THE SHAN STATES
The country inhabited by the Burmans, properly so called, may be
described roughly as the valleys of the Irrawaddy and Chindwin Rivers,
south of 23 N. Latitude. The hills which bound the Irrawaddy Valley on
the east, close in the great river in its northern reaches, and as far
south as Mandalay. Below that point the river turns westward and leaves
a widening plain between its left bank, and the spurs of the Eastern
Range, which rise abruptly from the low ground. The passes through
this range lead to a hilly plateau, the altitude of which is from two
to four thousand feet above sea-level rising occasionally to five and
six thousand feet. This plateau is intersected from north to south by
the Salween River, which, rising somewhere in the mountains to the
north-west of Yunnan, enters the sea at Moulmein. The channel of the
Salween is in most places deep. To the east the high land continues,
but is rougher and more mountainous, and rises until the watershed
between the Salween and the Mekong is crossed. The descent to the
Mekong is then made through difficult and rugged country much cut up by
watercourses. The Shan States, which were at the time of the annexation
tributary to the Burman monarch, are situated, with some insignificant
exceptions, on this plateau.
The Shans are a distinct race from the Burmans. The existing Burmese
people may be traced, it is said, to tribes dwelling in the Eastern
Himalaya and the adjoining region of Thibet. The Tai or Siamese branch
of the Indo-Chinese people, called Shan by the Burmese, are supposed
to have migrated from their original seat in Central Asia towards the
south, and to have settled along the rivers Mekong, Menam, Irrawaddy,
and Brahmaputra. They are found as a distinct race from the borders of
Manipur to the heart of Yunnan, and from the Valley of Assam to Bangkok
and Cambodia. Major H. R. Davies found them occupying most of the
low-lying valleys in Southern Yunnan, and on the Tongking border, and
in small communities even in Northern Yunnan and on the Upper Yangtze.
Although so widely spread, in some cases even scattered, and, except
in Siam, subjected to alien races, they have preserved to a great
extent a common language and national character.[34] In religion they
are Buddhist of the Burmese type, but less strict in the observance
of religious duties and ceremonies and less regardful of animal life.
They are in many ways a civilized people, unwarlike, and given to
agriculture and commerce. They are not unfriendly to foreigners. "I
must have travelled," writes Major Davies, "some fifteen hundred miles
through Shan countries, and I never remember any difference of opinion,
or unpleasantness of any kind."[35]
"It may be accepted as historical," says Phayre, "that the Tai race
became supreme in the country of the Upper Irrawaddy early in the
Christian Era and continued to be so under a consolidated monarchy
for several centuries. About the ninth century A.D. it began to
break up into separate States which eventually were conquered by the
Burmans."[36] In the Irrawaddy Valley the Shans lost their autonomy,
and were amalgamated with the Burman population; but those on the high
plateau to the east continued to be governed by their own chiefs,
according to their own customs, subject to the suzerainty of Burma.
Some small States west of the Irrawaddy, survived the dissolution of
the Shan kingdom, and they also enjoyed a similar but less marked
independence.
Up to the time of the annexation at the end of 1885, the King of Burma
had exercised a real, although spasmodic and irregular control over the
Shan chiefs. In theory the office of chief, or Sawbwa, was hereditary
in the family. The Sawbwa was supreme in his own territory. He had the
power of life and death, and so far as his subjects were concerned,
wielded absolute authority unfettered by any rule stronger than custom.
The character of the Government varied in consequence with the personal
character of the chief. The main check on oppression was the facility
with which the people could emigrate into some neighbouring State. In
practice, however, the Burma Government did not scruple to interfere
with the Sawbwa; and this interference was the chief cause of the
strife and contention which divided and ruined the country. A Burmese
Bo-hmumintha, or Resident, to use the Indian term, had his seat of
administration at Möngnai, and was supported by a force of brigands
rather than soldiers. He was assisted by political agents subordinate
to him residing in some of the more important States.
The interference thus exercised was seldom if ever in the interests
of good administration. As a rule it was confined to efforts to raise
a revenue. Tolls and exactions at various points on the trade routes
were numerous and oppressive; enough at times to obstruct commerce, and
even to close a trade route altogether for a season. The ease, however,
with which another road could be found, and the duty evaded, was some
check, and the Shans, who are industrious cultivators and born traders,
contrived to remain fairly prosperous and not much below their Burman
neighbours in wealth and comfort. As in Burma, while there were some
rich men, there was no real poverty. No one but the idle and vicious
needed to be in want.
The office of Sawbwa was, as has been said, hereditary in theory, and
it does not seem that the Burmese Government diverted the succession
from mere caprice or favouritism. Some pains were taken to secure the
loyalty of the chiefs. The King not seldom invited the sons of Sawbwas
to the Court of Ava at an early age, for the twofold purpose of rearing
them under Court influence, and of keeping them as hostages for their
fathers' good conduct. Notwithstanding this marked subordination to
the King of Burma, each chief assumed the same insignia and marks of
royalty as his Suzerain, and in his own view, and to his subjects,
probably, was a great and independent monarch.
It has been said that the influence of the Burmese Government was
seldom in the interests of good administration. On the contrary, it
was frequently used to stir up strife between the Sawbwas, in order
to prevent them from combining against the King. Not unnaturally,
therefore, he was not always regarded with feelings of loyalty or
affection. Rebellions against his government were frequent, but
owing to the want of cohesion amongst the Shans, and the absence
of a leader of capacity to unite them and to organize resistance,
even the loose-jointed Mandalay administration was able to put down
revolt without difficulty. It was done with ruthless severity. There
was little inclination on the part of the Sawbwas, in spite of this
oppression, to seek aid or protection from the Siamese, whose rule
would not have been a change for the better. The Möngnai Sawbwa and
others, after failing in a rebellion against Burma, sought refuge in
Kengtung, the largest and most powerful of the Trans-Salween States,
which had some traditional connection with China, and owing to its
distance from Burma, and the rugged nature of the intervening country,
enjoyed more than a shadow of independence. Nor did those States which
lie on the Mekong and formerly owned or claimed to own territory on
the east bank, invite Chinese protection. Their feelings towards China
were friendly enough. But their position on the very extremity of that
Empire, where there was little life in the administration, rendered it
unsafe to lean on help from that quarter.
A letter written to the Chief Commissioner by the Sawbwa of Hsipaw
(Northern Shan States) in 1886 shows the attitude of the Shan Chiefs
towards Burma and China.
"During the last war between the English and the Burmese," he writes,
"the Chinese Emperor placed 300,000 men at Maingmawgyi to guard the
Chinese frontier. The Chinese officials wrote to the Sawbwas inviting
them to a conference at Maingmawgyi to draw up a friendly treaty, as
the Burmese King had been taken away by the English.
"But I am under great obligations to the Queen-Empress, so I made
answer thus: 'From time immemorial we Shans have not sought protection
either from China or Burma; of late, however, the Burmans, regardless
of law and justice, have exacted our submission to them by force of
arms.
"'Since the conquest of Burma by the British and the removal of the
Burmese King, the Sawbwas and Myozas have been trying their best to
restore peace and order. And now we are asked to come to Maingmawgyi
and draw up a treaty of friendship. We cannot respond to the invitation
as yet. We, chiefs of the Shan country, must first of all consider
which side could confer on us peace and happiness, and then enter into
friendly relations with the Government of such side.'"
The problem before the Administration of Burma in 1886 was, to use
the political slang of to-day, "The peaceful penetration" of the Shan
country. The mantle of the Burmese monarch had fallen on the shoulders
of the British Government. The Shan chiefs and their people had to be
persuaded to make submission to the Queen-Empress and to accept her as
their overlord. This persuasion had to be effected if possible without
the use of force. A show of force, however, was necessary. During 1886
the despatch of an expedition to the Shan States was impossible. The
work on hand in Upper Burma was more than enough. Thus it happened that
until 1887 the only attempt to make British influence felt in the Shan
States was the deputation of an officer with a small force to Hsumhsai,
a small State lying between Mandalay and Hsipaw.
To make the measures taken to solve this problem intelligible, a
brief account must be given of events in the Shan country immediately
preceding and following the deposition of the King of Burma. The
grouping of the States for administrative purposes into North and
South, which was not inherited from the Burman Government and was not
founded on any distinction recognized by the Shans, had its origin in
these events. The States, the history of which is of most importance
in this connection, are Hsenwi and Hsipaw, to the north of Mandalay;
Yawnghwè and Möngnai farther south; and, on the east of the Salween,
the large State of Kengtung.
Hsipaw lies in the hills on the Mandalay-Lashio road, about one hundred
and thirty miles from the capital of Upper Burma. The Sawbwa, by name
Hkun Saing, was the first of the Shan chiefs who came in contact
with the British Government and the first to submit himself to the
suzerainty of the Queen-Empress after the annexation. The circumstances
which led to his contact with the British are these. In 1882 Hkun
Saing incurred the displeasure of King Thebaw and fled to escape his
vengeance. After some wanderings, which extended, it is said, into
Siam, he came to Rangoon, and with a wife and servants settled in the
Kemmendine suburb. He lived, he said, in fear of assassination by
agents of the King, and doubted the fidelity of some of his followers.
In 1883 his fears, apparently, overcame him, and he shot down two of
his men whom he accused, I believe not without reason, of plotting
against his life. He was arrested, tried for murder before the Recorder
of Rangoon, and condemned to death.
The sentence was commuted by the Chief Commissioner to transportation,
and he was confined in the jail at Rangoon. The Chief Commissioner
visited Hkun Saing a few days after the beginning of his imprisonment,
and found him taking his punishment like a man, uttering no complaints
and working with a will at the task[37] imposed on him. The jail
authorities were then instructed to treat him as a political prisoner.
After a sufficient time had elapsed to make it plain to independent
chiefs that if they sought refuge in British territory they must submit
themselves to British law, he was released on condition that he left
our jurisdiction. He retired to Eastern Karenni, and lived under the
protection of Sawlapaw, the chief of that country. On the removal of
the King of Burma, he obtained some assistance in men and money from
Sawlapaw, and made his way to his own territory.
Meanwhile much had been happening there and in the neighbouring States
during his absence.
To the east and north-east of Hsipaw is the State of Hsenwi, which is
one of the largest divisions of the Shan country. The tract known by
this name contains nearly twelve thousand square miles. On the north
and north-east it is bordered by Chinese Shan States. The population of
the State is said to number about one hundred and fifty thousand and is
of mixed races, the pure Shans being outnumbered by Kachins, Palaungs,
and Chinese. For many years Hsenwi had been torn by dissension.
Frequent struggles between rival claimants to the chiefship, as
frequent appeals to Burma by the party who for the time was worsted,
had distracted and ruined the country. At the time of the annexation of
Upper Burma Naw Hpa was the titular Sawbwa, one of whose daughters had
been espoused by King Mindon. He was the representative of the ancient
ruling family of Hsenwi and had been expelled by a usurper named Sang
Hai. The story is worth telling as an illustration of Burmese ways.
About the middle of last century the Siamese made an attack on the
Trans-Salween State of Kengtung. The Cis-Salween States were called
upon for contingents to form a force to repel the invasion, and Sang
Hai, who was previously unknown, led the Hsenwi men to victory and won
much renown. On his return, finding himself at the head of victorious
troops, he rebelled against his lawful ruler Naw Hpa, and turned him
out.
Naw Hpa was summoned to Mandalay, and condemned to imprisonment for
having failed to maintain his authority, while a cadet of the Hsenwi
house was appointed in his stead. This cadet, U Po by name, was driven
away ignominiously by Sang Hai, and was recalled to Mandalay and sent
to join Naw Hpa in jail. Numerous Burmese officials of high rank with
imposing titles were sent up one after another, and one after another
was expelled by Sang Hai, and they came back, in the order of their
going, to join the company of failures in Mandalay prison.
At last, about 1877, all the Sawbwas from Yawnghwè to Möng Löng were
ordered to make a combined attack on Sang Hai. This was too much for
the usurper. He went east of the Salween, and Naw Hpa was sent back to
rule a ruined and distracted country. But Sang Hai before he retired
had thrown his mantle over the shoulders of his son-in-law, San Ton
Hon, who was for a Shan a good fighting-man. The unlucky Naw Hpa was
driven out once more, and again ordered to Mandalay to explain his
failure to hold his own. He knew by experience what this meant, and
deputed his son, who was known as the Naw Möng, to represent him at
Court, or rather in prison, while he himself took refuge with the
Kachins.
When Thebaw succeeded his father Mindon, he imprisoned his stepmother,
the Hsenwi Queen, Naw Hpa's daughter, and killed her son. And as Naw
Hpa himself was a refugee and Naw Möng was in jail San Ton Hon was left
free to establish himself in Hsenwi, or rather in the Northern and
Eastern Divisions of the State. The Southern, known as the Taunglet,
had already broken away and separated into four petty chiefships.
The middle portion, called the Alelet, was governed in a fashion by
Sang Aw, commonly know as the Pa-ôk-Chok, who had his headquarters at
Möngyai. A Burmese official with a small force had been left at Lashio,
but unable to support himself against San Ton Hon he withdrew as soon
as he heard of the fall of the Monarchy.
On the British occupation of Mandalay the son of Naw Hpa, Naw Möng,
who had been imprisoned by Thebaw, was set free. He made his way into
Hsenwi, collected followers, and seized the capital, which had been
evacuated by the Burmans. He was quickly expelled, however, by San
Ton Hon. Meanwhile his father, Naw Hpa, with a following of Kachins,
came upon the scene, and another element of strife appeared in the
Myinzaing Prince, who had been imprisoned by the King and along with
other political prisoners was released on the occupation of Mandalay.
He made his way to the Shan hills and endeavoured to collect followers
and oppose the British. His cause appears to have been taken up by
Naw Hpa and Naw Möng, in the hope of strengthening their own party. A
confederacy was formed to raise the standard of the Myinzaing Prince.
The plan of campaign was to seize possession of this part of the Shan
country. Hsipaw was to be assigned to Naw Möng, while Hsenwi was to be
restored to Naw Hpa. The town of Hsipaw was attacked and completely
wrecked, and a movement was directed against San Ton Hon.
Such was the condition of affairs when Hkun Saing made his way back
from the Karenni country. After some opposition he made himself master
of Hsipaw, to find the place in ruins, the only house standing being
his own _haw_, or palace, which had been spared in fear, it was said,
of the Spirit of the Palace. Under these circumstances it was natural
that Hkun Saing, the lawful Sawbwa of Hsipaw and San Ton Hon, the _de
facto_ chief of Northern Hsenwi, should make common cause against the
confederacy headed by Naw Hpa and his son. This was in July, 1886.
Between the Hsipaw State and Mandalay on the western border of the
Shan plateau lies the small State of Hsumhsai, known to the Burmans
as Thonze. It was formerly ruled by its own chief, and had been a
very prosperous little district. Its position within easy reach of
Mandalay exposed it to the constant and mischievous interference of the
Burman Government. For forty years before the annexation it had been
administered by Burmese officials, but with some regard to Shan customs
and sentiment. In 1886, after the British occupation of Mandalay, it
became a bone of contention between Kun Meik, acting for his brother
the Sawbwa of Hsipaw, and the Myinzaing Prince, who had occupied this
part of the plateau. There were two men of influence in Thonze, Maung
Sa and Maung Se. Maung Sa attached himself to Kun Meik, and Maung Se to
the Myinzaing Prince. They fought with varying fortune for some time.
Eventually Kun Meik was forced back to Hsipaw. The Myinzaing party
remained masters of Hsumhsai for some months, pillaging and destroying
everything. The trade route was entirely closed throughout the year
1886, and traffic between Mandalay and the Shan States either ceased or
followed a very circuitous route.
The Chief Commissioner and the military commanders had so much on
their hands in 1886 that the question of the Shan country was of
necessity postponed. In November, however, it was found imperative
to give attention to affairs in Hsumhsai. A column under Colonel E.
Stedman,[38] with Mr. H. Thirkell White[39] as civil officer, was sent
to reopen the road and restore order. Mr. White recorded that at the
time of his arrival (18th of November, 1886) "The country was to a
great extent deserted, villages had been abandoned, and many of the
inhabitants had fled to the neighbouring States of Mönglon, Hsipaw,
and Lawksawk, but chiefly to Mönglon. Much of the land had been left
uncultivated; the road was neglected and overgrown with long grass.
These evidences of disorder we saw as we passed through Hsumhsai, and I
learned from the people that the state of the rest of the country was
the same as that of the part which we saw." It may be noted here that
when Hkun Saing, the Sawbwa of Hsipaw, came to Mandalay in 1887 to meet
Sir Charles Bernard, he laid claim to three small States--Hsumhsai,
Mönglon, and Möntung--as formerly belonging to him. Inasmuch as Hkun
Saing was the first Shan chief to acknowledge the supremacy of the
British Government, there was a desire to make much of him and to meet
his wishes. These three States were made over to him without going into
the merits of the case. At the time the intricacies of Shan politics
were little understood. The people of Mönglon especially were averse
to being subjected to the Sawbwa, who failed to govern justly or
efficiently, and the settlement of this part of the country became very
difficult. The ultimate result in consolidating the States under one
chief has, I believe, been good.
Another State of which it is useful to give some special account is
Yawnghwè, called by the Burmese Nyaungywe. Yawnghwè is in the Central,
or Myélat, Division of the Shan States, and is easily accessible from
the plains. It is remarkable for its physical formation. A broad
valley running from the north to the south forms the western half of
the State, and the centre of this valley is the Inle Lake, a large
expanse of water covering an area of seventy square miles (_Upper Burma
Gazetteer_). The eastern side of the State is hilly, and some of the
ranges rise to six thousand feet and more. Yawnghwè, it is said, in
former days ruled the country from the Hsipaw border on the north to
Karenni on the south. It was undoubtedly the most prominent State in
the Myélat.
At the time of the occupation of Mandalay by the British, Saw Möng was
Sawbwa. He had gone down to Mandalay in 1885 to see King Thebaw. It is
said that he brought back with him to Yawnghwè the Legya Queen, one of
King Mindon's wives, and her son, whose standard he set up, calling on
all the chiefs to aid him to fight the British and retake Mandalay. A
combination of small States was formed against him, and he was wounded
in both legs and obliged to retire. Being thus incapacitated, he sent
for his half-brother, Saw Ôn, and handed the conduct of affairs to him
while he went to Mandalay to recover from his hurt. Saw Ôn defeated the
hostile party, and having established his authority, took possession of
the State and told Saw Möng he need not return. Meanwhile the Limbin
confederacy had been formed, and Saw Ôn was called upon to join it. He
refused, and shrewdly proclaimed himself an adherent of the British
Government and appealed to the Chief Commissioner for aid.
[Illustration: SAW MAUNG, SAWBWA OF YAWNGHWÈ, AND HIS CONSORT.]
In order to explain the appearance of the Limbin confederacy, we
must now go eastward of the Salween to the State of Kengtung. This
chieftainship is one of the largest of the States, and comprises
about twelve thousand square miles. It lies between the Salween and
the Mekong, touching both rivers. Owing to its distance from Mandalay
and the very rugged and mountainous nature of the country between the
two rivers, Kengtung of late years had been left to itself by the
Burman Government. Soon after Thebaw's accession to the Kingdom of
Ava, many of the Shan States revolted against him, and Kengtung took
a conspicuous part in the rebellion. The Sawbwa seized the Burmese
Resident and his escort and put them to death. He attacked the adjacent
and smaller State of Kengcheng and turned out the chief, installing in
his room a man of his own. It so happened that the Chinese had occasion
about this time to strengthen their forces in Southern Yunnan, probably
as a precaution against French aggression. Hearing of the action taken
by Kengtung against Kengcheng, a large part of which lay east of the
Mekong, the Chinese general sent a force to Kengtung. It was agreed to
submit the dispute between the claimants to the Sawbwaship of Kengcheng
to the Chinese commander. He installed one of the claimants, and
provided against a revival of the quarrel by decapitating the other.
After these events the authority of the Burman Government ceased to
exist in Kengtung.
In 1882 the Sawbwa of Möngnai and the chiefs of several neighbouring
States revolted against Thebaw and found a safe refuge in Kengtung.
Möngnai is one of the most important of the States. It contains nearly
three thousand square miles. The River Salween is the boundary on the
east, and divides it from Kengtung. It has been already mentioned that
a Burman Bo-hmu, or Resident, with an armed force, was stationed in
Möngnai, which derived dignity from being the centre of Burmese power
in the Shan States, and suffered proportionately. The exactions of the
King's Government at last became intolerable. The Sawbwa, Kun Kyi, was
summoned, with other defaulters, to Mandalay, and imprisoned there
until the sums demanded were paid.
About 1882 Kun Kyi was again summoned to appear. He preferred to
revolt. While the Burmese subordinate official (the Resident had just
died) was preparing to seize him, he raised his people, led them
against the King's garrison, and destroyed it. On the news reaching
Mandalay, a large force was dispatched to avenge this outrage, and
the Sawbwa, with several other chiefs in like straits, took refuge
in Kengtung. One, Twet Nga Lu, with the assistance of the Burmese
officials, took possession of Möngnai.
Twet Nga Lu was an unfrocked monk, a native of Kengtawng, a sub-State
of Möngnai, who signalized his return to a worldly life by making
himself unpleasant to his neighbours. He had made an attack on Möngnai,
but was driven off. A younger brother of the Möngnai Sawbwa had married
a lady named Nang U, by whom he had a son. Whether this nobleman died,
or was dismissed by Nang U, is uncertain. However that may be, she
espoused Twet Nga Lu, and thereupon her minor son was appointed by the
King to be magistrate of Kengtawng with the unfrocked monk as guardian.
This arrangement had taken place before the retirement of the Sawbwa,
Kun Kyi, to Kengtung, and was very distasteful to him.
It came about thus, that the Sawbwa of Möngnai, the premier chief in
the Shan country with Lawksawk and several others, all suffering from
the King's tyranny, found themselves in Kengtung.
Naturally they took counsel together regarding the measures to be
adopted for recovering their territories, and protecting the Shans
generally against the oppressive rule of Burma. It was resolved to form
a confederacy under one leader. Their decision and the reasons for it
are stated in a letter addressed by them to Hkun Saing, the Sawbwa
of Hsipaw, on the 26th of March, 1886. Referring to a communication
which they had received from Hkun Saing, in which he advised that "it
would be beneficial to the Shans to have their country welded into a
congeries of independent States like Germany," they state their own
views in the form of resolutions, declaring that there is no hope of
establishing peace or putting an end to the endless strife between the
States, unless they are united under one suzerain. They consider that
the interests of their religion and of the country generally demand the
selection of a supreme ruler, who will combine the Sawbwas and enable
them to withstand any attempt to injure them or their religion.
Acting on these principles they decided in 1885, before the British
Government had moved against King Thebaw, to invite the Limbin Prince,
one of the Royal Family who was living in British Burma as a refugee on
a small pension allotted to him by the British Government, to come up
to Kengtung and to accept the position of Suzerain of the Shan States,
with the object of "wresting the crown from King Thebaw." The Prince
accepted the call, and arrived at Kengtung on December 10, 1885. On his
arrival, forces were raised from Kengtung and the other confederating
States, and advance parties were sent forward under the command of the
Sawbwas of Möngnawng, Möngnai, and Lawksawk.
The States joining in this enterprise under the nominal leadership of
the Limbin Prince--a poor creature quite unable to lead any one--became
known as the Limbin Confederacy. A counter league was formed by all
those interested in keeping the exiled Sawbwas out of their territories
and maintaining the existing state of things. On the other hand, the
Sawbwas of Möngpawn and several other influential Sawbwas espoused the
cause of the Confederacy. Twet Nga Lu was the leading spirit of the
counter league, and he directed its forces against the States which
were allied to Möngnai. He was met and defeated by Möngpawn, and early
in the year 1886 Kun Kyi, the Sawbwa of Möngnai, and his companions
in exile had expelled the usurpers and recovered their territories.
The Confederacy then set themselves to induce or compel other States
to join them and to acknowledge the suzerainty of the Limbin Prince.
Saw Ôn, the _de facto_ ruler of Yawnghwè, rejected their invitation.
The Confederacy determined to move from Möngnai against him, as it was
important to force Yawnghwè, the State adjoining Möngnai on the west,
and the most powerful in the Central, or Myélat, Division, to give its
adherence to the Prince.
The foregoing outline will perhaps suffice to make the situation at and
immediately following the annexation intelligible.
The danger-points appeared to the Chief Commissioner to be the critical
situations of the two Sawbwas, who had signified their adherence to
the British Government, namely, Hsipaw in the north and Yawnghwè in
the central portion of the States. Hsipaw and his ally, San Ton Hon,
were pressed by the coalition under Naw Hpa, Naw Möng, and Prince Saw
Yan Naing--another scion of Royalty who with his brother had raised
their standard at Chaunggwa, in the Ava district, and after being
driven out of that had eventually joined Naw Möng in Hsenwi. Yawnghwè
was threatened by the powerful Limbin Confederacy, and had no prospect
of help from any neighbouring State. Both these Sawbwas had declared
themselves to be friends of the British Government, and at the time
they were our only adherents.
The deputation of Mr. Herbert White to Hsumhsai in 1886 has already
been mentioned. He succeeded in opening the trade route between
Hsipaw and Mandalay and in strengthening the position of the Sawbwa
Hkun Saing. Accordingly, when Sir Charles Bernard came to Mandalay at
the end of 1886, Hkun Saing was able to hasten down to meet him, and
to make in person his submission to the British Government. He was
received with much ceremony by the Chief Commissioner. His loyalty to
the Queen-Empress and belief in her power were not open to doubt. On
his return journey from Mandalay in February, 1887, Mr. J. E. Bridges,
the Deputy Commissioner, with a small military escort and some officers
of the Survey and Intelligence Departments, accompanied the Sawbwa
to Hsipaw. Mr. Bridges remained there twenty-five days, gathering
information regarding Shan politics and the country generally, and
opening communications with other States. He came to the conclusion
that the Shan chiefs were little disposed to welcome the advent of
British power. Hkun Saing, the Sawbwa of Hsipaw, stood out alone as
our friend. The party under the flag of the Chaunggwa Prince, which
was striving to eject San Ton Hon from Hsenwi, was equally hostile to
Hsipaw. Much of the country had been ravaged by the Myinzaing Prince
and his adherents. His view was needlessly despondent.
Before the end of 1886 it had been decided to begin by sending an
expedition to relieve Yawnghwè from the threatened attack by the Limbin
Confederacy. To provide men for another movement to help Hsipaw was
thought to be impossible. In accordance with a promise made to Hkun
Saing by the Chief Commissioner at their meeting in Mandalay, a supply
of arms and ammunition was sent to him, which, it was hoped, would
enable him and San Ton Hon to defeat their enemies. It may be stated
here that although some anxiety was felt from time to time regarding
events in Hsenwi and Hsipaw, it did not become necessary to move troops
to their assistance. Naw Hpa and his son Naw Möng made submission to
the Superintendent at Fort Stedman early in August, 1887, and further
action in the Northern States was deferred until the open season of
1887-8.
But to return to the end of 1886. Although it had been impossible
to take more active steps to bring the Shan States into line, the
administration had not been idle. The policy to be adopted towards
them generally was thought out and the main lines were laid down by
Sir Charles Bernard. Letters explaining the principles which would
guide the British Government in its relations to them were written
to the various chiefs. They were assured that there was no desire to
interfere in the internal affairs of the States. British supremacy
must be acknowledged, peace must be preserved, the people must not
be oppressed. Subject to these conditions and to the payment of a
moderate tribute, the British Government undertook to recognize the
Sawbwas who were in effective possession, to uphold their rights, and
to give freedom and open the way for commerce. Preparations were made
accordingly to send an expedition to the Shan plateau. Its immediate
duty was to relieve Yawnghwè. The ultimate purpose was to establish a
political officer with a sufficient military force in a strong position
on the Shan plateau from which he could, as the representative of
British power, control the States. There was no intention of fighting
the Shans. On the contrary, it was desired to win their friendship and
to induce them to trust us. Already the duties, imposts and monopolies
which strangled trade in the King's time had been swept away. It
remained to establish peace and to open the trade routes which the
prevailing anarchy had closed.
Hlaingdet was chosen as the starting-point of the expedition which was
to carry out this policy. A force assembled there in December, 1886,
under Colonel E. Stedman of the 3rd Gurkha Regiment, consisting of--
2 guns 1-1 E.D.R.A.
Four Companies 2nd Battalion Hampshire Regiment.
Four Companies 3rd Gurkha Regiment.
50 men of the Bombay Sappers and Miners.
40 Mounted Infantry (who joined at Pwehla after the force had started).
The objects of the expedition, as has been stated, were peaceful and
political. The military commander was responsible for the disposition
of the troops, and in the event of active operations becoming necessary
was to have entire control. The negotiations with the Shans and the
conduct of affairs generally, apart from purely military matters, were
entrusted to the civil head of the expedition, Mr. A. H. Hildebrand (at
that time Deputy Commissioner of Tharrawaddy). Ten years previously
Mr. Hildebrand had served on a mission to the Karenni country and had
arranged for the protection of that people from the encroachments of
the King of Burma. Subsequently as District Officer of the Salween
Hill Tracts and later in the Arakan Hills he had shown his capacity
for ruling and influencing half-civilized peoples. Mr. J. G. Scott,
now well known as Sir George Scott, was appointed to assist him. Mr.
Scott at a former period had been attached to the S. P. G. College
in Rangoon, and under the _nom de plume_ of Shway Yoe had made a
reputation as a writer on Burma and its people. On the annexation of
Upper Burma he had been appointed to the Commission.
The leaders of the expedition, both civil and military, were well
chosen. Their instructions were to take every precaution against giving
avoidable offence or trouble to the people, to gain the goodwill of
chiefs, priests, and villagers, to interfere as little as might be with
their prejudices, their religious houses, and their private life.
The move from Hlaingdet was to have been made at once on the assembling
of the force. But the state of the roads and doubt as to the best
route caused delay both at the outset and afterwards. The hill passes
leading to the Shan country had become very difficult owing to disuse
during the troublous times of 1885-6. In some places also they had
been purposely blocked by the Burman villagers to protect themselves
against Shan cattle-raiders, and by Shans who wished to obstruct the
expedition. It was very hard to get labourers to clear and repair the
roads and make them passable by the main body of the force and the
transport animals.
On the 3rd of January it was decided to advance, and Colonel Stedman,
with two hundred Gurkhas, proceeded to occupy Pyinyaung, twenty-two
miles from Hlaingdet. There were doubts as to the best route. As the
reports received from Yawnghwè represented the Sawbwa to be hard
pressed by the Limbin Confederates, Colonel Stedman resolved to follow
the most direct road, disregarding its difficulty, and pushed on to
Kyatsakan and across the Pyindeik Pass. Singu was occupied on the 20th.
Some show of resistance was made at several places. But it was very
faint-hearted, the enemy being only some Shans in the service of the
Lawksawk Sawbwa, poorly armed and undisciplined. Mr. Hildebrand had
not yet arrived. His subordinate, Mr. Scott, who performed his duties
temporarily, distributed copies of a proclamation issued by the Chief
Commissioner explaining the motives and objects of the expedition to
the chiefs of the Myélat States, and wrote letters in his own name to
the most prominent men. He made good use of the time also to explore
roads and collect labour for improving them.
On the 21st of January Mr. Hildebrand with the remainder of the force
joined Colonel Stedman at Singu. On the 27th of January the main body
advanced to Kaukon, where another feeble attempt at resistance was made
by some of Lawksawk's forces. On the following day numerous elders
from the neighbouring villages came in and welcomed the British. The
constant fighting between the Limbin's men and their opponents led by
the Yawnghwè Sawbwa, had made life a burden to the people. The country
was being depopulated. No one dared to sow, not knowing who would reap.
On the 29th of January Pwehla was reached. The chief villagers and the
Pongyis met the column outside the town, and a favourable and peaceable
progress was anticipated. Hitherto there had been some apprehension
lest the Sawbwa of Yawnghwè, who had represented himself as being hard
pressed by the Limbin Confederacy, should be overpowered before help
could reach him. It was now ascertained that this fear was unfounded.
As there was no cause for haste, Mr. Hildebrand decided to take the
opportunity of summoning the chiefs of the Myélat States to appear
and to make their submission. There was an advantage, moreover, in
giving the Lawksawk Sawbwa time to consider his position and to submit
peacefully; and with this object every endeavour was made by letter and
messenger to explain the situation to him.
On the 7th of February the force reached Bawyethat Pagoda, about
half-way between Yawnghwè and Kugyo. Here it was met by the Sawbwa Saw
Ôn, who came with the full glory of Shan pomp to welcome the British
representative. It was found that a body of men from Lawksawk had
occupied Kugyo, which is in Yawnghwè territory. Mr. Hildebrand wished
to send a letter to the commander to persuade him to retire his men,
but no one could be found willing to carry it, for fear of the wild
Kachins and Panthays said to be amongst his followers. There was
nothing for it, therefore, but to attack Kugyo, which was taken on the
9th of February, without loss on our side. On the 10th the column made
a formal entry into Yawnghwè and was received with much state by the
Sawbwa. It had been intended to fix the headquarters of the British
Administration a little way off, but the country was found to be
low-lying and unhealthy. A site was chosen on the slope which leads
up from the great lake of Yawnghwè to the Hsahtung range. A fort was
built, and named after Colonel Stedman, the officer commanding the
force. Here the headquarters of the Superintendent of the Southern Shan
States were established.
The arrival of the expedition at Yawnghwè was followed by an immediate
change in the attitude of the neighbouring chiefs. By the middle
of February Yawnghwè had been relieved and the bands attacking him
dispersed. The whole of the Myélat had submitted, most of the chiefs
appearing in person. To the south, Möngpai and others of importance had
accepted the British suzerainty, some by letter and some in person.
To the north, Lawksawk and Möngping held aloof, but it was hoped to
induce them to come in. Laikha, Möngkung, and Kehsi Mansam had declared
themselves on the British side. Letters were despatched to Möngnai and
all the adjacent States, urging them to accept the supremacy of the
British and to cease fighting amongst themselves. Letters were also
sent to the chiefs of Karenni, offering friendship and suggesting a
meeting.
After the dispersal of the bands at Kugyo, the Limbin Confederacy
had withdrawn their troops and the Confederate chiefs had retired to
their own territories. The Limbin had betaken himself to a place near
Hopong. Nevertheless there was no sign of the Eastern States giving in
and dissolving the Confederacy. Letters were again written to them. A
special letter was addressed to the Limbin, promising him his liberty
if he surrendered, with a sufficient pension and a house at Moulmein or
Rangoon.
While the results of these overtures were being awaited, it became
urgent to attend to the quarrel between Möngpai, the most southerly of
the Shan States, and Pobye, the chief of Western Karenni, which adjoins
Möngpai on the south. A perennial feud existed between them, and at
this time had broken out with fresh energy. Both the combatants had
written to Mr. Hildebrand praying him to send a British officer with
a force to put a stop to the strife which was ruining the country. In
answer to this appeal Mr. Scott, with a hundred Gurkhas under command
of Captain Pulley, was sent southward to Payagon, where the Burmese
garrison used to be stationed, and near which the Möngpai Sawbwa had
now made his residence. They made the journey of seventy miles by boat
down the Nam Pilu River through a fertile and irrigated country, which
had evidently suffered much from both the contending factions.
The Sawbwa received Mr. Scott with hospitality and welcomed the
settlement of the Shan States under the British Crown. He said he had
prayed for this and urged it on his compatriots for thirty years. "Now
that the British have come," he exclaimed, "there will be peace." He
asked for a British garrison at Payagon, as a protection against the
Karennis, who raided the Shan country for slaves. The Shans were quite
unable to withstand them, and men and women were carried off into
hopeless slavery (_vide_ Chapter XVII.).
It had been intended that the force under Colonel Stedman should return
to Burma by the southern passes to Toungoo, and that Mr. Scott with
the troops accompanying him should remain at or about Möngpai until
the main body joined him. Owing to some military exigencies this plan
was changed, and the expedition was ordered to return by the route by
which it came. Captain Pulley with Mr. Scott's escort was recalled at
once to Fort Stedman. Mr. Scott had to withdraw, leaving unsettled many
matters, more especially the quarrel between Möngpai and the Karenni
chief Pobye, and without waiting for several headmen of neighbouring
districts who were on their way to meet him. This was unfortunate.
After the return of Mr. Scott and his escort to Fort Stedman on the
7th of March, 1887, a long halt followed, during which voluminous
correspondence was carried on with the various chiefs who held aloof
and with the Limbin Prince, who it was hoped might be induced to
surrender and thus dissolve the Confederacy. The Prince was reported
to be at Hopong. Letters were sent to him and to Möngnai, and to
Möngpawn, inviting them to meet Mr. Hildebrand at Hopong on the 17th
of March, and preparations were made for the march. The difficulties
of transport had been overcome, the pack-bullock baskets loaded
up; the coolies collected, and everything ready for a start, when
letters were received from Möngpawn saying that he could not meet the
Superintendent. Möngnai was at Gantarawadi, the capital of Eastern
Karenni, witnessing the marriage of his nephew to a daughter of
Sawlapaw, the Karenni chief. Möngnai's sister-in-law had died. She
could not be buried until Möngnai returned. Until the funeral was over
Möngnai could not attend to business, and without him the others could
do nothing. Royalties are governed by conventions.
It was obvious that Möngpawn's object was to gain time. To countermand
the march, now that all preparations had been made and the forward
movement widely made known was open to many objections. The Yawnghwè
Sawbwa argued strongly against a change of plans, which he said would
certainly be misinterpreted. Mr. Hildebrand, however, decided to
countermand the march. He wished to give the Confederacy full time
to consider the alternatives before them. He held that a voluntary
acknowledgment of British supremacy made from a conviction that it was
the best course for their own interests would be more valuable even if
it were delayed than an immediate submission enforced by arms.
This waiting policy was not free from some disadvantages. The delay
in taking action was sure to be attributed to weakness. The time
was used by Sawlapawgyi, who was hostile to the British, to urge
the other Karenni chiefs and those Shan Sawbwas with whom he could
communicate to hold aloof. In the neighbourhood of Yawnghwè and in the
Myélat States generally signs of unrest and trouble were manifest.
For the first time since the occupation of Fort Stedman mail-runners
were stopped and robbed. The Sawbwa of Lawksawk, who remained openly
and uncompromisingly hostile, was thought to have instigated these
outrages. It was resolved to strike the first blow at him. He was
warned by letter that the Superintendent was coming to Lawksawk and
ordered to remain at his capital to meet him.
The difficulty of collecting transport had to be overcome again.
The Yawnghwè Sawbwa for some cause was not zealous in assisting the
expedition. For one reason he desired to make the most money he could
out of the opportunity, and made a very persistent effort to extort
exorbitant rates for the carriage furnished.
It was not until the 4th of April that the force began to march for
Lawksawk. It moved by very easy stages. The various bands of marauders
posted along the route to harass the march fled as the expedition
advanced. These ruffians had been working in concert with dacoit gangs
in the districts below the hills, who had thus been able to resist
the British troops; but now, finding themselves liable to be taken in
the rear, very soon surrendered to the military post at Wundwin, an
unexpected but very useful result of Mr. Hildebrand's action. Before
the column reached Lawksawk the Sawbwa Saw Waing fled. The town was
occupied on the 11th of April. Temporary arrangements were made for
administering the State by putting in charge a Burman, Bo Saing, who
had held office under the King's Government and was acceptable to the
people, and the force turned its face towards Hopong.
Meanwhile fighting had been renewed in the south-east. Möngnai returned
from Karenni with some men lent to him by Sawlapaw and drove Twet
Nga Lu out of Kengtawng. Laikha, Möngkung, and Kehsi Mansam, who had
been invited by Mr. Hildebrand to come to Hoypong to meet Möngnai
and Möngpawn with a view to their reconciliations, put their own
interpretation on this invitation and attacked Möngpawn in force.
Peremptory orders were sent to them to withdraw. When the force entered
Hopong on the 17th of April, the day appointed for meeting Möngpawn and
the Limbin Prince, the town was found in ruins and all but deserted.
The Limbin had not come, and Möngpawn was occupied in defending himself
against his enemies. The intelligence received showed that Laikha and
his allies had not obeyed the order to withdraw their men. Finding
that an engagement was in progress a few miles off, Mr. Hildebrand
and Mr. Scott with forty Mounted Infantry and fifty Punjabis under
Major Swetenham rode for the scene of the fight, which went on for a
short time unchecked by the arrival of the British party. The opposing
forces had stockaded positions on the opposite slopes of a small
valley, and were firing briskly on each other. Möngpawn was induced to
cease firing. The Assistant Superintendent, Mr. Scott, went up to the
stockade of the attacking party, and the leaders were soon persuaded
to withdraw their men, who for their part were only too glad to go
to their homes. When the British retired to Möngpawn in the evening,
they left the opposing leaders mingled together in good-humoured talk,
bragging of the desperate deeds of valour performed in the combat.
[Illustration: PADAUNG LADIES--SHAN STATES.]
A few days were spent at Möngpawn. The Sawbwa Hkun Ti is described as a
man of strong character, "the moving spirit in the Limbin Confederacy."
He was quite ready, however, to give up this coalition and to transfer
his allegiance to the Queen-Empress. He advised the despatch of a party
to Möngnai to hoist the British flag and to bring in the Limbin Prince.
The rains were now well on, and marching had become very difficult. It
was decided, therefore, not to take the whole force but to send the
Assistant Superintendent with fifty rifles under Lieutenant Wallace to
Möngnai. The Superintendent with the main body marched back to Fort
Stedman.
Mr. Scott was detained for some days in Möngpawn waiting for rations.
The time was well employed. Two of the minor chiefs, Naungmawn
(a brother of Möngpawn) and Möngsit (Möngpawn's son-in-law, and
half-brother of Mawknai), came and tendered their allegiance. Others
offered their submission by messenger and promised to meet the
Assistant Superintendent at Möngnai, which they said was the place of
assemblage for the Shan States from ancient times. More than this, very
friendly relations were established during this halt between the people
and the troops. The _Myozas_ (headmen) from the neighbouring villages
came round every evening for rifle-practice with the officers; and it
is recorded that Möngpawn and his brother made very good shooting.
The troops were paraded and manoeuvred for their entertainment.
Notwithstanding these courtesies, however, no promise to surrender the
Limbin Prince could be obtained from these chiefs. "It must depend,"
they said, "on his own decision." They suggested that better terms
should be offered to him. "This was an instance," says Mr. Hildebrand,
"of the way in which the Shan chiefs cling together, and of the
sanctity they attach to an oath." Although the Limbin's cause and the
ideas on which it was based were hopelessly lost, they would not coerce
him to surrender.
On the 2nd of May Mr. Scott's party began their march, and entered
Möngnai on the 5th, having suffered from heavy and incessant rain all
the way. After crossing the Mewettaung Range, they entered a level
valley which extends to Kengtawng on the south-east and up northward as
far as Laikha. The altitude of this valley is about 4,000 feet. It is
the centre of the silk cultivation, the eggs and larvæ being imported
periodically from the Chinese provinces of Yunnan and Szechuen. When
the party passed through the whole district had been ravaged by men
from Laikha, and only a few almost empty villages survived. Twet Nga
Lu from Kengtawng had also been at work, and on the last march of
seventeen miles into Möngnai most of the villages were found in ruins.
They had been burnt by his marauders two months before.
The description of Möngnai at this time is worth quoting (Mr.
Hildebrand's Report, June 22, 1887, par. 97).
"From the north there is a long avenue-like approach to Möngnai. The
walls of the ancient city still exist in a very dilapidated state.
They are about 20 feet high and machicolated. The city was about 1,000
yards square, and there remain signs of extensive suburbs. Everything,
however, has been destroyed. Of ten thousand houses only three
hundred (mostly recently built) remain; out of one hundred and twenty
monasteries only three are left standing. The Sawbwa himself lives in
a bamboo house, instead of the former teak-wood _haw_ (palace). The
interior of the city walls is all jungle-grown."
It is as well to put on record some description of the condition in
which the British found the Shan States. A few years hence we shall be
denounced as the ruthless destroyers of a country which we had found
wealthy and prosperous.
The Sawbwa of Möngnai came in unpretentious fashion to see Mr. Scott
the day after his arrival. His superiority in breeding and character to
most of the chiefs was marked, He made no difficulty about accepting
British supremacy, and proffered all his influence to induce the other
chiefs to follow his example. The typical character of the Shans as a
race of traders came out in his request that his submission to British
authority should be made known in Moulmein. In former times there was
a good trade in timber with the Moulmein merchants. When they were
informed of the establishment of peace this trade he anticipated would
revive.
It remained to induce the Limbin Prince to submit and to accompany Mr.
Scott to Fort Stedman. This was not a question of very high diplomacy,
but it required some skill, tact, and patience to induce the Prince
to make a voluntary surrender. It would have been very easy to have
arrested and removed him by force. Such action, however, would have
been distasteful to the Shan chiefs and might have rendered it more
difficult to dispose of other pretenders still remaining in the
Northern States. The Prince showed himself to be a poor creature, whose
chief characteristic was an immeasurable conceit. He was, after all,
only the illegitimate son of the Ein-she-min, or War Prince, who was
the brother of King Mindon. But Burmans and Shans, like some other
people, if a man is a prince, do not ask too curiously what sort of a
prince he may be. When he left Möngnai, mounted on an elephant, with
his gong beating, great numbers of people knelt down by the roadside
as he passed, and similar respect was shown to him at other places.
Notwithstanding his conceit, he did not put a very high price on his
submission. This descendant of kings, who had left his refuge in
British Burma to become the head of a great Shan Confederacy to be
formed on the model of the German Empire, was glad to barter his lofty
ambition for a stipend of £16 sterling a month and a house at Rangoon,
or Moulmein, or elsewhere.
While the Prince was making arrangements for the journey, the Assistant
Superintendent with Lieutenant Wallace, 27th Punjab Infantry, and
Lieutenant Jackson, R.E., rode to Mawkmai, some twenty-five miles over
rolling country covered with scrub-oak forest. They found Mawkmai
situated in a fine valley 120 miles in extent, irrigated from the Nam
Nyim River, and well cultivated; the main crop being paddy. The town
was in good order, well built and prosperous. "The one town," records
Mr. Scott, "in the Shan States that has not been destroyed in the
inter-State wars." The trade relations between Mawkmai and Moulmein are
close; the Salween in the rainy season being navigable and affording
good means of communication.
The British officers were received with courtesy and hospitality by
the Sawbwa and his officials. The suzerainty of the Queen-Empress was
accepted as a matter of course. The only anxiety of the chief was in
respect of the duty likely to be imposed on exported timber, which had
been severely taxed by King Thebaw.
On the 11th of May the party returned to Möngnai. The attitude of
the Sawbwa Kun Kyi was excellent. He assured Mr. Scott that he would
be able to promise the submission of the Trans-Salween States, who
all looked to him as their leader, and to Möngnai as their place
of assemblage. He asked as a special favour to himself, and as a
confirmation of his authority, that he might be allowed to fly the
British flag over his residence. This request was granted. In the
evening the British officers with a small guard of honour went to the
Sawbwa's _haw_, or palace, where a flagstaff had been prepared, and
the Union Jack was run up by Mr. Scott, the bugles sounding a general
salute and the troops presenting arms. A great number of people from
Möngnai and the neighbouring villages were present. They saluted the
flag in their customary attitude of respect, on their knees, and when
the troops marched off the Sawbwa's band struck up. What march it
played has not been recorded.
The Limbin Prince had now made his arrangements for the journey, and
on the 13th the party started for Fort Stedman, which was reached on
the 20th of May. The route lay over a road which had not been used
for a year and which the contending parties had endeavoured to make
impassable. Four sepoys and several camp-followers were spiked in the
feet. But for this mishap the three weeks' march from Möngpawn round
by Möngnai would have been accomplished without having a single man on
the sick-list; and this although there had been much rain, especially
on the return journey. After five days' rest the Limbin Prince was sent
under escort to the plains, and passed into obscurity.
On the 22nd of June the Superintendent was able to report from Fort
Stedman: "The Southern Shan States have now all given in their
submission; caravans of cattle and pedlars move about from State to
State with perfect freedom and confidence, a condition of things which
has hardly existed since the accession of King Thebaw in 1879." (Mr.
Hildebrand's Report, June 22, 1887, par. 147.)
FOOTNOTES:
[34] "Yunnan," by Major H. R. Davies.
[35] Ibid., p. 21.
[36] Sir A. P. Phayre, "History of Burma," p. 13.
[37] He was grinding wheat or paddy in a hand-mill.
[38] General Sir Edward Stedman, G.C.B.
[39] Sir Herbert White, K.C.I.E., late Lieut. Governor of Burma.