THE KARENNIS, OR RED KARENS, AND SAWLAPAW
It has been told how Mr. Scott was on his way to Mawkmai, when Twet
Nga Lu's enterprise caused him to turn his course to Möngnai. He
now returned to the original object of his expedition, namely, the
expulsion of the Karennis from Mawkmai and the restoration of the
Sawbwa Hkun Hmon, whom they had expelled. He reached Mawkmai with the
force under Colonel Sartorius on the 16th of May, 1888, and found that
the Karennis had not awaited his coming. Mawkmai was occupied, and
Sawbwa Hkun Hmon reinstated. Colonel Sartorius returned to Fort Stedman
with the main portion of his command, leaving, in accordance with the
instructions given to him, a hundred and fifty rifles, under Lieutenant
Fowler, at Mawkmai, which was considered to be the most fitting post
for the civil officer and his escort.
Mawkmai being only a long march of twenty-five miles from Möngnai, a
detachment of twenty-five rifles was thought enough to support the
Sawbwa, and in June, Hkun Hmon reported that the Karennis had quitted
his country. All seemed to have settled down. The Superintendent did
not hesitate, therefore, to call Mr. Scott to Fort Stedman for various
business matters. Mr. Scott reached Fort Stedman on the 28th of June,
and reported that all was well. Lieutenant Fowler was at that time
in Mawkmai. On the 1st of July he moved his headquarters to Möngnai,
leaving the detachment of twenty-five rifles to garrison Mawkmai. The
Karennis, it may be presumed, were watching his movements, for on the
3rd of July, in the evening, a body of Karennis attempted to rush the
town. They were repulsed, but kept up a fire on the defenders until
long after dark. The twenty-five Beleuchis, seconded by the Sawbwa and
his armed rabble, returned the fire and inflicted some loss on the
enemy, who had withdrawn to a short distance. Considering it unsafe,
after this experience, to leave Mawkmai with so small a detachment,
Lieutenant Fowler moved his headquarters back to that place.
The monsoon was now in full force. With roads of the most primitive
kind and swollen rivers, rapid travelling was difficult. Mr. Scott
left Fort Stedman as soon as the news of what had happened reached
him. Leaving his baggage to make what speed it could, he rode on and
arrived at Mawkmai half-starved and dressed in some Shan garments which
he had borrowed on the way to replace his dripping clothes, only to
find that the fighting was over. Lieutenant Fowler, learning that the
enemy had taken up a position within a day's march of Mawkmai, went
straight for them, carried their entrenchments at the point of the
bayonet, and drove them out with a loss to them of sixty men. This
experience ought to have diminished the arrogance of Sawlapaw. He was
very little moved by it. He wrote on the 13th of July in the most
royal style, requesting the withdrawal of British troops from Mawkmai
lest they should be "accidentally harmed" by his men when he attacked
Hkun Hmon. This letter was returned to Sawlapaw's messengers by the
Chief Commissioner's orders. A letter written in August, in which he
explained his claims against Mawkmai, and asserted that he did not know
the relations of that State to the British Government, was dealt with
in the same way. Both these letters were written in a style that was
inconsistent with the position of the Karenni chief, and they meant
defiance.
In July, 1888, the matter was referred to the Government of India,
and their sanction was received in August to demand from Sawlapaw
compensation for the damage done to Mawkmai and securities for his
future good behaviour, and to enforce these demands if they were not
complied with.
In September, as the Karenni chief showed no signs of yielding, or
willingness to meet Mr. Hildebrand, the Chief Commissioner prepared
and placed in the Superintendent's hands an ultimatum in the following
terms: Sawlapaw was required firstly to come in to Fort Stedman, and
there make in person his submission as a chief subordinate to the
Queen-Empress. Secondly, to pay an indemnity of two lakhs of rupees to
cover the damage done to Mawkmai and the cost of the expedition sent
to relieve that State; thirdly, to surrender five hundred serviceable
muskets; lastly, to covenant to pay annually a tribute of five thousand
rupees to the British Government. This ultimatum was placed in the
Superintendent's (Mr. Hildebrand's) hands, but he was instructed to
withhold it until November, and meanwhile to endeavour by all possible
means to persuade Sawlapaw to come to terms.
In October it seemed as if the Karenni chief was beginning to have
some misgivings. He adopted a tone of humility and apology, which
led Mr. Hildebrand to hope for a peaceful ending. To make it easier
for him, a reduction of the indemnity and of the number of the guns
to be surrendered was allowed to Sawlapaw if he made his personal
submission without delay. Later on, at Mr. Hildebrand's request, the
Chief Commissioner allowed Mawkmai to be substituted for Fort Stedman
as the place to which the chief should come, so that he should have a
very short distance to travel beyond his own borders. On November 16th,
as the obstinate chief showed no signs of yielding, the ultimatum was
despatched. On the 17th a letter was received by the Superintendent
bearing the date of November 5th. This letter, which had been written
in a much more friendly tone, had been delayed _en route_. In it
Sawlapaw proposed that Mr. Hildebrand should meet him at Loikaw on
December 14th, accompanied "by a small escort," so that the people
"should not be alarmed." "The reason," he added, "why I propose Loikaw
is that at present I am like a mother with her child in her arms; she
has to be with it always in order to prevent it crying; my people
will feel my absence if I go to Fort Stedman." Mr. Hildebrand was
permitted to accede to this request, provided Sawlapaw brought with him
the two lakhs of rupees and the five hundred muskets required by the
ultimatum. As an alternative the chief was told that if before the 14th
of December he sent in the money and arms to Fort Stedman, to prove
his good faith, the date for his personal submission at Loikaw would
be postponed to the 1st of January, 1889. These concessions, which
were made in the hope of avoiding a conflict, led to nothing except,
perhaps, the hardening of Sawlapaw's heart. To leave the shelter of
his own territory, and present himself before a foreign potentate
whom he is conscious of having offended, was a hard thing to ask of
a half-civilized ruler. But there was no evidence that Sawlapaw had
any honest intention of submitting. He was said on all sides to be
preparing to resist us. It is just possible that if the Superintendent
had been allowed further latitude he might have persuaded the Karenni
to make some sort of apology. To the Chief Commissioner it appeared
absolutely necessary, as an example, to insist on open and unmistakable
personal submission.
[Illustration: GROUP OF RED KARENS.]
During all these negotiations, preparations for the expedition had
been going on. It was expected that the main strength of Sawlapaw's
resistance would be on his northern boundary. He would in all
likelihood raid the districts of Lower Burma on his south; or, if he
were hard pressed, he might try to escape in that direction, or he
might cross into his own territory on the east of the Salween. It was
settled, therefore, that there should be two columns. The main force,
which was to make the real attack and to occupy Sawlôn, the capital of
Eastern Karenni, was to concentrate at Saga, thirty-six miles south of
Fort Stedman, on the 27th of December. The other was to travel up by
the Salween _viâ_ Papun, and march on Bawlaké in Western Karenni. Its
duty was to cover the districts of Lower Burma, and at the same time
to distract the attention of the enemy and also prevent his retreat
southward. The command of this force was given to Colonel Harvey. To
meet any attempt on Sawlapaw's part to escape eastward, a suggestion
made by the British representative at Bangkok that the Siamese might be
asked to co-operate had been accepted in August, and no further measure
in this direction was thought necessary.
With Colonel Harvey were one hundred rifles of the Cheshire Regiment
and one hundred and fifty rifles of the 8th Madras Infantry. Fifty
rifles of the latter regiment had been advanced to Papun early in
November, and the frontier posts of that district, which were held
by Gurkha and Karen (Lower Burma) police, were reinforced. At the
same time, in order to bring pressure to bear upon Sawlapaw and the
Karennis, who depend to a large extent on imported food, a blockade was
established and all exports from British territories stopped.
On the 7th of December Mr. Hildebrand reported that the Mawkmai Sawbwa
had received letters from Sawlapaw announcing his intention to fight.
On the 10th of December he telegraphed from Mobye that there was no
hope of a peaceful solution. Lest an advance from the south should
endanger a settlement, Colonel Harvey had been held back by the Chief
Commissioner's orders. On the receipt of Mr. Hildebrand's telegram from
Mobye, he was ordered to cover the frontier of the Salween district,
arranging to reach Bawlaké on the date on which the Northern Column
hoped to occupy Sawlôn. Colonel Harvey arrived at Papun on the 19th
of December. Two days previously Kyaukhnyat, a village on the Salween
River north-east of Papun, was attacked by a considerable number of
Karennis. The village was burnt and the bazaar plundered under the eyes
of the police, who were content to defend their own post. The delay,
intended to avoid bloodshed, resulted, as often happens, in encouraging
the enemy to strike the first blow. Another post was also attacked
about the same time. As a precaution Colonel Harvey was strengthened by
the addition of fifty British and one hundred Madras Rifles, and moved
from Papun to Bawlaké on the 26th of December. Pazaung, a stockade held
by Karennis, was taken without difficulty, and as that place offered a
favourable position for covering the frontier of Lower Burma, Colonel
Harvey remained there until he heard of the occupation of Sawlôn. The
bulk of his column then returned to their quarters, leaving some Madras
Rifles to strengthen the police outposts for a time.
The Northern Column was commanded by Brigadier-General H. Collett, C.B.
It was composed of the following troops:--
2 guns, No. 1 Mountain Battery, Bengal.
100 rifles, 1st Battalion Rifle Brigade.
250 rifles, 1st Beluchi Light Infantry.
4 signallers and 40 Mounted Infantry, Rifle Brigade.
70 Mounted Infantry, 1st Beluchi Light Infantry.
25 Queen's Own, sappers and miners, with medical and
commissariat staff.
On the 19th of December final orders were communicated to Mr.
Hildebrand by wire. They prescribed the course to be followed in
each of the possible cases that might arise, while at the same
time allowing him a wide discretion in arranging the details. The
main points on which the Chief Commissioner insisted were that the
East Karenni chief should make his submission in an unmistakable
fashion, and give substantial guarantees for his future good conduct.
Accordingly, whether Sawlapaw met Mr. Hildebrand at Loikaw or not,
the Superintendent, with the column, was to proceed to Sawlôn, and
there arrange the conditions on which he was to retain his position
as a feudatory chief, of which open personal submission was the most
essential.
The instructions then proceeded as follows: "If your march is opposed
by armed force, the nature of the measures to be taken will be a
military question, to be decided by the officer commanding; except on
purely military grounds of urgent necessity, the Chief Commissioner
does not wish villages to be burnt; in no case must villages be sacked.
Your object should be to show the people that our quarrel is not
with them, but with Sawlapaw. Loikaw should not be destroyed, unless
the officer commanding thinks it necessary on military grounds. You
should remain at Sawlôn till the future administration is settled. If
you are forced to turn out Sawlapaw, it will be necessary for you to
stay there till you receive the Chief Commissioner's orders on your
recommendations; this may involve delay, but it cannot be avoided. It
is desirable to humble Sawlapaw, and ensure his peaceful behaviour in
future; but very undesirable to cause him to fly and leave the country
in confusion. The object is to keep him in a friendly, subordinate
alliance. You have liberty, if he submits, to mitigate the terms to
such extent as you may think necessary to secure his future friendship,
and to let him see that we have no desire to harm him. If he does not
submit, it will be necessary to punish him."
The terms and tenor of these orders will suffice to show that although
the Chief Commissioner had little expectation of the peaceful
settlement still hoped for by Mr. Hildebrand, he was anxious to avoid
a conflict. It appeared to him that further delays and concessions
could only result in encouraging Karenni arrogance, and would be
misunderstood by others. There were military reasons, moreover, for
finishing the business quickly and letting the troops return from the
field.
General Collett, having assembled his force at Saga, left that place on
the 29th for Sawlôn, Sawlapaw's capital. His route lay by Loikaw. As
far as Nga Kaing, a village one march from that place, a good road had
been cleared and bridged by the Sawbwa of Yawnghwè, the Myoza of Saga,
and in that portion of it which passed through Sawlapaw's territory by
Karennis acting under the instructions of the Mobye Sawbwa. On the part
of the peasantry there was no enmity towards us.
The road for some way before reaching Nga Kaing passed through scrub
jungle, which gave an enemy every chance of annoying the troops.
Nothing, however, occurred, and on the 1st of January, 1889, the force
debouched into the wide open paddy plain of Karenni without being
molested. While the camp was being pitched, the Beleuchi Scouts, who
were exploring some wooded ground near the village, were fired upon.
They were immediately joined by the Beleuchi Mounted Infantry, under
Lieutenant Tighe. The enemy, driven through the wood and compelled
to break cover, attempted to make for the high ground; but, our men
getting between them and the hills, forced them into the plain.
They numbered two or three hundred, most of them Shans under two of
Sawlapaw's officials, and were not without courage. Several times they
turned and stood to face their pursuers; but, ill-armed and without
discipline, they had not a chance. The threescore of Mounted Infantry
broke them up, rode them down, and drove them almost up to Loikaw,
eight miles distant, inflicting heavy loss. Some of them, seeing escape
to be hopeless, turned fiercely on their enemies, and the Beleuchis
lost four killed and seven wounded in the pursuit.
There was little chance for a combatant soldier to gain distinction
against such a foe. Captain Crimmin, of the Indian Medical Service
(Surgeon-Lieutenant-Colonel John Crimmin, V.C., C.I.E.), was awarded a
Victoria Cross for gallantry in this action.
General Collett pressed on at once with a portion of his force, in
order to complete the rout. He reached Loikaw after dark, and found it
deserted.
Loikaw consisted of two parts, inhabited by two separate communities,
the one of Shans, the other of Karens. The latter was quite deserted.
But the Shans sent out a mission with green leaves, the equivalent
of a flag of truce, to welcome our people, and did what they could
to make the bivouac on the ground north of the village comfortable
for them. Thus the night of New Year's Day saw General Collett with
Mr. Hildebrand and a part of the force occupying Loikaw, while the
remainder of the troops and the baggage were in the rear at Nga Kaing.
On the next day, the 2nd of January, General Collett halted, to allow
the rest of the column and the baggage to come up. The difficulty of
moving even five hundred men in this country, destitute as it was of
supplies for British and Indian soldiers, and equally destitute of
roads, was great. The transport bullocks numbered thirteen hundred;
there were ponies and elephants and camp followers innumerable. The 3rd
of January was taken up in getting the column ferried across a stream
named the Balu, which runs below Loikaw, and is eighty yards wide and
unfordable.
While the soldiers were thus occupied the Superintendent used the
delay to distribute a proclamation issued by the Chief Commissioner,
explaining why the force had entered the Karenni country, and promising
that the peaceful inhabitants should suffer no harm. The result of this
was that some of the elders came in to ask for flags or other tokens
which they might use to show that their villages were not hostile. The
peasants generally had left their homes, they said, and fled to the
hills, and would not return unless they had some assurance of safety.
Mr. Hildebrand, therefore, having found in the baggage some red cloth,
made flags and gave them to the elders for distribution. Before the
evening of the 3rd people were returning in numbers to their homes,
and applications for red flags came in from all sides. When the force
continued its march flags were found placed on the paths leading up to
villages from the main track.
Sawlôn was found to be four marches from Loikaw. On the 4th General
Collett began to move, and encamped at Kawpiti, where trees had been
felled and thrown across the road, and the advance-guard of Mounted
Infantry was fired on. Our men replied, and the enemy, having suffered
some loss, retreated. Some villagers came up with a red flag to warn
our men that the jungle on either side of the road had been spiked, as
Sawlapaw had taken measures to oppose us. The warning was useful, and
only one pony was injured.
On the 5th the ferry on the Pon Chaung River, at a place called
Tilanga, was reached. There had been no opposition hitherto, but
directly the scouts appeared on the river bank fire was opened on
them from the other side, a distance of one hundred and fifty yards.
There was a village on the far bank from which the shots came. Our men
returned the fire, but, as it seemed, with no effect. The guns were
brought up, and two shells were dropped into the village, and set it
on fire. All resistance then ended; but the river had to be crossed.
Empty rum casks had been brought with the force, and the sappers began
to make rafts. The river, however, was deep and rapid, and the attempt
to cross the force on rafts had to be given up. The enemy had removed
and concealed their boats. A close search was made for them, and six
or seven were discovered. A ford at some little distance was found
practicable for elephants, and amongst the Shans who followed the force
sufficient skilled boatmen were found to man the boats. On the next
day, the 6th of January, General Collett began to cross his men, and by
the evening the whole force was on the other side of the Pon Chaung.
The elephants and boatmen were exhausted, and could do no more that
day, while all the commissariat bullocks and their loads still remained
to be brought across the stream.
On the 7th, leaving a guard for the bullocks and baggage which had not
crossed, the main force pushed on. The road now became very difficult.
It narrowed down to a steep path, on the east side of which rose
abruptly a range of rocky hills, on the west side ran the Pon Chaung,
with its tangled jungle, affording the best of cover to an enemy. The
ascent was sometimes severe. Small parties of the enemy were concealed
on the slopes of the hills at short distances, and occasional shots
were fired from the opposite bank of the river. An enemy with more
knowledge or better arms might have made the advance very difficult. As
it was, the hillsides on our left had to be searched and cleared before
the main body could pass. It was dusk before Sakangyi, about six miles
from the last bivouac, was reached. The casualties were one man in the
Rifle Brigade killed and one wounded; two Beleuchis severely wounded;
and Surgeon Manders shot through the thigh.
During the night the baggage came slowly in. The last bullock was not
in camp until several hours after sunrise. The enemy made no attempt
to annoy the baggage or the rear-guard. Leaving on the 8th, as soon
as the men had breakfasted and the rear-guard was in camp, the force
worked its way on in the same manner as on the day before. Firing went
on incessantly, but the flanking parties of Beleuchis did their work
perfectly. The woods within range were thoroughly beaten and cleared of
the enemy, and the force passed through the defile (capturing two guns,
both mounted on carriages, on the hilltop) and entered the more open
country without a casualty.
Sawlôn was now in view. The Beleuchis, under Colonel Sartorius (Colonel
George Conrad, C.B.), were sent forward at once to occupy the town,
which stands on a plateau some three hundred feet above the river. It
was found to be quite deserted. The rest of the column encamped on the
bank of the river below.
It may be well here to give some account of Sawlôn, the capital of the
Red Karen country, as it was in January, 1889. It stands on some high
ground about a mile to the east of the Pon Chaung. The hills at this
point rise by three steps, the first and second of which open out into
two small plateaux. The town is on the first step. To those looking at
it as the force left the defile, it appeared to consist of a few huts.
On ascending the hill, however, it was found to be well laid out, and
to contain some really fine houses. Three broad streets ran through
the town parallel to each other, and were crossed at right angles by
connecting roads of lesser width. There was an excellent water-supply.
A stream from the plateau above the town had been led down the face of
an almost perpendicular rock, and formed a very picturesque waterfall.
On reaching the level it flowed through the town from east to west.
The channel which carried the main supply was substantially bridged in
each of the main streets. On both sides of every street in the town
were smaller channels, fed from the parent stream. The watercourses
were all carefully lined with teak to prevent erosion. Posts with glass
lamps stood before the houses of the better class. Here and there in
the main street a perambulator was seen standing, where it had been
left when the people fled. A box in Sawlapaw's storehouse was found
full of babies' bottles, together with a very large stock of arrowroot.
Evidently the younger generation of the Karennis inclined towards the
luxuries of the West.
The chief, however, was said to stand on the ancient ways, rarely
quitting his house, except to climb to his paddy-fields above the town,
which he worked with his own hands like an ordinary peasant. His haw,
or palace, however, gave some signs of his rank--a large old rambling
house of teak, inside a teak palisade, with a smaller house for his
wife in the same enclosure; a stable close by, with loose-boxes for
four ponies, well built of teak, with iron-barred windows, and raised
about three feet above the ground. Teak timber, which formed the wealth
of the State, was lying about everywhere. The road leading up from the
river to the town was littered with fine logs. It seemed that there
would be little difficulty in recovering the indemnity demanded from
Sawlapaw. Near the palace was an immense timber-yard with four sheds;
in each shed were four saws. The yard was full of timber sawn and in
the rough. The converted timber was methodically stacked in wooden
frames round the yard, each frame containing the same cubic measurement
of timber, so that there was no need to count the pieces. The palace
was by no means the finest house in the town; that of Sawlawi, the
Kya Maing, or heir-apparent, was especially good. A monastery and a
rest-house, of great solidity and excellent workmanship, with very good
carving, stood a little way off.
With the occupation of Sawlôn the active military operations ended. The
work of Mr. Hildebrand was only now beginning, and it was difficult
and perplexing. Sawlapaw had disappeared, and if the people knew his
whereabouts, none would tell. Little was known of the inner politics
of the Karenni State. If the old chief chose to hide himself and
let the case go against him by default, who was to be appointed in
his room? It will be remembered that in the instructions given to
Mr. Hildebrand, the possibility of having to supersede Sawlapaw was
contemplated, and Mr. Hildebrand was definitely told that he was to
remain in Sawlôn until the future administration had been settled and
the Chief Commissioner's orders received. In a private letter the Chief
Commissioner wrote: "In the alternative of Sawlapaw running away and
leaving the country without a governor, you must find some one to take
his place. I do not want Karenni left on my own hands. You have had so
much practice in king-making that I need say no more."
Mr. Hildebrand's difficulties were much increased by the announcement
of the General in command, that the column must leave Sawlôn on the
23rd of January, to return to Fort Stedman, as the rations were
insufficient for a longer stay. The task before him was no easy one
in any case. That he should be able to effect a settlement of Karenni
affairs in a fortnight was too much to hope. There was a risk that
the object of the expedition might be frustrated, and that the work
would have to be done over again. General Collett consented to send
for a supply of rations to meet the column at Mobye, to enable him to
remain at Sawlôn until the 30th of January. It is not known on whom the
responsibility rested for arrangements which might easily have made the
expedition fruitless.
There was no possibility of laying the matter before the Chief
Commissioner and obtaining his orders. Mr. Hildebrand, therefore,
took the risk on himself and set to work at once to find Sawlapaw if
possible; failing that, to select some one in his room. As a first step
a proclamation was issued calling upon Sawlapaw to appear before the
18th of January, and stating that if he did not come in a successor
would be appointed to take charge of his State pending the Chief
Commissioner's orders. At the same time the people generally were
invited to come to Sawlôn to confer with Mr. Hildebrand and advise him
on the choice of the man to be appointed, in case Sawlapaw did not
appear.
Meanwhile it was as well to acquire some knowledge of the feelings
of the people. The Superintendent's camp was moved up to the (Pongyi
Kyaung) monastery, and by constant intercourse with monks and people
their confidence was won, and an idea of the causes that had led to
Sawlapaw's flight was formed. The disaster suffered by his men at Nga
Kaing village on the 1st of January had convinced Sawlapaw that further
opposition to our advance was hopeless. But there was a war party in
the State of which one Naw Maing of Loikaw was the head. The measures
taken to resist the force were the work of this party. On the 5th of
January the smoke of the Tilanga village on the Pon Chaung was seen
at Sawlôn. The chief then made up his mind. He told those who wished
to remain to do as they pleased. For himself he would leave Sawlôn
and would never come back. He took his wife and a few followers, and,
forbidding any one else to come after him, he went to the upper plateau
above the town, where he had another house, and was not seen again in
Sawlôn. No one would tell whither he went.
Thereupon the Shan villagers (there was a Shan community in Sawlôn)
went to the Pongyi and moved him to head a deputation to the officers
with the British force. On the morning of the 6th, with two red flags
and the customary green boughs, the party set out to meet the British
who were expected to arrive at Sawlôn that day. When they did not
arrive, thinking the delay was on account of Sunday, the deputation
returned to the town. On the evening of the 6th General Collett's force
was encamped beside the Pon Chaung. A few Beleuchi Mounted Infantry
Scouts were sent on to reconnoitre the road. At the entry of the defile
they were fired on by some Karennis, and one of the ponies was killed.
They retreated without stopping to recover the saddle. The Karennis,
taking the saddle from the dead pony, went back to Sawlôn in triumph,
displaying their spoil and declaring that the enemy were few in number
and had retreated. This put new spirit into the war party, and the
peace deputation dissolved. On the 7th, when it was reported that
the British were advancing in force, every one left the town, and it
was found deserted, as has been already told. In two or three days,
however, most of the people, Shans and Karens, had returned to their
homes.
There appeared to be little chance of inducing Sawlapaw to make his
appearance. The day fixed for Sawlapaw's surrender was the 18th of
January. On the 17th a deputation representing the chief men of three
of the largest communities came to Mr. Hildebrand and begged for
further days of grace and a written safe-conduct for Sawlapaw. Both
requests were granted. Furthermore, a promise was given that if he
would come in and fulfil the conditions of the ultimatum, he would
be confirmed in his position as head of the Karenni State. The date
for the appearance of Sawlapaw, or, failing this, the election of his
successor, was postponed until the 25th.
Mr. Hildebrand was assured that the Kya Maing, or heir-apparent, who
was a nephew of Sawlapaw, would appear as a candidate for election.
The 25th, the 26th, and the 27th passed, but no Kya Maing. The
long-suffering patience of the Superintendent was exhausted. Fate, in
the form of commissariat supplies, demanded a settlement before the
30th. Just as arrangements were being made for an election, a note was
brought in from the Kya Maing to the effect that he was on his way
to Sawlôn from his hiding-place in the jungle, but had broken down,
footsore and weary. He promised to appear on the next day. As the
people earnestly besought that his prayer might be granted, and as it
was evident to the Superintendent that this man, as heir to Sawlapaw
and acceptable to the people, was the right man to take charge of the
State, and as moreover one of the wealthiest men in the State gave
security to the amount of Rs. 20,000 that he would produce the Kya
Maing, the proceedings were postponed until the morrow.
The remaining time had now dwindled to twenty-four hours, and the
28th of January was a day of anxiety for Mr. Hildebrand. It was a
relief when the arrival of the Kya Maing was put beyond doubt. He made
his appearance at an early hour, a man (by name Sawlawi) of about
thirty-eight years of age, intelligent-looking, and evidently popular
in Karenni. The election was held at noon. There were twenty-nine
electors, of whom six were Heins, or chiefs of divisions, four were
the chiefs or representatives of the Western Karenni States subject to
Sawlapaw, the rest were headmen of villages or groups of villages, and
traders in timber and other goods, many of whom were men of wealth and
influence. Each man gave his vote, with the result that Sawlawi was
unanimously elected.
Fourteen of the wealthy electors entered into a joint bond to pay the
compensation of two lakhs and the five hundred muskets specified in the
ultimatum, and a further sum of one lakh as war indemnity; the money to
be paid before the end of December into the Moulmein Treasury, and the
muskets to be lodged in Fort Stedman before the end of the following
March. The order of appointment given by Mr. Hildebrand to Sawlawi was
as follows:--
"I, the Superintendent of the Shan States, hereby appoint you,
Sawlawi, Kya Maing, to be Chief of the State of Eastern Karenni, on
the following conditions:--
"1. That you shall govern your State in accordance with established
custom, and as a tributary to the British Queen whom you acknowledge
to be your Suzerain.
"2. That you shall enter into no negotiations, treaties, or agreements
with any other State than that of England.
"3. That you shall pay as tribute the sum of Rs. 5,000 yearly.
"4. That you will in all matters obey the orders of the Superintendent
of the Shan States.
"5. That in case of dispute with Siam about territory east of the
Salween, you will refer the matter to the Superintendent of the Shan
States for arbitration.
"6. That no Shan, or Burman, or British subjects of any race shall be
detained in any part of Eastern Karenni against their will, but that
they shall have free liberty to go where they please.
"Given under my hand and seal this 29th day of January, 1889.
"A. H. HILDEBRAND,
"_Superintendent of Shan States_."
[Illustration: SAWLAW:--GANTARAWADI SAWBWA.
(Red Karens.)]
The sixth clause was inserted to provide for the abolition of slavery.
It will be noted that the terms of the order did not make the State of
Eastern Karenni part of British India. Experience of the difficulties
arising from the position of the Shan States as part of British India,
and of the absence of such difficulties in the case of the feudatory
States of the Central Provinces, induced the Chief Commissioner
to leave the Eastern Karenni State in the position of a feudatory
chiefship.
The fifth clause needs explanation. It has been told above (p. 191)
that a suggestion made by the British Representative at Bangkok
for inviting Siamese co-operation had been acted upon. At the time
no hint had been given by the Siamese, so far as was known to the
Administration of Burma, that they had ulterior views, or claims to
advance. It was supposed, naïvely perhaps, that as a friendly nation,
anxious on many grounds to ensure the protection of Great Britain,
they had agreed to act partly to help the British Government, partly
to protect their own border. It was not until the 10th of November,
1888, that Mr. Gould, H.M.'s Representative at Bangkok, intimated
that in return for their co-operation the Siamese would probably wish
to establish their territorial rights over the Karenni possessions
lying east of the Salween. That was the first notice of the Siamese
intentions which reached the Chief Commissioner, and he had dispatched
his ultimatum to Sawlapaw before its receipt. Mr. Gould was informed
that the ultimatum could not be altered to include the Siamese claims.
At the same time Mr. Hildebrand was instructed to reserve those claims
in his settlement with Sawlapaw. Hence the insertion of the fifth
clause in the order of appointment given to Sawlawi.
As a matter of fact, the Siamese co-operation was purely nominal and
valueless, too late to be of any use. On the 11th of December Bangkok
was informed that the columns from the Shan States and Papun would
reach Sawlôn about the 7th of January. On the 28th of December the
Vice-Consul at Chiengmai was told of the attack by the Karennis on the
police post at Kyaukhnyat, and was asked to move the Siamese to act. On
the 10th of January the result of the fight near Loikaw was telegraphed
to Bangkok and Chiengmai. On the 17th they were informed of the
occupation of Sawlôn. While Mr. Hildebrand was arranging matters after
the occupation, a detachment of troops went to reconnoitre Ywathit, a
village on the right bank of the Salween, about thirty miles south of
Sawlôn. From Ywathit a party went out to see the Salween, some three
miles away. This was on the 20th of January. On the evening of that day
the advance-guard of the Siamese force appeared on the east bank of the
Salween, at the mouth of the Mèpai Chaung, and the officer commanding
this party was visited by the Assistant Commissioner, Mr. Barnard, on
the 21st of January. It was known from the Vice-Consul at Chiengmai
that the Siamese had taken no action until the middle of January. This,
however, is a digression.
On the day following the election, a Durbar was held in a large hall
in the rest-house in the grounds of the monastery, near which the
Superintendent had pitched his camp. The place was well fitted for
the occasion and was more ornate than one would have expected to find
in the wilds of Karenni. A spacious chamber "built of the best sawn
teak with venetians and folding doors of good workmanship, and a floor
which might have been made for a ball-room, the whole," writes the
Superintendent, "both inside and out being very highly finished with
panelling and carving and gilding." Here the notables, who had met for
the election of the new chief, and all the townspeople assembled, and
the Superintendent (as the Representative of the British Government),
supported by the General commanding and all the officers of the force,
opened the Durbar. A broad, sturdy figure of a man, with a face that
bore the marks of work and climate, a determined man, patient and
considerate, but nevertheless a man accustomed to be obeyed. There were
no bright uniforms, no show of gold or scarlet. Civil and military
were all in the working-dress of the field, soiled and stained with
dust and sweat; for the last few marches through the wooded defile of
the Pon Chaung had been very toilsome. Amongst the Shans and Karens
assembled, some spots of gay colour might be seen, and smart white
jackets here and there.
In a few words the causes which had led to the expedition were
explained and the consequences, namely, the subordination of the
Karenni chief to the British Government, and the payment by him of
an indemnity. This might be unpleasant to some of them. On the other
hand, to the Karenni people at large, it meant a better government,
the cessation of raids and petty wars, the extension and protection of
trade, and undisturbed peace. The order of appointment (provisional,
as subject to the Chief Commissioner's approval), was then read and
given to Sawlawi. Thus the Karenni territory, which had been hitherto
independent and had been protected by us from the designs of Burma,
became practically part of the Empire. It may be noted that Mr.
Hildebrand acted as the Representative of the British Government on
both occasions. On the first, when he secured the independence of
Karenni by negotiation with the Burmese King; on the second, when he
made Karenni subordinate to the Government of India.
What was the first use made of his new power by Sawlawi? His first
thought was to rid his territory east of the Salween of the Siamese
troops now occupying it. The Superintendent gave him letters to the
Siamese commander, announcing the fall of Sawlapaw and the appointment
of Kya Maing Sawlawi in his place; informing him that matters had been
arranged with the Karennis, that the British force was withdrawing
on the 30th of January, and that Siamese co-operation was no longer
necessary. At the same time the Vice-Consul at Chiengmai was asked to
use his influence to procure the immediate recall of the Siamese troops.
On the 30th of January the British troops left Karenni and marched
back to Fort Stedman. Sawlawi was left to his own resources. Prophets
of evil had foretold the immediate reappearance of Sawlapaw and the
vengeance to be executed on his successor and his supporters. Excited
journalists published tales in Rangoon of wholesale executions in
Sawlôn under the old chief's orders. As a matter of fact, the ex-Sawbwa
never attempted to disturb the Settlement, and the new Sawbwa, Sawlawi,
carried out his engagements punctually. The indemnity was paid and the
fire-arms surrendered. To the day of his death, in 1907, he governed
his people in an upright and capable manner.
It must be confessed there was some risk in leaving the country the day
after Sawlawi's instalment. The Chief Commissioner's instructions were
clear that the Superintendent should remain in Sawlôn until he received
orders on his proposals. Mr. Hildebrand, however, had no choice, and
the risk had to be taken, because of the defective arrangements for
feeding the troops, which made it impossible to stay. In taking the
responsibility he did his duty well. The only difficulty in Eastern
Karenni arose from the action of the Siamese Government in continuing
to occupy the territory east of the Salween, which had been long held
by the Karens, was vital to them, and had never been in the possession
of the Siamese.
This was a matter which threatened at any moment to disturb the peace
and gave anxiety to those responsible for maintaining it. The first
act of Sawlawi, as has been said, after his appointment was to ask
the assistance of the Superintendent to procure the withdrawal of the
Siamese from the territory east of the Salween. The British Vice-Consul
at Chiengmai and the Siamese officer in command of their troops
were notified that peace had been made and that the British troops
were leaving the field; the withdrawal of the Siamese was therefore
necessary. The Siamese claims had been reserved for settlement in the
terms of Sawlawi's appointment. The Chief Commissioner prohibited the
Karenni chief from attacking or making any forcible resistance to them.
When month after month passed and they made no show of retiring, but on
the contrary began to appropriate the timber and even the elephants of
the Karenni traders, the local Government of Burma was placed in a very
uncomfortable position. Sawlawi urged that he had accepted our terms,
made his submission and acknowledged himself to be the subordinate of
the Queen-Empress. He looked in return for the advantage of British
protection; apparently he was not to have it. He knew well enough that
it only needed a firm order and a small display of force to cause the
retirement of the Siamese with more alacrity than they had displayed
in their advance. Why was nothing done? If he began to doubt our good
faith, it was no wonder.
As a matter of fact--a fact to him unknown, and unintelligible if it
had been known--the Chief Commissioner could do nothing but put the
case to the Government of India. This was done in as strong words as
possible. The Government of India could do nothing except through
the Secretary of State; the Secretary of State could not act except
through the British Foreign Office; the Foreign Office was obliged to
work through the Siamese Embassy in London and the British Resident
in Bangkok; the King of Siam had to consult his local lieutenants at
Chiengmai. The situation demanded patience, and much of it.
It has been said above that the territory occupied by the Siamese
was vital to the Karennis. Their best and most extensive forests,
the main source of their wealth, lay there. The only way of getting
timber to the market from the forests was (and is) by floating it down
the Salween, the mouth of which is in British territory opposite to
Moulmein. The logs are stopped and collected at Kado, a short distance
from the mouth of the river, and a duty levied by the Government of
Burma. Every owner of timber has his stamp with which he marks his
logs, and a register of these stamps is kept by the forest officer. The
logs which had been seized by the Siamese were easily distinguished,
and orders were given to the forest officer to detain them. By this
means a check was put upon the rapacity of the Siamese, and the loss
of the Karenni timber dealers restricted. In the course of time, the
matter was arranged between the Siamese and the Foreign Office, and the
Karennis were restored to possession (_vide_ Chapter XVIII, p. 221).
The history of this matter shows the difficulties which the Government
of India and their subordinates on the spot meet with in dealing with
a boundary dispute, even of a simple kind, with a foreign country. The
facts have to be gathered locally and placed before the Government of
India, who then have to negotiate through the Foreign Office, with
the risk of misunderstanding and the certainty of long delays. It is
unavoidable. Fortunately, on the north-western frontier, where the
delays and hesitation which caused inconvenience in the disputes with
Siam might breed serious trouble, the action of the Government of India
is less trammelled.
[Illustration: TRANS SALWEEN]