814, he asked the military court for the penalty of death, by
garrote, against Ruiz, Víctor Castrillo, José Francisco Barrundia
pro contumacia, and Joaquin Yúdice, who were hidalgos; and the same
penalty, by hanging, against the sub-prior and ten others who were
plebeians.[I-42] Ten years of hard labor in the chain-gang of the
African possessions, and a life exile from America, were pronounced
upon others against whom no guilt was proved. The prisoners were all
set free, however, in 1819, under a royal order of the 28th of July,
1817.
[Sidenote: THE PLOT OF BETLEN.]
Among the men regarded as the most dangerous, and strongly suspected of
being the real managers of the Betlen plot, was Mateo Antonio Marure,
who had been confined two years in a dungeon for the part he took in
the disturbances of 1811.[I-43] Bustamante dreaded his presence in
Guatemala, and in 1814 despatched him as a prisoner to the supreme
council of regency in Spain, with his reasons for this measure. After
recounting the Betlen affair, and naming Marure as the real instigator
and manager of it, he adds that the conspirators counted on him as a
fearless man to carry it out, and that his bold language and writings
rendered his sojourn in America a constant menace to Spanish interests.
Another and a worse planned attempt at revolution than the one of
1811 occurred in Salvador in 1814. The government quelled it, and the
promoters were arrested, Manuel José Arce suffering an imprisonment of
several years.[I-44]
* * * * *
The reader's attention is now called to matters concerning the
capitanía general of Guatemala, which occupied the government both here
and in Europe immediately before King Fernando's coup-d'état.
Bustamante, evidently hostile to constitutional government, and loath
to suffer readily any curtailment of his quasi-autocratic powers,
proclaimed, under the pressure of necessity, the national constitution,
and permitted elections under it; but between this and allowing the
diputaciones provinciales and ayuntamientos free action under the
fundamental law, there was a wide chasm. He had no intention of tamely
submitting to such innovations, whatever might be said of their merits
in the abstract. In the first place, he postponed for three whole
months the installation of the diputacion, and when it was installed,
refused to honor the event with a high mass and te deum, which would
have been the proper thing to do. Such a recognition of the importance
of the diputacion might have shaken the faith of the populace in a
one-man power. He next insisted on the diputacion having its sittings
at the government house, where it would be at his mercy. He treated
the body disrespectfully in several ways,[I-45] and as he could not
make it subservient to his will, tried by all means in his power to
destroy its influence and usefulness. In fact, he looked upon it as
a mere consultative corporation, whose advice he might ask for or
not, as suited his fancy. Lastly, he would not permit the acts of the
diputacion to be published; and for the matter of that, there was no
liberty of the press.
[Sidenote: END OF BUSTAMANTE'S RULE.]
These complaints were laid before the national córtes[I-46] for
redress, coupled with a petition that the royal authority should remove
Bustamante from office. But grievances were unredressed, and their
author continued wielding power in the country several years more.
Indeed, this was not to be wondered at. The Spanish government had
rarely, if ever, shown inclination to do justice to the ruled against
the high rulers it placed over them, or to punish the despotic acts
of the latter. Residencias had of late become mere matters of form. If
the complainants had wealth and influence at court, they might obtain
the recall of the ruler obnoxious to them, but no other punishment.
The prestige of authority must be upheld; such was the principle acted
upon.[I-47] Guatemala was finally relieved of Bustamante's hated rule
on the 28th of March, 1818.
The people of Central America, like the rest of the Spanish dominions,
were soon invited to another view in the political kaleidoscope.
Fernando VII., upon his release by Napoleon a few months after the
treaty of Valençay,[I-48] returned to Spain without delay, and on
arriving at Valencia, issued his manifesto of May 4, 1814, setting
aside the constitution, and assuming the authority of an absolute
sovereign. He did this with fair promises, which he carried out
when and how it suited him.[I-49] Among many decrees issued by the
monarch soon after, which were of interest to Central America, was one
enjoining on the archbishop and bishops to see that their subordinates
did their duty faithfully, and entertained only wholesome opinions.
No associations or leagues were to be tolerated which might lead
to a disturbance of the public peace; in other words, liberty and
constitutional government were not to be thought of.[I-50] Another
decree of June 17th, demanded of the deputies from America having
in their possession petitions from their constituents to lay them
before the royal government, in order that they might be acted upon.
Several measures for the protection of morals and the advancement of
civilization were also enacted.