THE SHAN STATES (_continued_)
The narrative in the last chapter took the history down to the end of
June, 1887, when comparative peace had been established in the Southern
States.
The Northern States up to this time had not come under the influence of
the Superintendent at Fort Stedman. The Chief Commissioner had decided
that no expedition should be sent into those States until after the
rains of 1887, unless it became absolutely necessary for the support
of the friendly Sawbwa of Hsipaw. The chief had been able, as has been
explained (p. 147), with the alliance of San Ton Hon to hold his own
and to defeat their opponents headed by Naw Möng and the Chaunggwa
Prince. If he had stopped at that point much misery and destruction
would have been saved. But Hkun Saing's vanity had been inflated by the
reception he had received at Mandalay when ten years' revenue had been
remitted to him and the States of Möngtung, Manglön, and Hsumhsai made
over to him, and he cherished visions of further aggrandisement. San
Ton Hon was very much of the same mind.
After defeating the Prince they turned their forces southward and made
an attack on Hsenwi Alelet, where comparative peace had been maintained
by the Pa-ôk-Chok at Möngyai. San Ton Hon led his troops down by the
east while Hsipaw's men, under the Sawbwa's father-in-law, went by
the west. Mr. Hildebrand had heard of their designs and sent them
orders to desist. The allies persisted, however, alleging that they
were acting under instructions from Mandalay. Möngyai was occupied.
The Pa-ôk-Chok and Naw Möng, who was with him, escaped to Möngnawng
and sent messengers to Fort Stedman praying for redress. They were
ordered to remain quiet until the Superintendent should come to Hsenwi.
San Ton Hon remained in Möngyai making arrangements for administering
the district. He then left for the town of Hsenwi in obedience to a
further order from Mr. Hildebrand. By the end of August, 1887, peace
had been restored, that is to say, active fighting had ceased in the
Northern States, and the contending parties awaited the coming of the
Superintendent to settle their claims. Little harm would have resulted
from the turbulence of Hsipaw and San Ton Hon if they had restrained
their followers from ravaging the country. These bandits, San Ton
Hon's Kachins at the head of them, had burnt and destroyed everything.
Thus the autumn of 1887 saw the cessation of bloodshed in both the
Northern and Southern States. All were beginning to look to the British
representative at Fort Stedman as the final arbitrator of disputes, and
trade began to revive.
Meanwhile the objects to be aimed at and the measures to be taken
in the ensuing open season of 1887-8 were occupying the Chief
Commissioner. Mr. Hildebrand was invited to Mandalay, and the subject
was fully discussed and settled in consultation with him. The main
lines of the policy to be followed in relation to the States were
defined. The conditions upon which the chiefs were to hold their
States under the British Government were determined and embodied in a
patent, or _sanad_, to use the Indian term, for the greater chiefs,
and in a letter of appointment for the lesser. By the _sanad_ the
recipient was recognized as a feudatory chief and empowered to govern
his territories in all matters whether criminal, civil, or revenue, and
was authorized to nominate for the approval of the Government a fit
person according to Shan usage to be his successor. These privileges
were made subject to certain conditions, one of which was the payment
of a tribute, settled for five years at the amount previously paid to
the King, and liable to revision thereafter. The forests and royalties
on all minerals and precious stones were reserved to the Government.
Order was to be maintained by the chief, the rights and customs of
the people were to be respected, and trade protected. All disputes
arising between one State and another were to be referred to the
Superintendent, at whose headquarters the chief was to maintain an
agent or representative. The order of appointment given to the lesser
men bound them to pay the revenue assessed by the Superintendent, and
in all matters connected with the administration of their districts to
conform to the instructions and orders issued by the Chief Commissioner
or the Superintendent.
It was decided that each chief or ruler, whether known by the title
of Sawbwa or some lesser designation, should be required to appear in
person, to make a declaration of allegiance, and to subscribe to the
terms of his _sanad_. Where there were rival claimants, weight was to
be given to the _fait accompli_, and to considerations of expediency
rather than to those of abstract right or justice. It was not held
incumbent on the British Government to go behind existing facts or
to inquire how the man in possession came by his power, provided he
appeared to be a person capable of maintaining order.
Some matters of importance hitherto unsettled were decided by the Chief
Commissioner at this time. The important State of Lawksawk had been
left in temporary charge of a Burman Myoôk (_vide_ page 154). There
was a man named Hkun Nu who had been the (hereditary) Myoza of a small
State called Tabet by the Burmans, Tamhpak by the Shans. He had been
deposed about 1892 by the Burman Government because he could not raise
the revenue demanded from the State. He lived in great poverty in
Mandalay until the deposition of the King. His case coming to the Chief
Commissioner's notice, a small allowance, enough to keep him alive,
was made to him. Hkun Nu proved himself useful in giving information
about the Shan country and in taking letters, not without some personal
risk, to various potentates. He accompanied the expedition to the
Shan States early in 1887, and was found by Mr. Hildebrand to be both
intelligent and trustworthy and to be a person of some influence in
the Shan country. On Mr. Hildebrand's recommendation, and with the
goodwill of many of the notables of Lawksawk, and of some of the
principal Sawbwas such as Möngnai and Möngpawn, he was appointed by
the Chief Commissioner to be Sawbwa of Lawksawk, a territory of 4,048
square miles and paying a gross revenue of Rs. 27,297. Thus from being
the dismissed magistrate of a petty district, earning a small wage
as a guide and messenger, Hkun Nu became the ruler of a considerable
and wealthy State by a sudden turn of the wheel of fortune. It may be
recorded here that the State prospered under him. On his death in 1900
he was succeeded by his son, who was summoned to Rangoon in 1906, and
presented to their Royal Highnesses the Prince and Princess of Wales.
He received the decoration of K.S.M. on the 1st of January, 1907, and
has done much in the way of road-making and otherwise to improve his
country.
Another matter that came up was the Sawbwa of Möngnai's claim to the
adjacent State of Kengtawng, which had been made over by the Burmese
Government to Twet Nga Lu. Orders were now passed confirming the
Sawbwa's title to administer Kengtawng as a State subordinate to him.
Many important questions remained, which could not be settled until
the Superintendent was able to visit each State with a sufficient
military escort to mark his authority and to render opposition
improbable. Hsenwi was in a disturbed and distracted condition and
had to be pacified and arrangements made for its administration. The
method in which the group of smaller States on the western edge of
the plateau known as the Myélat was to be administered had also to be
considered and decided. The nearness of these States to Mandalay had
resulted in diminishing their independence. Their position was in fact
not much different from that of a purely Burman district. Then there
were the Trans-Salween States, with which communication had not as
yet been established. Five of the smallest of these had been claimed
by the Siamese. Another very difficult matter was the attitude of the
Karennis, whose relations with the British Government it was necessary
to define. In the case of every State, big or little, the amount paid
as revenue during the King's time had to be ascertained, the tribute
payable to the British Government to be determined, and engagements to
be taken for its regular payment.
In Mr. Hildebrand's expedition in the beginning of 1887 only one force
had been employed. Experience showed that the area to be dealt with was
too large for one column. While the force was in the south, fighting
and disturbances were going on in the north. The appearance of two
expeditions, one starting from Mandalay and visiting the north, the
other from Fort Stedman, taking the Southern States and then moving
up to combine with the first, would make a greater impression than a
single force of much larger strength. Rumour would magnify the numbers
of each, and if opposition were contemplated by any of the chiefs,
he would not know where to direct his attack. For these reasons it
was decided to employ two columns. The larger, under command of Major
Swetenham, 27th P.I., was composed of:--
2 guns 1-1 Eastern Division, R.A.
50 rifles--West Surrey Regiment.
150 rifles--27th P.I.
25 British }
25 Native } Mounted Infantry
20 lances--1st Bombay Lancers.
It assembled at Fort Stedman, and was called the Southern Shan Column.
The smaller column was commanded by Major Yates, 1-1 Eastern Division,
R.A., and included the following troops:--
2 guns 1-1 Eastern Division, R.A.
50 rifles--Royal Munster Fusiliers.
100 rifles--43 G.L.I. (Bombay Army).
50 rifles--Native } Mounted Infantry.
25 rifles--British }
This column was designated the Northern Shan Column. Its starting-point
was Maymyo (Pyinulwin), forty miles from Mandalay.
To Mr. Hildebrand, as Superintendent of the Shan States, was given
the chief political charge, and, within certain limits laid down by
the Chief Commissioner, the movements of the columns and the measures
to be taken for the pacification of the country were left to his
discretion. He was to accompany the Southern Column, and Mr. J. G.
Scott was appointed to go with him as his Assistant. Lieutenant H. Daly
was posted as civil officer with the Northern Column. In all political
matters he was placed entirely under Mr. Hildebrand, and was told that
he was to act, and only to act, under his instructions.
The relations of Mr. Hildebrand to the military officers in command
of the columns were carefully defined. The primary object of the
expeditions was to establish peace, decide disputes, and lay the
foundations of orderly rule for the future. The need of warlike
operations was not anticipated. The military officers commanding were
instructed therefore to give to the civil officers every assistance
in carrying out the wishes of Government that could be given with due
regard to the safety and well-being of the troops. In the event of
hostilities becoming necessary, then the civil officer was to stand
aside while the soldiers became solely responsible for the planning
and carrying out of the necessary operations. The maintenance of the
strictest discipline was enjoined, and the most scrupulous exactitude
in paying for labour and supplies. Troops and followers were made to
understand that they were operating in a friendly country.
Instructions were given to Mr. Hildebrand as to the route to be taken
by each column, the matters demanding his attention, and the principles
by which he was to be guided. Mr. Daly with the Northern Column was to
move through Hsipaw to Northern Hsenwi, then to Tawngpeng, the chief of
which State was still recalcitrant; and thence returning to Hsipaw, he
was to march to Möngyai in Central Hsenwi.
Mr. Hildebrand with the Southern Column was to go to Möngpai, thence to
Mawkmai, thence to Möngpan, and then to Möngnai, which was a convenient
centre for the settlement of many matters. After a halt there, which it
was anticipated might extend to several weeks, the column was to turn
northward and march through the intervening States to Möngyai, which
it was to reach about the same time as the Northern Column. The idea
was to bring the two columns together in Hsenwi, where the contending
parties of San Ton Hon, Naw Hpa, Naw Möng and Nga Aw the Pa-ôk-Chok,
whom San Ton Hon and the Hsipaw Sawbwa had expelled from Möngyai, were
expected to give trouble. At Möngyai, the settlement of the large State
of Hsenwi--the most difficult, perhaps, of the duties entrusted to Mr.
Hildebrand--would have to be taken in hand.
The Southern Column started on the 22nd of November, 1887, on its five
months' march through the States. Before it moved, the chiefs of the
Myélat and the Sawbwas and Myozas of States in the neighbourhood of
Fort Stedman, were called in; the revenue to be paid by each was fixed,
and the drafts of their _sanads_ and letters of appointment given to
them. There was no difficulty with any of them except Saw Ôn, the
Sawbwa of Yawnghwè, who owed his position to the support afforded to
him by the British Government. He objected to the payment of revenue,
and feigned illness to avoid appearing before the Superintendent. He
made it almost impossible to get coolies or bullocks, except directly
through him and at most exorbitant rates. He exhibited, in fact, a fine
example of a swollen head. But it may be that he partly believed in the
truth of some absurd stories respecting the withdrawal of the British
from Burma, which he was found afterwards to have spread abroad.
The first halt was made at Kaung-i, the residence of the Möngpai
Sawbwa. The settlement of the chronic feud between him and Pobye, the
Karenni chief, was the main business here. Pobye appeared, and the
Superintendent heard both parties. After vainly endeavouring to bring
them to an agreement, Mr. Hildebrand induced them to pledge themselves
to abide by the Chief Commissioner's decision, and meanwhile to keep
the peace. At a later date, they submitted their case at Rangoon to the
Chief Commissioner, who settled the dispute....
At Möngpai every effort was made without success to induce Sawlapaw,
the powerful chief of Eastern Karenni, to come in and arrange a _modus
vivendi_ with the British authorities. He remained obstinately
hostile, and had to be chastised later on.
[Illustration: A JUNGLE CAMP IN THE SHAN STATES.]
At this halt, where several chiefs were assembled, the principle of
succession ruling in the Shan States was discussed. It appeared that as
a rule succession devolved on the eldest son of the chief wife: failing
her male issue, on the eldest male issue of the next wife. Failing
heirs in the direct line, the succession went to collaterals. This was
shown to be the ancient custom not to be departed from except in the
case of obvious unfitness of the heir for the duties of his position
either from incapacity or from vice. In Loilong and Hsahtung some
questions relating to minor chiefships were settled. It was found that
on this south-western frontier of the Shan States the inhabitants were
mostly Karens and kindred races split up into small tribes speaking
different dialects, timid and shy people submitting to the tyranny of
dacoits and outlaws who sought a refuge in their hills from the pursuit
of the police and troops in the low country.
The column marched through the Mawkmai territory to Möngpan. No special
matter had been marked for settlement in Mawkmai. But it was noted that
the villagers in the south stood in great fear of Sawlapaw, and paid
blackmail to him. Work in the forests of Southern and South-eastern
Mawkmai had been stopped on account of the hostility of the Karenni
chief. The adjacent country was practically deserted, and the
complaints against Sawlapaw were loud. Mawkmai, however, at this time
was the most wealthy and prosperous of the Shan States, and the Sawbwa
seemed powerful enough to hold his own against any of his neighbours.
From Mawkmai the column went on to Möngpan. Here they met the Siamese
Commissioners and Mr. Archer, His Majesty's Acting Vice-Consul at
Chiengmai (Zimme), who had come to discuss the claim made by the
Bangkok Government to some small States east of the Salween. Möngpan
had been taken and burnt by the filibuster Twet Nga Lu, who had so far
recognized British authority that after his expulsion from Kengtawng
by Kun Kyi, the Möngnai Sawbwa, he came to Fort Stedman and laid his
claim before the Superintendent. It was considered and rejected by the
Chief Commissioner. Thereupon he collected a regiment of _bravi_, as
numerous in the Shan States in 1887 as in Italy of the Middle Ages, and
descending on Kengtawng burnt whatever had escaped former devastations.
Compelled to retreat by the Sawbwa's men, he retired south on Möngpan,
and captured it in December, 1887. Again driven out by the Möngnai
troops, he fell back beyond the Salween, the Möngnai men following
him. But as the pursuit led them into the territory of Möngtung and
Möng Hang, which were claimed by the Siamese, they were ordered by the
Superintendent to retire to the right bank of the Salween. Twet Nga Lu
was left encamped close to Möngtung, where a small Siamese garrison was
stationed, and he thus escaped for the time. He was proclaimed a rebel
and dacoit and every chief in the Shan States was desired to treat
him as an outlaw. This was the situation at Möngpan when the Southern
Column met Mr. Archer and the Siamese Commissioners at that place.
The four States in dispute with Siam were Möngtung, Möng Hang, Möng
Hta, and Möng Kyawt. They were claimed by the British Government as
part of the undoubtedly Burman State Möngpan, but had been occupied
secretly by the Siamese. A fifth, Möng Hsat, was also claimed by them,
but no garrison had been placed in it. It was and always had been a
dependency of Kengtung, with which the Siamese could not pretend to
have any connection. The Siamese claim had its origin in the conduct
of the local rulers (_Phayas_) of these little territories in the
disturbed times following the overthrow of King Thebaw.
The Mawkmai Sawbwa made a successful attack on Möngpan in the cold
season of 1886-7. Earlier in the same year the Siamese had moved
up a large force from Chiengmai, ostensibly to assist the British
in maintaining order: more probably in the hope of picking up some
fragments for themselves when the Burman Government went to pieces.
Under these circumstances the local rulers, threatened with burning
and robbery by Mawkmai, with invasion and slavery by Siam, sought
the protection of the more powerful Siamese and drank the water of
allegiance to Chiengmai. This was the only foundation for the claim
made by the Bangkok Government. Their assertion that the States had
been under Siam for a century had nothing to support it. The population
was admittedly Shan. A report of the facts was drawn up and sent to the
Chief Commissioner. Meanwhile a _modus vivendi_ was arranged by Mr.
Hildebrand with the Siamese Commissioner on the basis of maintaining
the _status quo_, preserving peace, and abstaining from working the
forests in the States until the dispute was settled by the Governments
of the two countries. It may be stated here that a decision in favour
of the British claim was announced in 1888 and effect given to it. Four
States were restored to Möngpan, and possession of the fifth, Möng
Hsat, confirmed to Kengtung.
The State of Möngpan contains a broad area of good paddy land, and in
former times exported large quantities of paddy. When Mr. Hildebrand
visited it he found the lands devastated. With the one exception of
Laikha it had suffered more than any other Shan State. The town had
been repeatedly burnt by filibusters. The great bulk of the population
had fled over the Salween and scattered through the smaller States,
some even going as far as Chiengmai (Zimme) and Kengtung. Leaving
Möngpan, the column reached Möngnai on the 7th of January, 1888, and
halted there for some weeks. Möngnai had been the place of assemblage
of the Cis-Salween chiefs in the King's time. All of them had been
warned in advance to meet Mr. Hildebrand at Möngnai, and all except the
Sawbwa of Laikha, the Myozas of Möng Kung and Kehsi Mansam, who had
started too late, were present. The chiefs assembled at Möngnai were:--
The Möngnai Sawbwa.
The Möngpawn Sawbwa.
The Möngpan Sawbwa.
The Mawkmai Sawbwa.
The Wanyin Myoza.
The Nawng Wawn Myoza.
The Hsahtung Myoza.
The Möngsit Myoza.
The Möngnawng Myoza.
The Hopong Myoza.
The Keng Hkam Myoza.
The Nam Hkok Myoza.
Naw Möng, son of Naw Hpa, who was claimant of Hsenwi, and Kun Aw, who
was Pa-ôk-Chok of Möngyai in Hsenwi Alelet, and had been ejected by San
Ton Hon and Hkun Sa, the exiled chief of Möngtung, were also present.
The question of tribute was one in which all took a keen interest, and
it was fully discussed. The right of the British Government to demand
tribute was not contested. But the manner of it, whether it should be
in the form of annual presents or of money to be raised from the people
by a house tax, was the subject of dispute. The exemption for ten years
which had been given to the Sawbwa of Hsipaw caused much heartburning
and led to demands for a similar indulgence.
Eventually, however, all agreed to pay tribute, the amount for the next
five years being that which had been paid yearly in King Mindon's time.
The Trans-Salween States from various causes did not appear at Möngnai.
But a dispute between Mawkmai and Möngnai regarding the right to a
small Trans-Salween State of Möng Pu was settled satisfactorily in
favour of Möngnai. Mawkmai's claim had no strong foundation, and after
the facts had been set forth, the Sawbwa accepted them and yielded
in a peaceable and graceful fashion. It was evident that already the
authority of the British Government had been acknowledged by all, and
that its decisions would be obeyed.
On the 20th of January Mr. Hildebrand held a Durbar, which all the
chiefs, and a very great number of the smaller folk, attended. The
draft patents and letters of appointment were given to the chiefs,
along with suitable presents, and the advantages of the peace which
would follow the establishment of British authority were pointed out to
them by the Superintendent in a speech. A march past and a sham-fight
by the troops gave them an opportunity of comparing British disciplined
and trained troops with their own disorderly and ill-equipped
followers. Sports followed the Durbar, affording amusement to all and
giving a common ground on which all could unite. The wisdom and the
excellent results of holding these meetings cannot be denied.
On the 22nd of January, 1888, the column left Möngnai and started on
its way to Möngyai, where it will be recollected (p. 166) it was to
meet with the Northern Column and Mr. Daly. The route to be taken on
this march had been left by the Chief Commissioner to Mr. Hildebrand's
discretion. Is has been seen that the Laikha group of States were not
represented at the Durbar. The Superintendent, therefore, instead of
taking the route to the east through Möngnawng, which was reputed to
be the shorter, took a western road leading through Laikha, Möng Kung,
and Kehsi Mansam. It proved to be the easiest route that could have
been followed, and showed the troops to as large a number of States as
possible.
On the second march out the Sawbwa of Laikha and the Myoza of Möng Kung
were met coming to meet the Superintendent. They turned and marched
with the column. They said that difficulties in procuring supplies
had delayed them, and the truth of this statement was proved by the
appearance of the countryside when the next march brought the force
into Laikha territory--a wide billowy plain not long ago closely
cultivated and well peopled: now deserted and waste. "The face of
the land," wrote the Superintendent, "was deserted and desolate as
an American pampas or a Russian steppe. We marched along the main
north road which had clearly been not long since a wide thoroughfare
travelled over by many men and many cattle. Now it was narrowed to
a mere path which encroaching bushes and rank grass threatened at
no great distance of time altogether to obliterate. Marks of tigers
were seen here and there on the clay trodden hard by the feet of many
wayfarers now no more to be seen. The few householders who remained
were gaunt with hunger, and had not energy enough left to pull up the
bamboo spikes which had been placed in the ground during the fighting
which was the primary cause of all this misery, emphasized by the
famine which succeeded as a necessary result. The Hsen (local headman)
spiked his foot coming out to meet the column."
The description of the town of Laikha is not less melancholy. It has
been on the decline for years. "Civil wars and local disturbances have
ruined it slowly but surely." It was one of the finest and wealthiest
places in the State, and there were many splendid monasteries and
elaborate pagodas. These were found deserted and falling to pieces,
the shrines left to moulder away without a single pious offering, the
jungle coming up to their very thresholds and creepers tearing the
bricks asunder.
Leaving Laikha on the 30th of January, three marches brought the
column to Möngkung, a State blessed with very fertile soil and good
streams. But here also local dissension and Burman interference had
brought ruin. On the death of the chief (designated _Myoza_), one
Hkun Saing was able by bribery or intrigue to procure an order from
Mandalay giving him the succession. The people, however, clung to
the rightful heir, the son of the deceased Myoza, a boy of ten or
twelve. Hkun Sang persuaded the neighbouring State of Möngnawng to
take his part. Kehsi Mansam took the boy's side. Nearly every village
in both States was burnt, and the able-bodied men were too absorbed
in the fight to till the soil. Ruin and famine followed in the track
of the fighting, which did not cease until our troops arrived on the
Shan plateau. The only villages to which any prosperity remained were
those in the hills inhabited by tribes of a Karen origin who held
aloof from Shan politics. At Möngkung the minor chief of Möngsang and
Mönghsu came to see the Superintendent. Here also news came that Mr.
Daly with the Northern Column had reached Hsenwi and had received from
San Ton Hon a promise that he would come to Möngyai. This hopeful
information regarding San Ton Hon enabled the Superintendent to issue
a proclamation in Shan to the monks, headmen, and elders of Hsenwi,
assuring them that a settlement of their affairs would certainly be
made and ordering them to attend at Möngyai.
From Möngkung to Kehsi Mansam was four marches through a country
marked by the ravages of war. Nevertheless the Myoza, "an undersized,
insignificant-looking creature, addicted to the use of opium," was not
too depressed to come out fifteen miles to meet the column, which he
played into the town with a band of local musicians and dancers leading
the way.
Matters relating to some minor States were discussed at Kehsi Mansam,
and the peaceful settlement of Hsenwi seemed not distant. But it was
sanguine to expect that people who had been engaged in petty wars for
years would take suddenly to the ways of peace. The lion does not all
at once lie down with the lamb, nor it might be said more appropriately
does the jackal make peace with the wild dog. Two days after the
arrival of the column at Kehsi Mansam it was reported that an attack
had been made on Möngyai and San Ton Hon's deputy driven out. The men
who headed this adventure were nephews of the Pa-ôk-Chok and gave out
that they were acting for that personage with the Superintendent's
approval. As the Pa-ôk-Chok and Naw Möng had accompanied the force ever
since it marched from Möngnai, it was feared that this story might seem
probable to San Ton Hon and might prevent him from coming to Möngyai.
Letters, therefore, were sent to reassure him and to explain that the
expulsion of his man from Möngyai would not influence the decision of
the Superintendent.
From Kehsi Mansam, passing through the Alelet or Central Division of
Hsenwi, the column reached Möngyai on the 15th of February, 1888.
Mr. Daly, with the Northern Column, joined Mr. Hildebrand on the 1st
of March. Kun San Ton Hon came with him. Meanwhile all the headmen
of various denominations, uncouth to English ears, Myozas, Heins,
Seins, Ta Möngs, and Kin Möngs, had collected in obedience to the
Superintendent's summons, and were busy no doubt in discussing the
situation and the best methods of settlement and comparing the present
condition of the State broken up into petty divisions, none of them
powerful enough for self-defence, with the comparative order which had
prevailed when it was under its hereditary Sawbwas, who could show an
unbroken succession for two hundred years.
On the 1st of March, when San Ton Hon arrived with Mr. Daly, all the
Hsenwi claimants were assembled at Möngyai. Naw Möng--representing
his father, Naw Hpa, who was a refugee with the Kachins in the north;
Sang Aw, the Pa-ôk-Chok, who claimed the Central Division; and San
Ton Hon, who claimed the whole State. Naw Hpa was pronounced on all
sides to be too old and infirm to rule. Naw Möng claimed as his heir
and representative the whole of Hsenwi, excepting some of the southern
subdivisions, which had been given independence in the King's time.
His attitude was most reasonable. He confessed his obligations to the
British Government. Unless they had occupied Mandalay and removed
Thebaw, he and his sister would have been lying still in hopeless
imprisonment. He was ready to bow to the Superintendent's decision,
whatever it might be. The Pa-ôk-Chok was even more accommodating. He
was an old worn man whose only title to be considered in the matter was
that he had preserved the peace in the Central Division at a critical
time. He would be quite content if he were permitted to administer
Möngyai. San Ton Hon, who had no rightful title to any part of Hsenwi,
not unnaturally laid claim to all the country that was or had been
known by that name. On reflection, however, he adopted an attitude of
greater humility and declared his willingness to abide by the decision
of the Superintendent.
The points to which the Superintendent's inquiry should be directed
had been laid down by the Chief Commissioner in the instructions
given him. Amongst other points, such as the history of the several
claimants, their sources of influence and their ability and power to
govern, the Chief Commissioner had laid stress on the real wishes of
the people of Hsenwi as a whole or of such parts of it as should be
separately considered. "You should then," he wrote, "pending a full
reference to the Chief Commissioner, make such arrangements for the
administration of Theinni [Hsenwi] as you deem most fitting, bearing in
mind that the great object to be attained is peace in the country. You
must not be guided either in your provisional arrangements or in your
recommendations solely by considerations of abstract right or abstract
justice. You must give great weight to considerations of expediency
and keep prominently before your mind that Theinni [Hsenwi] must have
strong permanent Government in order to ensure peace and prosperity;
and that the chief or chiefs must be both friendly to the British
Government and ready and able to give proof of friendship by prompt
and powerful action should such be necessary." The question whether
the policy should be to unite the country into one large State, or to
recognize the divisions into which it had been broken up, was left to
Mr. Hildebrand's discretion, but an inclination in favour of the large
State was indicated.
It was decided to hold a conference of all the persons interested in
this matter and to ascertain, so far as might be possible, the views
and wishes of the people. A large (_Mandat_ or) temporary hall was
constructed by the Pa-ôk-Chok for the assemblage. On the date fixed,
the 3rd of March, 1888, "about fifty headmen of circles, many superiors
of monasteries, monks, sidesmen, almoners, and village elders were
assembled, while outside gathered great numbers of the common people
from all parts of the country. There were also present beside the
claimants, representatives of all the chief Southern States and of
Hsipaw." In fact, it was an assemblage of all the estates of the realm
in the Shan country--the Lords Temporal, the Lords Spiritual, and the
Commons. They had come together to assist in deciding by whom and how
the Hsenwi territory should be governed. And they had come at the call
of a Government which had taken a visible form in the Shan country only
a year before, which only two years previously had displaced the King
of Burma to whom the Shans had been subject for centuries, and which
was still fighting in Burma proper against the adherents of the King.
It was certainly an achievement not easily matched in the history of
conquests or annexations, and showed the confidence in our power and
our justice which a very short experience had been able to create.
It was not a mere show; the people had not assembled themselves to
register a foregone decision. The Superintendent was making an honest
attempt to ascertain the wishes of all classes. The machinery was
rude. But it was quite as likely to succeed in its object as the
elaborate devices of advanced democracies which give free play to the
arts of false-tongued demagogues and afford them every opportunity of
bamboozling electors, most of whom are more ignorant of the issues than
the Shans who assembled at Möngyai.
The method adopted for taking the votes was to call upon each head
of a circle to record his opinion, and then to take the opinion of
the assembly. The first question put was whether Hsenwi should be
reunited or whether it should remain divided, and if divided, into how
many parts. The opinion against reunion into one State was manifested
unmistakably. On the second point there was much discussion, but the
result showed a balance, and a large balance, of opinion in favour of
two States, North and South. The great majority, when the question
of the rulers to be appointed was put, gave the North to San Ton Hon,
and the South to Naw Möng. The Pa-ôk-Chok did not press his claim. "On
the whole," the report says, "considerable intelligence and a shrewd
appreciation of the novel idea of an open election were displayed, and
a member of the outside crowd created some amusement by his vigorous
championing of San Ton Hon. This unexpected interlude had a very good
effect in putting most of the headmen at their ease and in persuading
the entire assemblage that the election was a perfectly open matter,
and that any one present might give his opinion and his reasons for
holding it." The Shans were evidently a primitive people in election
matters at least, and had to learn the art of breaking up meetings and
silencing opponents.
After electing the Sawbwas of Northern and Southern Hsenwi, the
boundary to be fixed between the two divisions was discussed and
settled with the acquiescence of San Ton Hon and Naw Möng, but against
the views of some of the latter's people, who thought that Southern
Hsenwi was shorn of some territory which ought to belong to it.
Further disagreement between the Naw Möng and his people followed when
on the second day of the Durbar the amount of revenue to be paid by the
two divisions respectively came to be considered. The Naw Möng offered
spontaneously to pay the sum formerly paid to the King by the Alelet
Division, without making any deduction on account of the circles which
the boundary now adopted had given to the Northern territory. This easy
attitude of their newly appointed chief caused acute discontent, which
afterwards manifested itself. San Ton Hon was a man of different stamp.
The Naw Möng had offered a revenue of Rs. 15,000. San Ton Hon made a
stand against paying more than Rs. 500. He agreed, after much talking,
to pay Rs. 2,000. The Northern Division of Hsenwi was no doubt much
poorer at the time than the South. Still the amount was considerably
less than the State ought to have paid. The Superintendent, however,
thought it wiser to accept it than to risk a rupture with San Ton Hon.
The unequal treatment was impolitic as well as unfair and bred trouble
in Southern Hsenwi. A month after the column left Möngyai a rising
against Naw Möng was organized by the discontented party, and he had
to make his escape by flight. Mr. Daly, who was at Hsipaw, rode out
at once with a small party and summoned all the heads of circles to
Möngyai. An inquiry was held, the leaders of the revolt were arrested
and tried by the Sawbwa of South Hsenwi, and were sentenced to terms of
imprisonment. New headmen were appointed in place of those condemned.
Mr. Daly returned to Hsipaw, and the Naw Möng had no further trouble to
contend with. The settlement of Hsenwi made at the Möngyai Durbar has
stood the test of time and is a monument to the officers concerned in
bringing it about.
Leaving Möngyai on the 7th of March, the column marched to Lashio by
easy stages.
Nothing has been said hitherto as to the Northern Shan Column which
accompanied Mr. Daly. Mr. Daly had preceded the force to Hsipaw and
made arrangements for its progress. He had despatched letters to the
Northern chiefs announcing his coming, and reassuring them as to the
nature of the movement.
The route laid down for the Northern Shan Column by the Chief
Commissioner was from Hsipaw to the northern part of Hsenwi; thence
westward to Namhsan, the chief town in Tawngpeng; then back to
Hsipaw and from Hsipaw on to Möngyai to meet the Southern Column. No
independent powers were given to Mr. Daly, who was to place himself in
all political matters under Mr. Hildebrand's orders. He was to act as
the precursor of the Superintendent, summoning the chiefs and headmen
and explaining to them the objects of Mr. Hildebrand's coming. He was
also to collect information as to the state of affairs and the position
of the various factions in Hsenwi. He was given authority, however, to
insist on the cessation of fighting, and empowered, if the necessity
should arise, to use force in maintaining peace. He was empowered also
to take action in Tawngpeng for securing the submission of the Sawbwa,
and to require him to pay tribute for the past year of such sum as he
(Mr. Daly) might judge reasonable, explaining that this payment was
exacted because the Sawbwa had harboured disaffected persons.
The Northern Column left Hsipaw on the 29th of December, 1887, and
crossed into Tawngpeng territory. All the villages were deserted,
and on the 30th of December the advance- and rear-guards were
simultaneously fired into. Two mules were killed and a driver wounded.
A few volleys into the bush dispersed the attacking party. The town of
Namhsam was reached on the 31st. All the inhabitants had disappeared.
Mr. Daly remained eight days, in the hope of inducing the Sawbwa
to come in, but without success. He was able, however, to restore
confidence. The townspeople returned to their houses, and on the march
of the column to Hsenwi the villagers on the road watched the troops
without concern. The attack on the column was afterwards explained.
There was an old standing feud between Tawngpeng and Hsipaw, dating
from a treacherous massacre of Tawngpeng officials by the grandfather
of Hkun Saing, the Sawbwa of Hsipaw. Mr. Daly had been several weeks in
Hsipaw, and a number of Hsipaw bullock-drivers were with the column.
This aroused the suspicions of the Tawngpeng officials, and orders were
given to oppose any armed men from Hsipaw. However this may have been,
the misunderstanding was only for a time.
Mr. Daly then went on to the town of Hsenwi, or rather to the site of
the town, for the town had been destroyed, to meet San Ton Hon, who
after some hesitation came in to see him and arranged to attend the
Conference at Möngyai. The Northern Column then marched east to the
Kunlon Ferry on the Salween, to Mansi, where San Ton Hon joined Mr.
Daly and accompanied him to Möngyai. Except that the submission of
the Tawngpeng Sawbwa had not been obtained owing to his timidity or
hostility, the task appointed to the Northern Column had been executed
with complete success.
But to go back. After the Durbar was over at Möngyai, the Southern
Column, according to its wont, gave a display for the popular delight.
On the first day there was a sham-fight, which was viewed with much
interest by chiefs and followers; and on the second, garrison sports,
which it is related "proved a great attraction and tended in no small
degree to bring the troops and the people together and to produce good
feeling on both sides."
All hope of meeting any of the great Trans-Salween chiefs was now past.
Various causes had prevented them from coming in, amongst others a raid
made across their track to Möngnai by the irrepressible Twet Nga Lu,
and some mischievous lies spread by Saw Ôn of Yawnghwè regarding the
withdrawal of the British forces. Trans-Salween affairs had therefore
to be laid aside for a more convenient season. But much useful
information was gathered and recorded by the Superintendent and Mr.
Scott.
From Lashio the column moved to Panglon, a village on the eastern
borders of Tawngpeng territory, to which place the chief had been
summoned to meet the Superintendent and make his submission. He did
not obey the summons, but sent excuses for his absence alleging age
and infirmities, and saying that he wished his son to be accepted as
Sawbwa in his room. Two days afterwards this son, entitled the Naw
Möng, accompanied by most of the chief officials, came in, and with
humble apologies for the attack made on the Northern Column, tendered
his allegiance to the British Government. As it appeared that the old
Sawbwa was nearly eighty years of age, it was decided to accept the
Naw Möng, Hkun Kyan, as chief, and to draw out the _sanad_, or patent,
in his name. This was done, and the amount of revenue to be paid by
Tawngpeng was determined. It may be recorded here that Hkun Kyan
administered the State for seven years until 1895, when he resigned on
account of ill-health. A cousin succeeded him but proved incompetent,
and in 1904 a Government officer was put in charge of Tawngpeng. At
present, the Sawbwa is administering the State satisfactorily.
Having settled this matter, the column marched into Hsipaw. It is worth
noting that Hkun Saing, the chief of Hsipaw, had obtained greater
favour from the British Government than any other of the Shan chiefs.
The more prominent of them bitterly resented the concessions made
to Hkun Saing, namely: the remission of his revenue for ten years
and the conferment on him of the three States of Möngtung, Mönglong,
and Hsumhsai, to which he had no right. His services to the British
Government consisted in this, that he came down to meet the Chief
Commissioner at Mandalay and was the first to make his submission
to the Queen-Empress. It might have been expected, therefore, that
he would have made some show of providing shelter and supplies for
the troops. He did nothing. The extraordinary favours which he had
received led him to think that he must be necessary to the Government,
and he made no effort to prove his gratitude. The gift of Möngtung to
Hkun Saing was resented by the inhabitants of that State, who claimed
independence and wished to be ruled by their hereditary chief, who had
been dismissed by the Sawbwa of Hsipaw. Similar were the feelings of
the people of Mönglong, whose hereditary ruler, Nga Maung, gave great
trouble to our administration. Mr. Hildebrand worked hard to arrive at
some settlement by which peace might be assured. He was unsuccessful,
and Möngtung as well as Mönglong was torn by dissension for some years.
At length in 1893, owing to this and other administrative failures,
a British officer was appointed to advise and guide the Sawbwa Hkun
Saing, and by this means peace and order were restored.
On the 9th of April, after a tour of four months and nineteen days,
the Southern Shan Column, under Colonel Swetenham, accompanied by Mr.
Hildebrand and Mr. Scott, marched into Mandalay. The expedition had
done its work well. Every chief, big and little, in the Cis-Salween
States had been met and his formal recognition of British supremacy
obtained. Long-existing feuds had been set at rest, and claims the
subject of prolonged fighting peaceably adjudicated. The revenue
payable by each State had been ascertained, and with one or two
exceptions definitely fixed. The Southern Column had marched upwards
of seven hundred miles, and had passed through the territory of
every important chief. The few minor States untraversed by it had
been visited either by Captain Jackson, R.E., of the Government of
India Survey, or by Lieutenant Stanton, D.S.O., of the Intelligence
Department, accompanied in each case by small parties of troops; and by
their labours a map had been constructed on which the position of every
important place in the Cis-Salween States was scientifically fixed.
Moreover, a mass of information regarding the Shan country, its main
features and products, and the character and politics of the people,
was collected, invaluable to those engaged in administering this wide
country.
[Illustration: PAGODAS AT MANG KAO--SHAN STATES.]
If the Shans generally on the west of the Salween have accepted British
rule and learned to trust our good faith and moderation, the credit
must be given to the work done by the two columns. Although that work
was in the main of a civil character, and the military force was there
as an escort and a protection in case of need, yet the soldiers deserve
quite as great a share of the blessing promised to the peacemaker as
the civilians. In building the Indian Empire, soldiers and civilians
have always worked hand in hand. In Burma and the Shan States the old
tradition was not belied.
The civil officers with the columns recorded their gratitude to Colonel
Swetenham and his officers for their unwearying efforts to assist the
Superintendent in his communications with the chiefs and the people.
But more than that: "It remains to be noted," writes Mr. Scott, "that
this desire to aid the Superintendent in his duties was no less
conspicuous among the native officers, and the men, alike of the 2nd
Queen's, the Battery, and the 27th Punjab Infantry. The native officers
in particular took a most intelligent and evidently real interest in
the objects of the expedition. They not only succeeded in suppressing
all crime and ill-treatment of the people by the sepoys and followers,
but they were foremost in showing the example of friendly and social
intercourse with the people. Nearly every one in the regiment had
picked up during their two years' stay in Burma a certain amount of
Burmese; to this was added a few words of Shan; and these used freely
on all occasions, whether apposite or not, never failed to break down
the nervousness and awe with which the population was at first disposed
to regard us. Whenever we halted for any time, friendships were struck
up between the troops and the people, and that the goodwill and esteem
thus created was not merely superficial or assumed was more than once
proved in the most satisfactory manner. Followers were lost or strayed
away from the camp. In every case these animals or men were taken
care of, fed, and in some cases clothed and physicked and eventually
sent on to join the column." A further proof of the friendliness of
the people was the immunity of the mails from detention or pillage.
Although sent without guards by native runners, they were invariably
delivered after passing sometimes through many States and many hands.
"If, therefore," concludes Mr. Scott, "as there can be no doubt is the
case, the Cis-Salween States have definitely and thankfully accepted
our suzerainty, no small share of the credit of our success is due to
the exertions of the officers of the Shan Column."
In dealing with semi-savage and ignorant races, the power of rumour
and misrepresentation can hardly be overestimated. When the Shans saw
that the Southern Column left no detachment behind it at Möngnai,
and instead of returning from Hsenwi to Fort Stedman marched down to
Mandalay, rumour began to be busy and the ignorant imagination of the
people to seek reasons for this movement. Ready at hand to supply food
for fancy was Saw Ôn, the Yawnghwè Sawbwa. An intriguer and gossip
by nature, he sat down to write letters to all the greater chiefs,
informing them that the garrison at Fort Stedman had been reduced to
forty men. This advanced person had already begun to take in some
of the Rangoon papers and to read the telegrams, which he could not
understand but from which he contrived to extract the notion that there
was going to be a European war and that the British were withdrawing
their troops from Burma, to which the notices in the papers of troops
leaving in the course of the ordinary reliefs seemed to point. These
letters reached men even more ignorant than himself. The impression
gained ground that the British power was passing, and the disappointed
claimants, the adventurers, and the men with a grievance saw an
opportunity for action.
It will be remembered that the chief of Eastern Karenni had not met
Mr. Hildebrand at Möngnai. The country of the Karenni, or Red Karens,
has an area of nearly five thousand square miles, much of which is
hill and forest. On the east it is bounded by Siamese territory; on
the north by the Shan States; on the south by Lower Burma; and on the
west by a hill tract which separates it from the level country of Burma
proper. It is divided into Eastern Karenni and Western Karenni. We are
concerned at present with the former, which consists of one single
State, Gantarawadi. The ruler of this State was Sawlapaw. He resided at
the chief place, Saw Lon, and he is aptly described by Mr. Scott as a
stubborn man from his youth, who had grown old in the belief that his
country was impregnable and his people in their hills invincible. He
was confirmed in this unfounded belief by the extraordinary timidity
and cowardice of the Shans, who habitually submitted to be raided and
robbed, and to see their people carried away into slavery by this
overbearing savage and his men.
Now Sawlapaw had a long-standing grievance with the adjoining Shan
State of Mawkmai. The cause, or the alleged cause, was the seizure
by the Sawbwa of Mawkmai, twenty-two years before, of a number of
elephants and timber in Karenni forests. He had endeavoured to get
redress from the Burmese Government twice, but without success. The
Burmese Government had disappeared, and now he had seen a British force
come and go, he was told for good and all. He thought his opportunity
had come, and advanced on Mawkmai. The Sawbwa of that State, by name
Hkun Hmon, had a bad conscience. His father, Ne Nwe, the man whom
Sawlapaw accused of robbing him of his elephants, had died some time
back. According to Shan custom Hkun Hmon ought to have buried his
father and divided the personality amongst certain relations who were
entitled to it. Shan custom demanded that the burial should precede the
payment of the legacies. Hkun Hmon disliking the idea of parting with
the property, put off the burial indefinitely, making, it may be hoped,
some sort of decent, if temporary, shelter for his father's body, by
placing it, for example, in a coffin of teak with a generous covering
of honey.
Now the principal legatees were in Möngnai, and were connections
of the Möngnai Sawbwa. Hence the "Smock-faced" Hkun Hmon, as Mr.
Scott dubs him, when he heard of the Karenni force advancing upon
him, knowing that Möngnai and the Karenni chief were allies, became
conscience-stricken; and, imagining that a combined attack would
be made on him, fled without raising a finger to defend himself. The
Karenni entered Mawkmai on the 2nd of March without let or hindrance.
They proceeded to burn the town and ravage the country. They destroyed
everything. Even the monasteries and bridges were burnt. The Mawkmai
Valley, which up to that time had escaped devastation and was the only
part of the Shan States that had been spared, was completely ruined.
Sawlapaw then appointed a man of his own to be Sawbwa of Mawkmai, and
declared the State to be annexed to Karenni. Hitherto Eastern Karenni
had been treated with much forbearance by the Chief Commissioner--more,
perhaps, because it was inconvenient to move against it just then than
from a desire to spare Sawlapaw.
Mr. Scott, after returning to Mandalay with the Southern Shan Column
(see p. 180), had hurried back by the Natteik Pass to Fort Stedman.
Late in April the Chief Commissioner sent him orders to clear the
Karenni out of Mawkmai and restore the rightful Sawbwa, Hkun Hmon.
He left Fort Stedman on the 2nd of May, with a party under Colonel
Sartorius of the Beleuchi Regiment, to execute these orders.
The same influences which had led Sawlapaw to go on the warpath, at
this moment had operated on the energetic mind of Twet Nga Lu. Since
his expulsion from Kengtawng by the Möngnai troops (vide p. 168) he
had remained on the east of the Salween, and had collected a number of
his ruffianly followers who had been able to get arms and powder from
Chiengmai. Crossing the river he took the town of Möngpan on the 4th of
March, the day after the Karenni's seizure of Mawkmai.
The news of these disturbances had reached Mr. Hildebrand at Hsipaw.
He had sent orders to the Möngnai Sawbwa to collect men to expel Twet
Nga Lu and to reinstate Hkun Hmon in Mawkmai. Hkun Kyi raised what men
he could and attacked Twet Nga Lu's position, but he was defeated,
followed up by the bandit, and had to seek safety in flight. This
happened on the evening of the 3rd of May.
On the 6th of May fugitives from Möngnai brought the news of this
catastrophe to Mr. Scott, who was _en route_ to Mawkmai with Colonel
Sartorius. There was no hesitation. The direction of the march was at
once changed to Möngnai. Mr. Scott saw at once the lucky chance offered
to him of making an end of Twet Nga Lu. On the 9th of May a halt was
made at Kanglu, nine miles west of Möngnai. The morning of the 10th of
May was very wet, which rendered a surprise of the enemy more possible.
Mr. Scott had studied the ground when he was with the Southern Column,
and felt able to guide a mounted party in the hope of capturing the
noted filibuster. There was no Mounted Infantry with the column. All
the officers' ponies were requisitioned. Six men of the Rifle Brigade
and one man of the Beleuchi Regiment were thus mounted; and under the
command of Lieutenant Fowler of the Beleuchis, and led by Mr. Scott,
the little party started on the adventure.
Following bypaths over the hills, they escaped notice, and the heavy
rain falling kept most of the peasants under shelter. The town was
entered by the south. Mr. Scott, knowing the ground, led them straight
to the Sawbwa's haw--palace is too grand a name--a teak and bamboo
structure with a stockade round it. Evidently the brigand felt quite
secure. Hardly any one was about, and Twet Nga Lu himself was in bed in
the verandah. He was seized and secured before he quite knew what had
happened. This could not be done, however, without some noise, which
brought in an armed crowd of his chief retainers. Mr. Scott ordered
them peremptorily to sit down, which is the Burmese equivalent of
"Hands up!" They hesitated. A straight blow between the eyes dropped
the foremost. The rest sat down at once, and before they had time to
count their opponents or take stock of the situation, the riflemen had
collected their arms. An anxious and rather bad time followed until
firing was heard, and the gallant little advance party knew that their
supports had come into action. Colonel Sartorius entered the town from
the north, and after a slight engagement, in which four of the ruffians
were killed, the town was cleared of the armed rabble which had held it.
Along with Twet Nga Lu were taken six notable captains, the chief of
whom was Hkun Sang Möng Cheng, his most trusted bravo, for years
a terror to the hillside for his cruelty. He and Twet Nga Lu were
famous for their powers of tattooing and charming, and all of them
were universally believed to be proof against bullet or steel. Mr.
Scott decided to let the Möngnai Sawbwa try them, all except Twet Nga
Lu, according to Shan custom. The Sawbwa sentenced them to death, and
after the Superintendent had considered and confirmed the sentence,
they were shot on a crowded market-day in Möngnai, by a firing-party
of Beleuchi Rifles. The executions were carried out in the presence
of British officers and with every regard to humanity and decency.
No greater scoundrels have ever met with a more deserved punishment.
"All these malefactors," records the Superintendent, "were charmed
against bullet and sword wound, and news of their death spread like
wildfire throughout the States, and has done much to reform previously
incorrigible murderers."
Twet Nga Lu himself was sent into Fort Stedman, presumably as being
too noted a personage to be dealt with by a Sawbwa. The Shan States,
on the annexation of Upper Burma, had been swept into the net and were
constituted a part of British India before accurate information had
been gained of their political conditions and their relations to the
King's Government. On this account there were technical difficulties
in the way of a trial by the Superintendent. The Chief Commissioner's
orders to the Assistant Superintendent were in these words: "As
to the prisoners, including Twet Nga Lu, send such as are Siamese
subjects or natives of doubtful States in custody to Fort Stedman;
make over natives of British Shan States to Möngnai Sawbwa for trial
and punishment according to Shan custom--but do not allow any cruel or
barbarous punishments. Take care that Twet Nga Lu does not effect his
escape. If the Möngnai Sawbwa sentences any prisoner to death for an
offence other than murder, suspend execution until you get orders on
this point." Mr. Hildebrand was instructed therefore to send Twet Nga
Lu back to Möngnai to be tried by the Sawbwa. On the way he attempted
to escape, and was shot by the Beleuchi guard escorting him. The men
returned to Fort Stedman and reported what had happened, saying that
they had buried him on the spot.
It was desired to verify this statement, as there might have been
trouble if the brigand had escaped, or even if the Shans had not
believed him to have been killed. Unfortunately Mr. Scott, who was at
Möngnai, was too unwell to go to the place, and did not visit it for
some time. When he was able to go he found the marks of a very shallow
hole, but no human remains of any kind except a long lock of hair,
which might have been Twet Nga Lu's. The Shans, however, all believed
that Twet Nga Lu was dead, and there was no reason to discredit the
report of the Beleuchi sepoys.
All doubt on this point was removed afterwards. The scene of the
brigand's death was in the wooded hills which border Möngpawn. The
day after he was shot a party of Shans from Möngpawn disinterred, or
rather lifted, the corpse from its shallow grave, and shook off the
loose earth. The head was cut off, shaved, and sent to Möngnai, and
exhibited there at the north, south, east, and west gates of the town
during the absence of the Assistant Superintendent at Fort Stedman. The
various talismans were removed from the trunk and limbs. Such charms
are generally small coins or pieces of metal, which are inserted under
the skin. These would be doubly prized as having been enshrined in
the flesh of so noted a leader, and no doubt were eagerly bought up.
The body was then boiled down, and a concoction known to the Shans as
Mahè Si was obtained, which is an unfailing charm against all kinds of
wounds. So valuable a "medicine" did not long remain in the hands of
the poor, and soon found its way into some princely medicine-chest. The
value attached to the fat of the tiger, and the demand for it by men
of greater culture than the Shans could or can boast, are known to all
Indian sportsmen. Such was the end of Twet Nga Lu. It was certainly, so
far as the body is concerned, most complete.