SECTION VII.

_Departure from Schiacha—arrival at Augila._

On the fifth day (reckoning by our departure from Siwah,) we left

Schiacha, and travelled about four hours, when we encamped. The

next morning in two hours and a half, we came to a district called

_Torfaue_, where we halted to collect fresh water: from this place

we departed at four in the afternoon of the same day, and continued

our march until eight the next morning, through a desert, the level

of which was interrupted by numerous sand-hills; at eight o’clock

we stopped to refresh, and rested till two o’clock, when we again

pressed forward, and continued our march till eight in the morning,

when we encamped till one. At one we again proceeded, travelled

all night, and till three o’clock the next morning, when the

party with whom I travelled, discovered, that during the night,

we had wandered from the caravan; we resolved thereon to halt and

await the return of day. We placed our baggage by the side of each

camel, to be enabled on emergency, to load again with dispatch, and

I laid me down to sleep on the sand, with the bridle in one hand,

and my firelock in the other, and slept soundly till sunrise.

We now discovered our caravan; and at the same time, that we were not

above half a mile from a spot, fruitful and abounding in water. We

immediately made up to the place and encamped. The journey from

_Torfaue_ to this spot, was the most disagreeable and fatiguing that

in the course of all my travels I had experienced. Both men and

cattle were so wearied and exhausted, that as soon as the baggage

was unladen, all resorted to sleep. We here reposed the whole day,

and the next set forth for Augila, by short marches, (altogether

not amounting to more than nine hours travel); we used no haste, as

having nothing to apprehend, being now in the country of our friends.

Our entry into _Mojabra_, one of the three places belonging to the

dominion of Augila, was solemn and affecting, as the greater part of

the merchants of our caravan had here habitations and families. The

Bey of _Bengasi_, Vicegerent for the Bashaw of _Tripoly_, and at that

time resident at _Augila_, sent about twenty of his Arabs to note

in writing the burden of the camels, and for which they demanded

a small duty. These Arabs then ranged themselves, and formed a

right wing to our caravan, drawn up for procession. The merchants

who had horses formed the left, and the pilgrims and ordinary Arabs

formed the centre, headed by the Sheik preceded by a green flag. The

pilgrims marched on singing; and the Arabs made their horses prance

and curvet, and so continued until we approached near to _Mojabra_;

where a number of old men and children met us, to felicitate and

get a first embrace of their sons and relations, whom, on hearing

of the French invasion in Egypt, they had given over as lost.

We pitched our tents in a spot adjoining the town, and were most

hospitably entertained. The following night I proceeded on my journey

towards _Augila_, in company with two merchants, one of whom procured

me a lodging on my arrival, it being the intention of the caravan

to stop longer than usual at this place.

There are three towns within the territory of _Augila_; Augila, the

capital, and _Mojabra_, and _Meledila_. The two last are near to each

other, and both about four hours from Augila; _Mojabra_ to the south,

and _Meledila_ to north of the road by which we passed. _Mojabra_

and _Meledila_ are occasionally comprehended in the general name of

_Fallo_, designating the district.

_Augila_, a town well known in the time of Herodotus,[10] covers

a space of about one mile in circumference. It is badly built, and

the streets are narrow and not kept clean. The houses are built of

a limestone, dug from the neighbouring hills, and consist only of

one story or ground floor. The apartments are dark, there being no

aperture for light but the door; and are generally ranged round a

small court, to which the entrance of each room faces, for purpose

of collecting the more light. The public buildings, comparatively,

are yet more mean and wretched. _Mojabra_ is of smaller extent, but

appears proportionally more populous than _Augila_. The inhabitants

of _Meledila_ are chiefly employed in agriculture; those of _Mojabra_

engage mostly in trade, and pass their lives in travelling betwixt

Cairo and Fezzan. The people of _Augila_ are of a more sedentary

disposition; though some of these too, were with our caravan.

The men of the above places, who engage in the caravan trade,

generally keep three houses; one at _Kardaffi_, near Cairo; one at

_Mojabra_, and a third at _Zuila_, or sometimes at _Mourzouk_. Many

have a wife and family establishment at each of these houses;

and others take a wife for the time, if the stay of the caravan is

longer than usual. The men from their very youth devote themselves

to such traveller’s life. Boys from thirteen to fourteen years

of age, accompanied our caravan the long and toilsome journey

from _Augila_ to _Fezzan_ on foot, or at least seldom mounting a

horse. In observing the general character of this people, I could

not but remark a degradation, self-interestedness, and mean and

shuffling disposition, derived from early habits of petty trade,

and the manner in which it was conducted, as contra-distinguishing

those engaged in this traffic, and those who remained at home.

The men of the country are engaged in gardening and agriculture;

but in the last to no great extent. The women are very industrious

in manufacturing coarse woollen cloths of five yards in length and

a yard and a half wide, which are called _Abbe_, and are sent in

considerable quantities to _Fezzan_. These constitute the chief

clothing of this people; they wrap them about their bodies, and

without even a shirt or shift under.

Round _Augila_ the country is level and the soil sandy, yet, being

well watered, is tolerably fertile. Corn is not cultivated in quantity

sufficient for subsistence of the people. The Arabs of _Bengasi_,

distant about thirteen days journey, import annually both wheat

and barley; and this their corn caravan is generally accompanied by

flocks of sheep for sale.

The inhabitants of this region can generally speak the _Arabic_

but their vulgar language is a dialect similar to that of Siwah,

above noticed.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 2: In hoc supercilio sunt frusta salis, ferè grumi grandes

in collibus, et singulorum collium vertices è medio sale ejaculantur

aquam dulcem pariter et gelidam. Herodot. ed. Wesseling. p. 181.]

[Footnote 3: Ῥέει γὰρ ἐκ Λιβύης ὁ Νεῖλος, καὶ μέσην τάμνων Λιβύην.

Herodot. Euterpé, § 33. The Editor rather supposes that Herodotus

using the term _Lybia_, comprised all Africa, west of Egypt and

Ethiopia; and that the river, or branch of river, alluded to, is

the great stream flowing from the west, described by the Nasamones,

and supposed to be a part of the Nile, by Etearchus: in such case

the traveller may in vain look for its channel in the country

suggested by Mr. Horneman, it being undoubtedly far to the

south,—the Joliba or Niger.]

[Footnote 4: So too Alexander, on his march to the Fane of Ammon,

found the water _bitter_: κατήντησεν ἐπὶ ΠΙΚΡΑΝ καλουμένην λίμνην.

Did. Sic. Tom. I. p. 198, edit. Wesseling.]

[Footnote 5: Vide Note, Appendix, No. I.]

[Footnote 6: Vide Appendix, No. IV.]

[Footnote 7: Vide Herodot. edit. Wesseling, p. 284.]

[Footnote 8: Vide Note, Appendix, No. I.]

[Footnote 9: The distance from Biljoradec is not clearly expressed

in the original.]

[Footnote 10: Herodotus places Augila at _ten_ days journey from the

city of the Ammonians. Melpom. 182. N. B. Mr. Horneman was _nine_

days on journey from Augila to Siwah, partly by forced marches.]

=CHAPTER II.=

* * * * *

SECTION I.

_Augila, to the Confines of Temissa._

Soon after our arrival at _Augila_, a man was sent off by the chief

of the caravan to examine the watering-places as far the borders

of the kingdom of FEZZAN. This precaution became necessary from the

increased number of people and camels, now forming this great caravan,

and the possibility that, from want of rain or other causes, the

springs on the usual route might not afford sufficient water for so

large a body. The messenger being ordered to use the utmost dispatch,

returned on the twelfth day with the happy intelligence, that water

was in plenty, and that he met with nothing to impede our journey.

Accordingly, the 27th of October was the day fixed for our departure

from _Augila_, and myself and party quitted the town the preceding

evening, and encamped in the open air, to be among the first at

the breaking up and movement of the caravan. The next morning

we set out before sunrise, and proceeded in a direction west by

south. Our caravan was increased by companies of merchants from

_Bengasi_, _Merote_, and _Mojabra_, in all about 120 men. Many of

the inhabitants of _Augila_ and _Fallo_, accompanied us part of the

way, and, as a mark of honour and attention, pranced their horses

and fired their muskets round us. This party had scarcely taken

their leave, when an Arab riding to us in haste, gave information,

that we were pursued by a large body of horse, and that they were

even then close upon our rear. On this intelligence the camels were

immediately driven by the slaves and boys to a rising ground, and

those who had arms mustered to cover the retreat, and prevent the

enemy’s irruption and pillage. At the moment we were preparing for

action, we were happily undeceived. The horsemen were troops of the

Bey of _Bengasi_ (then resident at Augila as I before mentioned),

and who, hearing the complimentary discharge of firelocks by the

friends who had just left us, thought we might have been attacked,

and came out to our assistance.

We now resumed our march, and continued it till sunset, each boasting

of his prowess, and what feats of arms he had before done, and what

he would have done had the Bey’s troops been hostile.

The evening we encamped in the open Desert, on a spot devoid of water,

and so completely barren, that not even a single blade of herb for

our camels was to be found, and we were obliged to feed them with

what provender we had with us.

On the _second_ day we advanced for twelve hours through the Desert,

the plain consisting of soft limestone, sometimes bare, but more

frequently covered with quicksand.

On the morning of the _third day_, the scene somewhat altered;

detached hills rose here and there, taking from the uniformity

of the before level desert. These mounds seemed to derive their

origin from a base of calcareous rock, round, and on which the

sands had gathered, and been heaped up by the winds, and on some

to a considerable height. From this district of hillocks and hills,

commences a range of mountains called _Morai-je_, stretching far to

SSW, and seemingly also branching towards the north. This day we

encamped two hours before sunset, for the purpose of awaiting the

return of some _Twaters_, who separated from us about noon, to seek

pasture for their camels. Our camp was pitched on the summit of a

hill, at foot of which were spread a quantity of petrified shells

and marine substances imbedded in a soft limestone.

On the _fourth day_ we struck our tents very early in the morning,

with the view of reaching a particular spot for our next encampment,

where fresh water was to be found. The first part of our day’s

journey we travelled on a continued plain on the heights of the

mountain. The ascent from the east had been gentle, but coming to the

western declivity, we found the way down most steep and difficult. It

is noted by the name of _Neddeek_ by the Arabs. The way down is

not only steep, but so narrow that the whole caravan was obliged

to travel in single file, camel after camel. The perpendicular

height of this (almost) precipice was about eighty feet. From the

verge of the summit the prospect was most beautiful. A narrow vale,

extending far beyond the reach of the eye, was illumined at some

distance by the rise of sun, whose beams slanted over the mountain

we had to pass: in regarding the level and brightness of the distant

scene, we looked over a fore-ground of craggy rocks, and abrupt and

frightful chasms yet remaining in gloomy shade; and the contrast of

bright and terrific scene made the stronger impression on our minds,

whilst from this awful height we had to meditate on the difficulty

and danger of our passage down to the plain. I followed not the

narrow track of the caravan, but picked myself out a way down

the mountain with some difficulty and risk. Coming to its base,

I observed a piece of petrified wood, of about two feet long and

eight inches broad; it was the only such fragment I saw in these

parts. Forward in the plain to some distance, lay huge stones, or

rather rocks. They probably have been there from the time of some

great flood,[11] which, on every consideration of what I now and

before saw, I must suppose to have inundated these countries, at some

distant period, distinctively and subsequent to the deluge mentioned

in Scripture. At some distance I cast a look back to the _Neddeek_;

its appearance of wild forms of rock broken into or rent asunder,

confirmed my idea of irruption of waters, and that the deluge had

rushed from the west. Our march was now directed along the valley,

skirted by mountains nearly of the same height and form as those we

had passed; at length it expanded into a wider plain called _Sultin_,

where, at one o’clock, and after ten hours journey we encamped,

and with water in plenty to replenish our bags for the ensuing days.

The _fifth_ and _sixth_ days we journied on through this Desert;

for so, from its barrenness and appearance, it may be justly termed,

though throughout abounding in springs. The waters I should, however,

suppose to be bitter, as the Arabs dig no wells in this district.

The _seventh_ day our way lay between ranges of hills, and in the

evening we came to a spot affording not only verdure but _trees_,

and that to a considerable extent of country: under these trees we

encamped, and continued travelling through a very grove the best part

of the ensuing day, when our road opened to a desert checquered with

hills, and scabeous calcareous rocks. From one of these eminences

I first observed the mountainous region _Harutsch_, so known to and

dreaded by travellers. The marvellous narratives of calamity therein

suffered, and which had been recited to me on our way; and the black

and dreary appearances which the face of the country offered to my

view, roused my curiosity, and I pressed on before the caravan to

examine a lower mountain, which, like a promontory jutted towards us

before the rest. The soil of the desert near was stony, the stones

consisting of calcareous limestone. The mountain presented the form

of an imperfect cone: its strata I take to have lain originally

horizontal, as those of the hills passed on our route, but from

some convulsion, they are now broken, turned over, and promiscuously

confused. The substance of which the mountain consists, on fracture,

and as to colour, resembles the ferruginous basalt; and such I take

it to be. Range upon range of dreary and black mountains succeed,

and form the only prospect!

As the caravan was approaching, I dismounted, and sat me down close

to a large stone which formed my table, whilst I partook of such

frugal fare as the Arab carries with him on these occasions. When I

rose up the caravan had passed the prominence of the mountain and

disappeared. The ground, however, being firm, and thence the road

to be easily traced, I was under no anxiety; though after half an

hour’s march, somewhat surprised at not yet discovering my old

companions, I took out my spy-glass, when I descried at a little

distance four _Moroccans_, whom I rode up to and accosted: they told

me that the caravan had already encamped at a short distance from

the road, to pasture their camels, and that they themselves were in

search of water to satisfy their thirst. I was inclined to be of

their party, but was fearful of giving uneasiness to my people by

longer absence from the caravan, which, from its fires now kindled,

I easily discovered and rejoined.

The _ninth_ day we travelled between black and dreary hills; our

road meandering through narrow and dismal ravines, now and then

spreading to some width, having some grass and even a tree, and

sometimes opening to a space of valley, of which the herbage looked

fresh, and even luxuriant, from the copious rains which fall in this

mountainous region, fertilizing the soil after it is washed down.

Our watering-place consisted of pools of mere rain water from the

hills, and was situate at the edge of a valley of about six miles

circuit, shewing not only a rich verdure, but bearing shrubs and

trees. Here we saw some _gazelles_, but so shy, that we could not

get a shot at them.

We passed our _tenth_, _eleventh_, and _twelfth_ days incessantly

almost in march through this dreary solitude; yet we could not

expedite our journey as we wished. Sometimes we were obliged to

wander from our direct line with the windings of our only path; at

other times we were forced to move on slowly and with difficulty,

over layers of loose stone for half a mile together: in the course of

one of those days, I ventured on a walk to the _south_, accompanied

by my Arabian servant and some _Twaters_. We could easily, on foot,

outstrip the caravan under all its impediments of march. Every where I

found the mountains of like appearance as exhibited to the traveller

on the common road, with the only difference that views even more

dreary and terrific occasionally caught the eye: it having been matter

of course to work and conduct the road along the least rugged vallies.

On the afternoon of the _thirteenth_ day, we broke at length from

this dark region into an extensive plain. Here we continued on march

for some hours, when we came to ranges of low calcareous mountains,

and about sunset encamped at the entrance of the defile which leads

through them.

On the morning of the _fifteenth_ I placed myself among the foremost

of the caravan, consisting chiefly of poor pilgrims, hastening to

precede the other company, with a view of first quenching their

thirst at the spring, which on that day we were to arrive at. On

coming to the watering-place called _Ennaté_ I perceived a _well_

already cleaned and in order, and several _Twaters_ lying round. I

placed myself near and prepared for breakfast. An old man had

laboured a shorter cut across the sand to be sooner at the well;

after mutual salutation, I offered him a handful of dates and some

meat; these he thankfully accepted, kissing them and rubbing them

on his forehead. Putting the provisions down on the ground, he got

to the spring, and continued drinking for a considerable time, and

recited his prayer _Elham-Dulillah_ with great devotion. He told me,

that for three days past he had been without his requisite portion

of water. This man (as himself told me), was above sixty years

old; and this was his third voyage from _Fez_ to _Mecca_, without

possessing the least means of accommodation for the journey; without

preparation of food for his subsistence; nay, even without water,

excepting what commiseration and the esteem in which his pilgrimage

was held, might procure for him, from the charity and regard of

travellers better provided in the caravan.

We reposed the rest of the day on this spot, distant from our last

encampment four hours march, and our chief dispatched a messenger to

Mourzouk, to give notice of arrival of the caravan on the frontier

of the kingdom, and to bear a letter of respect to the sultan from

each merchant individually.

And now, on the _sixteenth_, (dating by our departure from _Augila_),

we came again to the society of men: a march of nine hours bringing

us to _Temissa_, situated within the territory of Fezzan.

SECTION II.

_Observations on the Region of the Harutsch._

The mountainous desert of _Harutsch_ is the most remarkable region

that came within scope of my observation during this journey;

its extent has been stated to me at seven days journey over,

from north to south; and at five days from east to west: but in a

subsequent voyage from Fezzan to Tripoly, I fell in again with a

branch or tract of the _Harutsch_, and was there told, that it yet

extended further to the _west_. At Mourzouk, too, I was informed of

black mountains on the road leading southward to Bornou, on whose

heights the climate was of very cold temperature, and whence the

people of Mourzouk obtained their iron; and I conjecture that such

mountainous tract may be a further branch of the _Harutsch_, though

having indeed no positive information or proof of the immediate

junction or connection of these regions.

The rugged, broken, and altogether wild and terrific scene which

this desert tract affords, leads strongly to the supposition that its

surface at some period took its present convulsed form and appearance

from volcanic revolution. Its inequalities of ground are no where

of great altitude. The general face of country shews continued

ranges of hills, running in various directions, rising from eight

to twelve feet only above the level of the intermediate ground; and

between which branches, (on perfect flats, and without any gradual

ascent of base or fore-ground,) rise up lofty insulated mountains,

whose sides are exceeding steep from the very base. A mountain of

this description, situated midway on journey over this desert, and

north of our caravan road, is by the Arabs termed _Stres_; it has

the appearance of being split from the top down to the middle. I was

prevented from particular examination of it, but soon, on our caravan

halting, had the opportunity of inspecting another of the same kind.

This mountain I perceived, from the foot to the summit, to be covered

with detached stones, such as wholly constitute the lower hills. The

small plain from which this mountain rose, was encompassed by rows

of hills, such as above described, closely running into each other,

and connected as a wall. The flat within was overspread with white

quicksand, on which lay, irregularly scattered, large blocks of

stone, of like nature and substance as that generally throughout

this desert. With some trouble I procured a sample of the earthy

stratum beneath the sand: it seemed to me, at the time, to have the

appearance of ashes thrown out from a volcano; but I have since

lost the paper which contained the specimen, and cannot further

confirm the accuracy of my first observation. In the vicinity of

this mountain, I found stones of smaller bulk and a reddish colour,

resembling that of burnt bricks; some of these were one-half red,

the other blackish; the red part had not the same weight or density,

on fracture, as the black: the former is more porous and spongy,

and bears a general resemblance to slags or scoriæ.

The stony substance, of which the mass of these mountains consists,

varies in colour and density; in some parts heavy and compact, in

others having small holes and cavities. These species of stone are

intermingled, and I could not discover in either, any extraneous

matter or substance.

The stratification or lay of these stones is perfectly horizontal, but

often disturbed; parts of the first layer sinking into and mixing with

the second below, and the second with the third. Sometimes the strata

take an oblique direction; sometimes are promiscuously confused,

and sometimes no strata appear at all; and a series of low hills

is formed of one solid mass of rock, with fissures in direction to

the north. The plain too shews occasionally level rock of the like

nature and substance, in parts where bare of sand or soil. The whole

of this region of hillocks, hills, rocks, and mountains, is, in parts,

intersected by vales, occasionally having water; and though the soil

is of white sand, yet it is so far fertile as to produce single trees,

and pasturage for beasts; in these productive spots are frequently

to be seen the tracks and slots of game. Often, when I thought I

could so do without danger of losing my way, I struck into one of the

narrow vales running apparently in the same direction as our caravan

road; and occasionally led away to defiles becoming more narrow and

rugged, I repented my indiscretion, whilst thus separated from my

company, and exposed to attack from Bedouins, with dependence for

safety on my single sabre and pistols. On regaining the caravan,

it yet occurred that my danger had not been great, for what Arab

robber could look for a traveller in such a tract, or suppose any

hardy enough to wander therein from his troop, excepting, indeed,

some wretched Moroccan pilgrim in search of water!

In the course of these excursions, on the side of one of these

narrow vales, winding among the mountains, I observed a narrow

branch or inlet, towards the termination of which the rocky heights

from each side closed, and formed a cavern of about nine feet deep,

and five feet wide; and, considering its appearance and situation

in this desolate, obscure, and mournful region, I was inspired with

feelings, as on viewing the entrance to the subterraneous world,

and very passage, _ad inferos_.

My interpreter told me, that at some time when I had taken another

path, and when the caravan was travelling about midway through the

mountains, he saw a cavern in which the stones to a considerable depth

were black, and that under these lay a stratum of white stones. On

travelling afterwards from Fezzan to Tripoly, in continuation of the

Harutsch, (as I supposed it), I myself observed ranges of basaltic

hills, alternate with ranges of calcareous hills. My interpreter

brought me a specimen of the white stone taken from the cave himself

had seen, but I think was not happy in its selection, it consisting

of a mere lump of indurated argillaceous earth, such as often adheres

to limestone.

In respect to the many hills, and their curious ranges and direction,

the _Harutsch_ exhibits a similitude to the excrescences on the

bordering mountains I refer to in a subsequent journey; it agrees too

in the circumstance of single stones scattered on the surface, which,

in the Harutsch, are distinguished as being only of one species or

substance, peculiar to the district. There is too a further analogy in

the plains formed of bare rock; and in the white quicksand covering

other levels, and laying round the mountains, and up their base,

though to no considerable height.

Contiguous to the _Harutsch-el-assuat_, or black Harutsch, lies the

white Harutsch, or _Harutsch-el-abiat_. The country denoted by this

appellation is a vast plain, interspersed with mounds or isolated

hills, and spreads to the mountains rising towards Fezzan. The

stones covering the surface of this plain have the appearance of

being glazed, and so too every other substance, and even the rocks

which occasionally rise or project from the level. Among the stones

are found fragments of large petrified marine animals, but mostly

shells closed up and insolidated. These shells struck or thrown

forcibly on others, give a shrill sound, and the fracture presents

a vitreous appearance.

The low, bare, calcareous hills which border the plain, are, by the

Arabs, comprised in the _Harutsch-el-abiat_; but they are of a nature

very different. Of all that I have seen, this range of hills contains

the most petrifactions. These mountains rise immediately steep from

the level, and the matter of which they are formed is alone friable

limestone, in which the petrifactions are so loosely imbedded, that

they may be taken out with ease; they consist of petrified conchs,

snail-shells, fish, and other marine substances. I found heads

of fish that would be a full burthen for one man to carry. In the

adjacent vallies are shells in great number, and of the same kind

as those found on the great plain, and which, as I before mentioned,

have the appearance of being glazed.

SECTION III.

_Arrival at Temissa, and further Journey._

We were yet an hour’s march distant from Temissa, when the

inhabitants of that place greeted the caravan with welcome and

congratulation on arrival. They put questions without number,

concerning our health, intermingling wishes for peace in the Arabian

stile and manner. The incessant repetition of the same words appeared

to me extraordinary, but I was soon given to understand, that it

denoted polite manners, according to usage of the country. The more

noble and educated the man, the oftener did he repeat his questions. A

well dressed young man attracted my particular attention, as an adept

in the perseverance and redundancy of salutation. Accosting an Arab

of Augila, he gave him his hand, and detained him a considerable

time with his civilities, when the Arab being obliged to advance

with greater speed to come up again with his companions, the youth

of Fezzan thought he should appear deficient in good manners if he

quitted him so soon: for near half a mile he kept running by his

horse, whilst all his conversation was, How dost thou fare? Well,

how art thou thyself? Praised be God thou art arrived in peace! God

grant thee peace! How dost thou do, &c. &c.

On our approach to Temissa, the pilgrims arranged themselves with

their kettle drum and green flag. The merchants formed a troop, at

head of the caravan, and pranced and curvetted their horses as they

led on, and in this manner we passed on to our place of encampment

near the town, whilst the women assembled without the walls, welcomed

us in their Arabian custom with reiterated and joyful exclamation, to

which we answered by discharge of our fire-arms; and these compliments

continued till we pitched our tents in a grove of date trees.

All was gladness and felicitation this day throughout the caravan, and

especially amongst the merchants. Perhaps for years past the caravan

had not left Cairo with so gloomy and fearful a prospect as on the

present occasion, when an army of Infidels had so suddenly assailed

and taken the principal city of Africa, destroyed the ruling power

of the Mamelukes, and threatened immediate abolition to the trade

for slaves, on which the caravan principally subsists. It was but

a few days after our leaving Cairo, that the appearance of an horde

of Bedouins gave alarm to our caravan; indeed it was extraordinary

that we should reach Siwah without attack, as the Arabs had of late

been so bold, as even to pass the French posts, and rob near to the

very capital. Whilst at Siwah, we were apprised of the movements

of different hordes of Bengasi and other Arabian tribes; and not

far from our road between Augila and the frontiers of Fezzan,

we descried numerous vestiges of their depredation, viewing some

hundreds of dead camels and beasts of burthen which they had plundered

and left, probably from deficiency of water for their support. They

had robbed in the neighbourhood, and even made an attack on Temissa,

and had waited for us in these parts for a considerable time, till

they concluded that, from the conquest of Cairo, our caravan would

not this year proceed. Being therefore now in no immediate danger,

and our future route laying through the inhabited districts of the

realm of Fezzan, our fears at once vanished.

Temissa is at present a place of little importance, containing

not more than forty men bearing arms. It is built on a hill, and

surrounded by a high wall, capable of securing it against hostile

incursion if in due repair, but in many parts the wall is decayed

and fallen. I was told there were inscriptions to be discovered on

some of the buildings, but I found none, and rather suppose none such

ever existed, the ruins consisting of mere dilapidated houses, built

with limestone, and cemented with a reddish mortar. These remains,

however, shew that the ancient inhabitants of Temissa were more

expert in the art of building than the present, who have patched up

dwelling places in and among the ruins scarcely so comfortable as

our sheds for cattle in Europe.

These people have many sheep and goats. Their only beast of burden

is the ass. The place is surrounded with groves of date trees,

which furnish the chief subsistence; corn is produced, but in very

small quantity.

Having visited the town; on my return to camp, I found there a number

of the natives, bartering sheep, fowls and dates, for tobacco, butter,

female ornaments, and the coarse woollen stuffs with which the Arabs

are generally cloathed. The evening closed in mutual congratulation

and festivity, and the younger slaves and boys of the camp made

a bonfire.

Our journies from this place being intended to be short, we did not

decamp the following morning till half an hour after sunrise, and

moved on slowly between date trees, on a generally level ground,

interspersed here and there with low hills formed by the wind,

which had gathered and heaped a deep sand round some of the trees,

so that only the top branches appeared. At two in the afternoon, we

came in sight of _Zuila_, and proceeded towards the place destined

for our encampment SW. of the town.

SECTION IV.

_Of Zuila._

_Zuila_ being a place of importance in the territory of Fezzan,

and the place of residence, not only of many leading and wealthy

men, but of relations to the family of the Sultan; we halted at some

little distance from the town, and prepared to do the proper honours

of our arrival.

The merchants, their pages and slaves dressed themselves in their

best apparel; and the _Sheik_ ordered his green flag to be borne

before him, in honor to the _Shereefs_ who live in this place. We had

scarcely formed ourselves in procession, when we perceived twenty

horsemen, mounted on white horses, with a green flag carried in

their centre. It was the Shereef _Hindy_, the principal man of the

town, who with his eight sons and other relations, was come out to

meet us: at some distance followed a great number of men and boys on

foot. They joined our caravan, and we passed together near the town,

with huzzas and discharge of muskets, till we reached our place of

encampment and pitched our tents.

Many other inhabitants then came out to us, some from curiosity, and

some to barter their goods; all behaved with the greatest decorum

and regularity; but the family of the _Shereef_ was distinguished

by its particular complacency and politeness of manners: they wore

the Tripolitan dress, but over it a fine Soudan shirt or _Tob_. The

dealings of the caravan, on this occasion, were considerable, and

especially with the women, who purchased various articles of ornament,

in exchange for garden-stuff, milk, and poultry.

_Zuila_ has received the name of _Belled-el-Shereef_, or town of

the Shereefs: in former times it was an important place, and its

circumference appears to have been thrice the extent of what it is

now. Some of the Shereef’s family told me, that some centuries

past Zuila had been the residence of the sultans, and the general

rendezvous of the caravans: and even yet the voyage to Fezzan is

termed, the voyage to _Seela_, by the caravan from Bornou.

This little city stands on a space of about one mile in circuit;

as in _Augila_, the houses have only a ground floor, and the rooms

are lighted from the door. Near the centre of the town, are the ruins

of a building several stories high, and of which the walls are very

thick; and report says, this was formerly the palace. Without the

town near the southern wall, stands an old mosque, little destroyed

by time, serving as a sample of the ancient magnificence of Zuila;

it contains in the middle a spacious hall or saloon, encompassed by a

lofty colonnade, behind which runs a broad passage, with entrances to

various apartments belonging to the establishment of the mosque. At

some little distance further from the city, appear ancient and very

lofty edifices, which are the tombs of shereefs, who fell in battle,

at time the country was attacked by Infidels.

The environs of Zuila are level, supplied with water, and fertile. The

groves of date trees are of great extent; and its inhabitants appear

to pay more attention to agriculture than those of adjoining places.

In the evening we had further proof of the Arab hospitality of

yore. A slave of the Shereef’s, brought to each tent a dish of

meat and broth, and ten small loaves; this most ancient custom the

Sheik of the Sultan keeps up and strictly adheres to on arrival of

each caravan; soon after, he sent to each of us three small loaves

for the morrow’s breakfast.

SECTION V.

_Further journey—and arrival at Mourzouk._

We left the hospitable _Zuila_ the ensuing morning, and having passed

through a grove of date trees, came to an extensive and open plain

over which we marched seven hours, and then arrived at _Hemara_;

a small village, thin in people, and wretched in appearance, though

the country round is most fertile. Here for the first time I was

regaled with the great Fezzan dainty of locusts or grass-hoppers,

and a drink called _lugibi_. The latter is composed of the juice of

date trees, and when fresh is sweet and agreeable enough to the taste,

but is apt to produce flatulencies and diarrhœa. At first I did not

relish the dried locusts, but when accustomed, grew fond of them:

when eaten, the legs and wings are broken off and the inner part is

scooped out, and what remains has a flavour similar to that of red

herrings, but more delicious.

The succeeding day we were on march before sunrise; our road crossed a

plain, with date trees to the south, among which I descried several

small villages. I was till noon separated from my usual party,

the Sultan’s Sheik of Zuila being pleased to select me as his

particular companion. His ordinary clothes were very much worn,

and even ragged; he had a cloak, the badge of his high office; he

chose to ride with me (as he said) because he deemed it dishonour to

ride with the merchants. When permitted to quit him and rejoin my

old comrades, I found them in great glee and spirits, at being so

near the place where they had houses and families; their gladness,

however, soon received alloy, for the officers of the Sultan met

us to take account of the bales and merchandize, which had not

being usually done till arrival at the gates of Mourzouk; and the

merchants had been in the habit of previously disposing of at least

a third of their goods, in order to evade the duties. Some however,

had contrived to intermingle their baggage with that of the pilgrims,

who pay no duties. Rather out of humour with what had passed, our

traders of the caravan agreed with a proposal of the Sheik to make

a forced march to _Tragen_, where we arrived at sunset.

At this place we reposed the whole of the ensuing day, employed in

preparation for honourable appearance before the Sultan, who usually

rides out to meet the caravan, in pious respect to the pilgrims

returning from Mecca. The Sultan sent forward some camels laden

with meat and bread, which were here distributed. The next morning

we proceeded, and after eight hours march, pitched our camp near

to the chapel and tomb of _Sidibischir_, a holy man of great renown

in ancient times, and from whom the village near is likewise named

_Sidibischir_. The following day was to be that of our interview

with the Sultan. On that day, the _17th of November_, we finished

our long and perilous journey, arriving, after a three hours march,

in the immediate vicinities of Mourzouk.

The Sultan had posted himself on a rising ground, attended by a

numerous court, and a multitude of his subjects.

Our caravan halted, and every person of the caravan, of any

importance, dismounted to salute him. With others I approached,

and found the sultan seated on an old-fashioned elbow chair, covered

with a cloth striped red and green, and placed at extremity of an oval

area, round which soldiers were drawn up, of but mean appearance. The

sultan himself wore the Tripolitan vest, and over it a shirt or frock,

embroidered with silver, in the Soudan manner. Close to him, on each

side, were white Mamelukes and Negro slaves, with drawn sabres; behind

these were six banners, and black and half-naked slaves, holding

lances and halberds, of a fashion as old perhaps, as the times of

Saladin. We entered the circle by an opening left facing the sultan,

and about the middle of the area: according to the ceremonial of his

court, we pulled off our slippers, and approached barefoot to kiss his

imperial hand. Each having paid his compliment, alternately passed to

right or left, and seated himself behind the sultan: the merchants

being thus ranged in two equal groups on either side the throne;

lastly entered the Sheik of the pilgrims, with his sabre drawn, and

kettle-drum, and green flag of Mecca borne before him. The pilgrims

followed, chaunting praises to God, who had so far conducted them

in safety; and continued their hymns until the Sultan was pleased

to dismiss their leader, with a gracious promise of sending his

royal present of dates and meat to every tent. This ceremony of

audience being over, the Sultan remounted his horse and rode back

to the city of Mourzouk, preceded by kettle-drums and banners, and

amidst his lance-men and halberdiers; whilst his courtiers, joined

by the Arabs of our caravan, pranced and curvetted their horses on

each flank of the procession.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 11: Vide Strabo, p. 49, 50; edit. Casaub.]

=CHAPTER III.=

* * * * *

_Some Account of Fezzan._

The greatest length of the _cultivated part_ of the kingdom of Fezzan,

is about 300 English miles from north to south, and the greatest

width 200 miles from east to west; but the mountainous region of

_Harutsch_ to the east, and other deserts to the south and west,

are reckoned within its territory.

The borderers on the north are Arabs, nominally dependant on Tripoly,

but their obedience is merely nominal, and they take each opportunity

of public weakness or commotion to throw off the yoke. Fezzan to the

east is bounded by the _Harutsch_, and line of deserts. To the south

and south-east is the country of the Tibboes. To the south-west that

of the Nomadic Tuaricks. On the west are Arabs.

The kingdom contains a hundred and one towns and villages, of which

Mourzouk is the capital. The principal towns next in order to the

imperial residence are _Sockna_, _Sibha_, _Hun_, and _Wadon_ to

the north; _Gatron_ to the south; _Yerma_ to the west; and _Zuila_

to the east.

The climate of Fezzan is at no season temperate or agreeable. During

the summer the heat is intense; and when the wind blows from the

south is scarcely supportable, even by the natives. The winter

might be moderate were it not for the prevalence of a bleak and

penetrating north wind during that season of the year, and which

chilled and drove to the fire not only the people of the place,

but even myself, the native of a northern country.

It rains at Fezzan seldom, and then but little in quantity. From

November 1798 to June 1799, there was not a single thunder storm;

the 31st of January, 1799, there were some faint lightnings without

thunder. Tempests of wind are however frequent, both from the north

and the south, whirling up the sand and dust, so as to tinge the

very atmosphere yellow. There is no river, nor indeed a rivulet

deserving note throughout the whole country. The soil is a deep

sand covering calcareous rock or earth, and sometimes a stratum of

argillaceous substance.

Dates may be termed the natural and staple produce of Fezzan. In the

western parts of the kingdom some senna is grown, and of a quality

superior to that imported from the country of the Tibboes. Pot-herbs,

and generally vegetables of the garden, are plentiful. Wheat and

barley are suited to the soil and climate, but from inexpertness

or difficulties attending the mode of tillage, and generally from

indolence of the people and oppressions of the government, corn is not

raised sufficient for the inhabitants, and they rely for subsistence

on importations from the Arab countries bordering Fezzan to the north.

Very little attention is bestowed on the rearing of beasts. Horned

cattle are to be found only in the most fertile districts; and are

even there but few in number; they are employed in drawing water from

the wells, and are slaughtered only in cases of extreme necessity. The

ordinary domestic animal is the goat. Sheep are bred in the southern

parts of the kingdom; but the general supply is furnished by the

bordering Arabs. The wool is manufactured into _abbes_, or coarse

woollen cloths, the general clothing throughout the country; with

the meat the very skins are roasted, whilst fresh, and eaten. The

horses are but few: asses are the beasts of general use, whether

for burthen, draught, or carriage. Camels are excessively dear,

and only kept by the chief people, or richer merchants. All these

animals are fed with dates or date kernels.

The commerce of Fezzan is considerable, but consists merely of foreign

merchandize. From October to February, Mourzouk is the great market

and place of resort for various caravans from Cairo, Bengasi, Tripoly,

Gadames, Twat, and Soudan, and for other smaller troops of traders,

such as Tibboes of Rschade, Tuaricks, and Arabs. The trade from

Cairo is carried on by the merchants of _Augila_; that from Tripoly,

chiefly by the inhabitants of _Sockna_, and but by few either of

Fezzan or Tripoly. The commerce with Soudan, is conducted by way

of the _Tuarick Kolluvi_, by the native _Agades_; the trade with

Bornou is managed by the _Tibboes_ of _Bilma_. The caravans coming

to Mourzouk from the south or west, bring, as articles of commerce,

slaves of both sexes, ostrich feathers, zibette, tiger skins, and

gold, partly in dust, partly in native grains, to be manufactured into

rings and other ornaments, for the people of interior Africa. From

_Bornou_ copper is imported in great quantity. Cairo sends silks,

_melayes_ (striped blue and white calicoes), woollen cloths, glass,

imitations of coral, beads for bracelets, and likewise an assortment

of East India goods. The merchants of _Bengasi_, who, usually join

the caravan from Cairo at _Augila_, import tobacco manufactured for

chewing, or snuff, and sundry wares fabricated in Turkey.

The caravan from Tripoly, chiefly deals in paper, false corals,

fire-arms, sabres, knives, and the cloths called _abbes_, and in

red worsted caps. Those trading from _Gadames_, bring nearly the

same articles. The smaller caravans of _Tuaricks_ and _Arabs_,

import butter, oil, fat, and corn; and those coming from the more

southern districts, bring senna, ostrich feathers, and camels for

the slaughterhouse.

Fezzan is governed by a sultan, descendant from the family of the

Shereefs. The tradition is, that the ancestors of the reigning prince,

coming from western Africa, invaded and conquered Fezzan about 500

years past. The sultan reigns over his dominions with unlimited power,

but he holds them tributary to the Bashaw of Tripoly: the amount of

tribute was formerly 6000 dollars, it is now reduced to 4000; and

an officer of the bashaw comes annually to Mourzouk, to receive this

sum, or its value in gold, senna, or slaves. This officer, whilst in

commission, is called _Bey-el-nobe_. On his departure from Tripoly,

which is every year in November, he takes all travelling merchants

under his protection; and returning from Tripoly to Mourzouk,

I shall avail myself of the opportunity.

The present sultan assumes the title “Sultan Muhammed-ben Sultan

Mansur;” and this title is engraved on a large seal, which he

applies to acts of authority or correspondence within his realm,

but when writing to the bashaw of Tripoly, he uses a smaller seal,

on which, instead of the name _Sultan_, that of _Sheik_ only,

is engraved.

The throne of Fezzan is hereditary: the crown, however, descends not

in all cases, directly from father to son: it is the eldest prince

of the royal family, who succeeds; and such may be a nephew, in

preference to a son who is younger. This custom frequently occasions

bloodshed: the son of the deceased sultan may be of sufficient age

to govern, though younger than the collateral heir; and having

interest and adherents formed by his past high connections and

situation, will often be ready to controvert the law of succession,

as inapplicable in principle to the case of himself and competitor,

equally arrived at the age of manhood and discretion: the question

of right is then decided by the sword.

The Sultan’s palace (or house) is situate within the circumvallation

of the castle or fortress of Mourzouk: he lives there retired,

and with no other inmate but the eunuchs, who wait upon him. His

Harem is contiguous; he never enters it, but the female whom he at

any time wishes to see, is conducted to his apartment. The Harem

consists of a Sultana, who, by rules of the empire, must be of the

family of the Shereefs of _Wadan_ or _Zuila_, and of about forty

slaves. These last are often sold and replaced by others, if they

do not bear children to the sultan, or do not otherwise endear

themselves to him by superior charms and accomplishments.

There is a place set apart within the precincts of the castle,

for those who attend on public business, from which a long narrow

vestibule leads to a door which opens into the principal apartment

of the sultan. The opening of that door is announced by the beating

of kettle-drums, as a signal of audience. The door of audience is

opened three times in each day. Those who on account of respect or

business, attend for introduction, are conducted by the long narrow

passage between slaves, who incessantly repeat, “May God prolong

the life of the sultan!” On coming to the door, the sultan appears

opposite, seated on an old fashioned elbow chair raised some steps,

and forming his throne. The person introduced, approaches, kisses

the hand of the sultan, raises it so as to touch his forehead,

then quits it, and kneels before him. He is permitted to state

his case, and address the sultan in ordinary and plain language,

but particular attention must be given, that the expressions, “God

prolong thy life;” “God protect thy country, &c.” be frequently

intermingled; and at each presentation, it is customary to offer a

small present. It is only on Fridays, or on some solemn festival,

that the sultan appears without the castle walls, and then he is

attended by his whole court. He goes on Fridays to the great mosque,

on horseback: on other days of solemnity or public occasion, he rides

on a plain without the town, where his courtiers prance and run their

horses round him, and exhibit their skill in equestrian exercises,

and in the art of shooting.

The sultan’s court or official attendants are, the _kaledyma_,

or first minister; the _keijumma_, or second minister, and the

general of his forces; a number of black slaves, and a few white

slaves, who are by the Mahometans termed Mamelukes. The _kaledyma_

and _keijumma_ must both be free-born men; whatever their nominal

rank, they at present have but little influence. All the interest and

power rests with the Mamelukes, who are mostly Europeans, Greeks,

Genoese, or their immediate descendants. The black slaves, are

purchased whilst yet boys, and are educated for the court according

to their dispositions and talents; some of these too have gained

great ascendancy with the sultan.

The apparel of the sultan, on days of state and ceremony, consists

of a large white frock or shirt, made in the Soudan manner, of

stuff, and brocaded with silver and gold, or of satin interwoven

with silver. Under this frock, he wears the ordinary dress of the

Tripolitans; but the most remarkable appearance is that of his turban,

which, from the fore to the hinder part, extends a full yard, and

is not less than two thirds of a yard in breadth.

The revenues of the sultan are produced from certain assessments of

tax on all gardens and cultivated lands, and from arbitrary fines

and requisitions. The slaves employed in collecting these imposts,

are most exorbitant and oppressive, if not bribed. The sultan derives

further income from duties on foreign trade, paid by the several

caravans. That from Cairo pays from six to eight dollars for each

camel load. The caravans from Bornou and Soudan pay two _matkals_,

for each slave on sale. He further possesses a territorial revenue,

collected from domains of the crown; from salt-pools; from the natron

lakes; and from the royal gardens and woods. The present sultan has

made great addition to his treasures by predatory expeditions, which

he occasionally directs against the _Tibboes_ of the tribe of _Burgu_.

The public expenditure consists chiefly in maintenance of the sultan,

his court, and palace. The cadi and department of justice, those

of the religious order, and the great officers of government, are

severally supported from the produce of date-tree woods and gardens,

granted as _usufruct_ to those holding the respective offices. The

princes of the royal family are supported from the proceeds of

appropriate territory, and by certain proportions of corn delivered

weekly from the sultan’s stores, and from occasional exactions

on the people, levied by their personal authority, and by means of

their slaves. Such oppression is a natural result of the powers of

collection, and means of enforcement, and adjudication of right,

being vested in each occasional lord of the domain.

Justice is administered by an officer, termed the cadi: his decisions

are directed by the Mahometan law, old customs, and established

practice; with exception to criminal cases, in which judgment is

arbitrary, or referred to the sultan. In the absence of the cadi,

his secretary or scribe, performs the office.

The dignity of a cadi, or chief judge, is hereditary in a certain

family, ever since the present race of sultans was established on the

throne. The sultan, in each instance of demise or vacancy, selects

from this family, such individual to fill the office of cadi, as is

noted for learning; or in other words, _who can best read and write_.

Besides the cadi, all the princes of the sultan’s family, claim

a right of jurisdiction, and even of imposing corporal punishments.

The cadi is, at the same time, chief of the clergy, and possesses

great influence and authority with the people; the next to him in

rank, is the _iman kbir_, or great Iman.

The population of Fezzan is not easily determined. On loose

estimate, I should state the inhabitants throughout, at about

70, or 75,000 souls. All of them, without exception, profess the

Mahometan religion. The colour or complexion of the people varies;

those of the northern parts of the country, for the most part,

have a complexion and features, similar to those of the Arabs. In

the southern districts, they have mixed with the natives of the

great nations bordering on that quarter, and bear a resemblance to

the Tibboes and to the Tuaricks. The genuine or indigenous race of

Fezzans, may be described as a people of but ordinary stature, and

their limbs by no means muscular or strong, their colour a deep brown,

their hair black and short, their form of face such as, in Europe,

we should term regular, and their nose less flattened than that of

the negro.

The mein, the walk, and every motion and gesture of the people of

Fezzan, denote a want of energy, either of mind or body. The tyrannic

government, the general poverty of the country, and their only food

consisting of dates, or a kind of farinaceous pap, with no meat,

and rarely with even a little rancid oil or fat, contribute at once

to weakness of frame, and dejection of spirit. Even in those parts,

where the race may be supposed to be ameliorated by a mixture with

the Arabs, there is no energy of character, no industry. Arts and

manufactures, will of course supply but a poor and scanty chapter,

exhibiting few articles, and no ingenuity: throughout Mourzouk,

I could not find one single skilful artificer in any trade or

work; indeed, there are no other tradesmen, but shoemakers and

smiths. The latter work every metal without distinction; and the

same man who forges shoes for the sultan’s horse, makes rings for

his princesses. The women, indeed, fabricate coarse woollen cloths,

called _abbes_; but for the goodness or value of their manufacture

the reader may form his own estimate, when told, that the weaver’s

shuttle is unknown, and that the woof is inserted into the warp

thread by thread, and the whole worked solely by hand.

The dress of the people of Fezzan consists of a shirt or frock,

made of a coarse linen or cotton cloth, brought from Cairo, and the

_abbe_ so often mentioned. The middling classes wear frocks made at

Soudan, of dyed blue cloth. The richer people and the Mamelukes of

the sultan are clothed in the Tripolitan habit, over which they wear

a Soudan shirt of variegated pattern and colours, and likewise the

_abbe_. The ornamental distinctions of dress are chiefly confined

to the head-dress, and to rings on the arms and legs. The lady of

a chief or wealthy man of Fezzan divides her hair into seven long

curls or tresses; one of these is interbraided with long slips of

gilt leather, terminating in a bow; the other six tresses are bound

round by a gilt leather strop, and at the end of each is a trinket,

which a sketch will best describe.

No. 1. A long stick of coral.

2, 2. Small pieces of amber.

3, 3, 3. Little silver bells.

4, 4. Silver or brass wire.

[Illustration]

In addition to these ornaments, the Fezzan woman fastens to the top of

her head silken cords, on which are strung a number of silver rings,

and which hang on each side pendant to her shoulder. The ears of

ladies of rank are bored in two places, and in each hole is fixed a

thick silver ring. In ordinary dress they wear nine or ten rings of

horn or glass on each arm, four or five of which are taken off on all

great occasions, to make room for a silver armillary of four inches

breadth. They wear at the same time strong rings of brass or silver

just above the ankle bones. The necklace consists of a silk riband,

to which are fixed ten or twelve pieces of agate, and in front a round

silver plate. The meaner women wear merely a string of glass beads,

and curl their hair above the forehead into large ringlets, into

which severally is stuffed a paste made of lavender, carraway-seeds,

cloves, pepper, mastick, and laurel leaves, mixed up with oil.

The women of Fezzan generally have a great fondness for dancing and

every amusement, and the wanton manners and public freedoms which,

although Mahometans, they are permitted, astonishes the Mahometan

traveller. They dance publicly in the open places of the town, not

only in the day-time, but even after sunset. Two or three men stand

together with their tambourines; the women immediately form a circle

round; the men beat a tune, and those in the circle accompany it with

singing and clapping of hands; a girl then advances dancing towards

the drummers; the men, as she approaches near, join in the dance

and press towards her; on which she makes some steps backwards, and

then falls on her back with her body and limbs stiff and perfectly

straight, when the women behind catch her in the fall, a few spans

from the ground, and toss her in the air, whence she descends on her

feet. The men then resume their station in the centre, and a second

female dancer repeats the sport, which is successively engaged in

by each brisk damsel of the circle.

The men of Fezzan are much addicted to drunkenness. Their

beverage is the fresh juice of the date tree, called _lugibi_,

or a drink called _busa_, which is prepared from the dates, and

is very intoxicating. When friends assemble in the evening, the

ordinary amusement is mere drinking; but sometimes a singing girl,

or _kadanka_, is sent for: _kadanka_ is a Soudan word, and answers

to the term _almé_ used at Cairo.

The song of these Fezzan girls is Soudanic. Their musical

instrument is called _rhababe_: it is an excavated hemisphere,

made from a shell of the gourd kind, and covered with leather;

to this a long handle is fixed, on which is stretched a string of

horse hairs longitudinally closed and compact as one cord, about the

thickness of a quill. This is played upon with a bow. I was once of

a party with _Sidi Mintesser_, the brother of the sultan, at a small

house, some distance from the palace, when he ordered a _Kadanka_

to be brought, and with whom he soon after withdrew. On her return

to the company, she was asked with a significant smile where she

had been. She immediately took up her instrument, played upon it,

and sung, in the Arabian language, “Sweet is Sidi Mintesser, as

the waters of the Nile, but yet sweeter is he in his embraces; how

could I resist?” As a natural consequence of the great freedoms

allowed to the sex in Mourzouk, there are more women of a certain

description to be found in that capital, than in any other of the same

extent and population; and the general character of improvidence,

and consequent misery and distress, belong as fully to the frail

sisterhood of this place, as of any other.

There are various sorts of venereal disorders prevalent in Fezzan;

that imported from Soudan is the worst. The common lues venerea

brought from Tripoly and Cairo, is called _franzi_, or the _frank_

evil. For the cure of either species they use salts, and the fruit

_handal_, (colycinth), as powerful cathartics; and the sores, if

any, are at the same time washed with natron water, or dissolved

soda. These remedies seldom fail, unless the disease has taken a

very deep root.

The other maladies prevalent here are hæmorrhoides, no doubt greatly

increased by the immoderate use of red pepper; and a fever and ague,

which is particularly dangerous to foreigners. In these disorders

there is no remedy whatever known or used but amulets, consisting of

certain sentences, transcribed from the Koran, on a slip of paper,

which the patient wears about his neck, and in bad cases is made

to swallow. Phlebotomy is unknown; but blood is occasionally drawn

by means of cupping. As to surgery, I heard there were people at

Mourzouk who had sufficient ability to cure a simple fracture.

The houses of the Fezzans are miserably built; they are constructed

with stones or bricks made of a calcareous earth mixed with clay,

and dried in the sun. No other tools are used in the building but

the hands of the labourer. When the walls are completely raised,

the friends of the proprietor assemble, and assist him to incrust

and cover them with a mortar made with a white calcareous earth. This

work too is done only by the hand. The houses are all extremely low,

and the light enters by the door only.

As to diet, I never knew a more abstemious people than those of

Fezzan. Meat indeed is a food they can at no time abstain from

when set before them; but meat is not an article of food with the

people in general: to indicate _a rich man_, at Mourzouk, the usual

expression is, “_that he eats bread and meat every day_.”

POSTSCRIPT.

The particulars above communicated may give some general idea of

Mourzouk, and of the people and kingdom of Fezzan. Proposing shortly

to return into that country, I may have an opportunity of gaining

more satisfactory intelligence, and of enlarging on some points,

and of rectifying any mistake in others; I will then draw up for the

Society a more full and amended account, having in view the means

of conveyance through one of my country-friends, who is going with

the caravan to Mourzouk, and proposes returning to Tripoly in May

or June 1800, when he will consign my papers to the care of the

British Consul.

(Signed) FREDERICK HORNEMAN.

APPENDIX. No. I.

_Observations on F. Horneman’s Description of the Country and

Antiquities of Siwah, with Reference to ancient Accounts of the_

Oasis, _and_ Temple of Ammon. _By Sir William Young, Bart. Secretary._

The papers alluded to in Mr. Horneman’s Postscript have never been

received; and nearly two years having elapsed since the date from

which our expectation was referred, the above more summary account

of his Travels (as probably the only one extant) is offered for

perusal. Opportunities of correspondence from the interior of Africa

can rarely occur, but by the caravans passing at certain, but distant,

periods of time; and even by such conveyance, any communication

from an European and Christian traveller, must be conducted with

so particular a caution in avoidance of offence to the bigotry

and prejudices of the people, that Mr. Horneman’s intentions of

again writing may not only have been delayed, but wholly precluded,

by the circumstances of his situation. The necessity of sustaining

the character of a Mussulman unconnected with those termed “the

Infidels of Christendom,” is strongly impressed in his letters from

Cairo, Aug. 31, 1798, wherein he earnestly deprecates even inquiry

concerning him, as liable to awaken jealousies and suspicions in the

natives who may be so questioned; and any farther communications at

present, from himself, may be matter of similar apprehension.

Under these considerations, it is become a duty to his public-spirited

employers, that such curious intelligence as their traveller has

already given, should no longer be withheld, even in its present

state, and for which they will make a just and candid allowance.

It is however presumed, that the Reader will not have found in

perusal of this Journal, that there is much which may require his

favour or excuse: yet some details appear to need explanation,

and which (if a reference to the traveller himself were possible)

might be given in a manner the most clear and satisfactory.

In default of such advantage, the Editor offers an annotation or

comment on two subjects of peculiar interest, treated of in this

Journal, and in a manner apparently incorrect, or contradictory to

accounts given by other writers.

Page 15; the extent of the Oasis of Siwah, (as represented by

Mr. Horneman) differs widely from that stated by every other writer

ancient or modern.

Page 23; the admeasurements of the sacred Egyptian building appear

to vary in every proportion from those given by a late traveller of

allowed accuracy, Mr. Brown.

In the first instance, it is the purpose of the Annotator to ascertain

the error, and to shew whence it has arisen.

In the second case, he will have to place the subject in a point

of view, by which an apparent variation in the two accounts may not

only be reconciled, but even matter of new and just inference, as to

the ancient construction and purpose of the building in question,

be shewn to arise, from the very elucidation which corrects and

compares these differences.

Page 15; Mr. Horneman states “_the principal and fertile territory

of Siwah to be fifty miles in circuit_:” in this he disagrees

with every account given by the writers cited by Mr. Rennell, and

with that latterly given by Mr. Brown, who, in conformity with the

descriptions by other authors, states the extent of the Oasis, or

fertile spot, to be six miles in length, and four miles and a half

in breadth; not exceeding eighteen miles in circumference at the

utmost. It will further appear that, in this respect, Horneman is

not only at variance with the writings of others, but with his own,

and that his own journal furnishes the strongest internal evidence

in refutation of the fact he asserts.

Horneman names all the towns within the territory of

Siwah,—_Scharkie_, _Msellem_, _Menschie_, _Sbocka_, and _Barischa_,

and he places all these villages, or towns, within _one or two miles_

of Siwah the capital, which proximity could not be the case, if the

rich and fertile land extended each way sixteen miles in traverse,

as a circle of fifty miles implies. On a small and most fertile tract

of country, surrounded on all sides by barren and sandy deserts, the

rich and productive soil infers a population commensurate with, and in

proportion to, its extent. Diodorus Siculus tells us, that the ancient

Ammonians dwelt κωμηδὸν, _i. e._ vicatìm. (Ed. Wesseling,

Tom. II. p. 198.) And so too the people at present (on grounds

probably of convenience and defence against the Arabs of the Desert)

appear to live chiefly in towns; and hence those towns must have

been more distant, as more widely diffused over so great a space

of country from its very character and description, to be supposed

in every part occupied and appropriate. Society must have gathered

and increased till it fully covered a country of such _exclusive_

fertility and means of subsistence. Generally, increase of population

is to be measured by the means of subsistence; and in converse of the

proposition, whatever of country was productive and habitable situated

as the Oasis of Siwah, must be considered as inhabited and turned to

account: the general reasoning and estimate of increase of people is

further strengthened by the special argument of probable resort, from

the barren yet partially inhabited districts which encompassed it.

Horneman’s description of the territory of Siwah tallies with, and

confirms, the speculation: he represents the country as consisting

of so many gardens walled or fenced on every side, and cultivated

with so nice attention and labour, and with such care in irrigation,

that the water directed in various cuts and channels from each spring,

was in no case suffered to flow beyond the territory; but was made

to lose and expend itself in the cultivated grounds of the Siwahans:

and he describes the people as a swarm, and their residence as a

crowded hive.

Let us now advert to his more particular enumeration of these

Siwahans, and to the practicability of such number (as under any

computation can be supposed labourers in the field) being competent to

work the ground of fifty miles in circuit, with the nice agriculture

he describes.

Horneman states 1500 warriors, or _men bearing arms_, as the _data_

for estimating the population of the country: he must mean to say,

_men capable of bearing arms_, or there are no _data_, and he means

nothing. Calculate a population on the widest latitude from such

data, and apply it to a well-cultivated district of 127,360 square

acres, and there will not be more than one cultivator to at least

50 cultivated acres: for the women, our journalist has otherwise

engaged. They (as he tells us,) are employed in manufacture,

and chiefly in that of wicker-work and baskets, which they

work with great neatness and ingenuity. These statements carry

self-contradiction. These lands cannot be so extensive, or cannot

be so cultivated.

Thus from Mr. Horneman’s own account, we may infer, that the rich

spot of country termed the Oasis of Siwah, must be of much less

extent indeed, than that which he directly states.

Observing particular expressions in the Journal relative to this

subject, the cause of error may possibly appear. The traveller says,

“the territory of Siwah is of considerable extent; its principal

and most fertile district is a well watered valley of about fifty

miles in circuit, _hemmed in by steep and barren rocks_.”

Now, referring to other descriptions of the fertile district or Oasis

of Siwah, it is to be remarked, that such rich and productive spot of

country is no where described, as _immediately_ bounded and hemmed in

by steep rocks and mountains. Diodorus, lib. xvii. speaking of the

Oasis of Ammon, says, it was surrounded on all sides by barren and

arid sands: so too, Mr. Brown mentions the fertile soil or Oasis, of

from four miles and an half in breadth, to six in length, as bordered

and encompassed by “_desert land_;” intimating _plain_. In truth,

it is such desert border of plain, which further on is bounded by

rocky mountains. Mr. Horneman appears to have made no excursions

from the town of Siwah, further than _of a mile and a half_ to the

ruins, and _of one mile_ to the catacombs of _El-Mota_. From all

these considerations, it may be surmised, that our traveller looking

from Siwah, or its adjacencies, to the hills or rocks surrounding him

at a distance, comprized in his estimate of rich country, the whole

intermediate plain, not having directed due inquiry or consideration

in the ascertaining of, to what extent within the area of that plain,

the rich and cultivated soil might reach? Or, perhaps, he _did_

make enquiries; but of some patriotic Siwahan, who thought proper

to exaggerate the richness and extent of his petty commonwealth, and

confirm his hyperbole, by pointing to the lofty boundary in view: or,

perhaps, from not sufficiently understanding the dialect of Siwah,

(as the traveller himself allows,) he may have confounded the ideas

of _country occupied_, and of _territory claimed_.

Be these surmises and explanations founded or not, our journalist’s

representation of the extent of the Oasis of Siwah, is not only at

variance with every other account, but with the internal evidence to

be extracted from his own account, and must be rejected as erroneous.

Page 23, of the Journal, to which this note refers, a further subject

of inquiry and explanation occurs, where Mr. Horneman, describing

the ruins of an ancient edifice in the vicinity of Siwah, gives us

dimensions and proportions, in every respect differing from those

before stated by Mr. Brown, in description of the same building.

The length in feet. The width. The height.

By Mr. Brown, 32 15 18

By Mr. Horneman, 30 to 36 24 27

Mr. Horneman informs us, that he was successively interrupted on

entrance into the area of these ruins, and was altogether prevented

by the jealousy of the natives, from pursuing any plan of accurate

examination or admeasurement. The dimensions which he gives us,

are therefore to be taken as the result of computation on mere

view; and from these and other circumstances, it is further to be

presumed, that such computation by view, was made _from without_;

whilst Mr. Brown expressly tells us, that he took his measurements

_in the clear_, or _inside_ of the building.

In this case, a deduction equal to the thickness of the walls,

is to be made from the length and the breadth of the building,

as described by Mr. Horneman.

The thickness of the _end_ walls may be supposed to be much less

than that of the _side_ walls, which being constructed to support

the vast and ponderous blocks of stone which formed the roof,

must have been built with a proportionate strength and solidity,

not necessary, and probably therefore not used, at the entrance or

end of the building. Mr. Horneman, indeed, when stating the thickness

of the walls to be _six feet_, makes no such discrimination; but it

may be fairly presumed, that adverting particularly (as he does,)

to the massive roof, he meant to note exclusively, the strength of

that part of the fabric by which it was supported.

Under such probable conjecture, the length and breadth of the building

given by Mr. Brown _from the inside_, and by Mr. Horneman _from the

outside_, may so far agree, as fully to exculpate our Journalist

from any charge of inattention in his survey, or inaccuracy in his

representations; making those allowances which his situation and

circumstances, and (above all,) his own declarations of want of

precision, fully intitle him to.

The comparative height of the building is a part of the subject,

which suggests matter of new and interesting investigation.

Page 23, Mr. Horneman informs us, “_that the northern part of the

building is erected on a native calcareous rock, rising about eight

feet above the level of the area, within a circumvallation_,” which

he particularly and exclusively describes, and which will be a subject

of further dissertation. He then mentions, “that two vast stones

of the roof have fallen in from the southern part of the building,

and lay with their bottom nearly on a level with the plain of the

outward enclosure;” and he was thence led to conjecture, that the

base or floor of the southern division, was originally lower than

that of the northern end.

The difference in measurement or estimate of height stated by the

two travellers, strongly corroborates the fact.

It may be premised, that when an object is of no great altitude,

an estimate of height may be made on mere inspection or view, with

much more accuracy than any other line of dimension. A comparison

with known objects, the stature of any human figure near, nay, the

very person of the observer himself, will furnish a sort of scale

for reference, by which he may compute from four to five times his

own height with considerable precision.

A difference so great as that of from eighteen to twenty-seven feet

in estimating the altitude of the building at Siwah, could not occur

between two the most hasty and inaccurate observers, in noting the

height of the same object. The object itself, therefore, must be

considered as different; and in the one case, to be that of the _wall

within_, and in the other case, that of _the temple from without_.

Mr. Brown taking his measurements in the clear, would ascertain

the perpendicular of the wall from a part of the pediment or floor,

the most clear and perfect; and this was, at the northern end. The

dilapidations in the southern part of the building, do not appear

to have attracted his notice in any other consideration, than as

mere ruins: and merely as such, the unequal and broken surface would

not be preferred for placing a rod in measurement to the summit, or

from whence to look up and make a calculation of height. Mr. Brown

accordingly measured the height from a proper base at the northern

end, and found it to be eighteen feet. It has been already cited

from the journal of Mr. Horneman, that the northern end was built on

an isolated rock, rising eight feet above the plain of the general

enclosure. The top of the wall from north to south, must have run

on a level, and in a direct line: and the actual building of the

southern part must have been eight feet higher than that of the

northern end; and the entire building _from without_ must have

appeared, and in truth, have been, twenty-six feet high, even to

conform with Mr. Brown’s description from within.

The two travellers in other points agree, as to the architecture

of the building, and sculpture on the walls, concurring in proof,

that it was of the highest antiquity, and of Egyptian origin.

The division of the edifice exclusively noticed by Mr. Horneman,

may give some further indication of its use and purpose, and perhaps

may be found to strengthen the conjecture, “that these are the

very ruins of the once famous oracular temple consecrated by the

_Egyptian_ Danaus, to the divinity of Ammon.”

The writer of this note will on no account, and in no degree,

discuss the position of country, within which the renowned temple

of Ammon was erected. He considers that question as concluded,

and for ever set at rest, in the acute and learned comment on the

Geography of Herodotus, by Mr. Rennell. The facts, the arguments,

and the inferences stated in that admirable work, indisputably shew

the Oasis of Siwah, to have been the Oasis of Ammon. The precincts

are thus narrowed, within which our researches are to be directed,

for ascertaining the locality, and even the very remains of the

temple itself: and this concurrent circumstance will be held in

mind, whilst certain details in the description given us of the

ruins discovered at Siwah, are examined and brought to the test,

by reference to such few particulars as are recorded by ancient

writers concerning the temple of Ammon.

The general description of the materials, of the architecture,

and of the sculptures, may render it unnecessary to prolong

this essay, by discussing the question of _when_, and _by whom_

was the building erected? Those who may yet entertain a doubt,

that it was a most ancient Egyptian edifice, are referred to the

writings of Norden, of Pocock, of Lucas, and above all, to the

treatise of Major Rennell above cited. The annotator ventures to

assume the fact; and merely add, τὸ μὲν τέμενος φασὶν ἰδρύσασθαι

Δαναὸν τον Αιγύπτιον. Diod. Sic. Tom. II. Ed. Wesseling. page 198.

So much as to the building and its antiquity being taken for granted;

the following comment will advert to circumstances exclusively

noticed by Mr. Horneman, and which may lead to further inferences,

as to its original purpose and designation.

First, In ascertaining the supposed remains of an oracular temple,

vestiges of the _adytum_, would be an object of particular research:

and perhaps such may be discovered in that part of Mr. Horneman’s

description, where he mentions _the different levels of the basement

or floor of the ancient edifice at Siwah_.

Hen. Steph. in Thesaur. art. “Adytum,” ἄδυτον, locus secretior templi,

ad quem non nisi sacerdotibus dabatur accessus, nam ex eo oracula

reddebantur.

The _adytum_, was not only a recess, rendered secret by the

reverential awe which forbad approach of the vulgar; but was

actually a kind of _crypt_, or place of concealment: among the

prodigies forerunning the victories of Cæsar in Asia, “Pergami

in _occultis_ ac remotis templi, quæ Græci ἄδυτα appellant,

tympana sonuêre. Bell. Civil. lib. iii. cap. 105.

In the itinerary of Pausanias, the ἄδυτα of the oracular temples

appear to have been sunk beneath, and under the basement or floor of

the building. This was so generally the case, that in _Bœoticis_, the

word _adytum_ is used as synonymous for the _cave_ of Trophonius. _In

Corinthracis, cap._ i. the entrance and passage to the adytum of

Palæmon at Chronium, is represented as subterraneous; ἔστι δὲ

καὶ ἄλλο ἄδυτον καλούμενον, κάθοδος δὲ ἐς ἀυτὸ ὑπὸ γεως. edit. Kuhn.

p. 113, and in the _Achaicis_, the entrance of the adytum of the temple

of Minerva, at Pellené, is from under the base of the statue of the

goddess, and the recess is hyperbolically represented, as penetrating

to the very centre of the earth.

The purposes of these crypts, or concealed recesses in the oracular

temples, may readily be surmised: and to conduct their oracle with

proper mystery and imposition of respect, was a necessary policy

in the priesthood, to prevent any visit or examination of these

hallowed places: the hand of the deity was denounced as punishing

the trespasser with instant death. Of the many examples that offer,

we will take one from _Egypt_: Pausanias in _Phocicis_, mentions,

“That a Roman Prefect having from impious curiosity, sent a person

to inspect the _adytum_ of Isis at Coptos, the unhallowed intruder

was struck dead on the spot.

The oracle was given _ex adyto_.

· · · · isque adytis hæc tristia dicta reportat.

Virg. Æn. l. ii. v. 115.

It was given too _imo adyto_, or as others express it, from the

_depth_ of the adytum.

Nec dum etiam responsa Deûm monitusque vetusti

Exciderant, voxque ex adytis accepta _profundis_

Prima,—“Lycurge dabis Dircæo funera bello.”

Stat. Theb. l. v. 645.

Diod. Sic. lib. xvii. says, that when Alexander required an oracle

from Ammon, the chief priest retired back to the sanctuary or holy

place, and gave the answer, _ex adyto_; so the Latin version of

Wesselingius expresses it: in truth, there is no Greek word in the

original, immediately corresponding with _ex adyto_; yet the priest

retiring εις σήκον, _i. e._ to the fane or secret recess of the temple;

his giving the oracle from such secret recess may be implied.

Applying the accounts of the _adytum_ to the building under

consideration, it may be observed, that to form such recess, the

rock rising in the centre of the enclosure described at Siwah,

offered a peculiar accommodation to the architect. The soil around

is represented as wet and marshy, and not therefore suited to

excavation. The erecting the Προνὰος, or forepart of the

temple, on the elevation of the rock, admitted of the interior end or

_penetrale_ being built over a crypt, or artificial cave of eight feet

deep, suitable to the purpose and mysteries of an oracular temple.

The entrance to the ancient edifice described by Mr. Horneman was

to the north; and from the northern end or division of the building

there was a descent of eight feet, in coming to the southern or

interior extremity.

Whether anciently the pavement was level and continued, “covering

_the adytum_ as a cave;” or whether it was an open vault or recess,

from which the priest (as mentioned by Diodorus) might utter the

predictions of the oracle unseen by the vulgar; in either case the

construction may agree with the ideas to be derived from ancient

authority, of the oracular Fane of Ammon; and more strongly warrant

a conjecture, that the ruins described by Horneman, may be those of

that renowned temple.

Secondly, Mr. Horneman, observing on the rude and stupendous

architecture of the building at Siwah, says, “_that he could in no

part discover any mark or trace on the walls, of their having been

incrusted or lined with marbles, or of any ornament having been once

affixed_.” Indeed the building appears not to have been large,

and could little admit of such.

Niches, or pedestals were not required; the most ancient Egyptian

temples had no statues: Lucian says,—τὸ δὲ παλαιὸν καὶ παρὰ Αἰγυπτίοισι

αξόανοι νηοὶ ἔσαν· edit. Bourdelot. p. 1057. The sole interior

decoration of the ancient Egyptian temple at Heliopolis, described by

Strabo, was a rude sculpture on the walls in the _old Tuscan_ taste,

apparently similar to that observed by Mr. Horneman on the walls

at Siwah. Strabo’s words are,—ἀναγλυφὰς δ᾿ ἔχουσιν οἱ τοῖχοι οὗτοι

μεγάλων ειδώλων ομοίων τοῖς Τυῤῥενικοῖς, καὶ τοῖς αρχαίοις σφόδρα των

παρὰ τοῖς Ελλησὶ δημιουργημάτων· edit. Casaub. p. 806. This, and the

indications of rude simplicity observable in the remains of the ancient

building at Siwah, may thus strengthen the conjecture that it was the

one sacred to Ammon. Diodorus, Arrian, and Curtius, all indeed talk of

gold and ornaments, and even of a statue in procession, displayed on

the visit of Alexander: but Strabo directly taxes Callisthenes (and

therewith those writers who followed him) with exaggerations and

additions, introduced to do honour to their hero. Edit. Casaub. p. 813.

The poet Lucan, in his description of the Temple (and its being a

_fiction_ will be taken _in aid of the argument_), states the people

of Lybia to be “beati,” i. e. _rich_; and he had all the gold

of Africa before him, if the general account and actual knowledge

of this temple at the time he wrote, could have bore him out in

a luxuriant description of its splendour and magnificence. From

this he appears to have abstained, in deference to fact and to

what was generally known, of the _rudeness and simplicity_ of

this holy place. His being a poet thus strengthens his authority,

whilst he _foregoes the splendour of description specially suited

to his genius_; and gives up matter too of fine poetical contrast,

with the simple and pure morals and religion of his Cato. He had no

other inducement but truth when he says,

“Non illic Libycæ posuerunt ditia gentes

Templa, nec Eöis splendent donaria gemmis

Quamvis Æthiopum populis Arabumque _Beatis_

Gentibus, atque Indis, unus sit Jupiter Ammon:

_Pauper adhuc deus est_; nullis violata per ævum

Divitiis delubra tenens, morumque priorum

Numen Romano templum defendit ab auro.”

Lucan, lib. ix.

The Temple of Ammon further may be presumed, to have been of small

dimension. When Alexander alone enters the building, it is mentioned

by his historians, that such exclusive permission was a mark of high

respect; but Strabo further informs us, that all who attended on

Alexander, “_heard_ the Oracle _from without_:” ἔξωθὲν τε τῆς θεμεστείας

ΑΚΡΟΑΣΑΣΘΑΙ πάντας πλὴν Αλεξάνδρου, Τουτον δ᾿ ἔνδοθὲν εἶναι. edit.

Casaub. p. 814. The Oracle given from the extreme recess of the

interior, (to which the priest retired for the purpose, as before cited

from Diodorus), could be heard and distinguished from without, only

under supposition, that the entrance was at no great distance from the

adytum, and the temple, of course, not large.

Thirdly, It is exclusively stated by Mr. Horneman, that _the building

at Siwah is situated in the centre of an inclosure, surrounded at some

distance by ancient foundations of a strong and massive wall_. Not

to lengthen this note by unnecessary citations, it may be sufficient

to refer generally to the Itinerary of Pausanias, wherein scarcely a

temple is mentioned throughout Greece, without noticing, at the same

time its inclosure and circumvallation: and even the sacred grove,

distinctively from the temple, was often surrounded by a wall,

as was that of Venus _in Eliacis_, cap. xxv.

These walls may be considered, in one respect, as marking the boundary

of the holy ground; but further, they were built with a view to

protecting not only the sanctity, but the wealth too of the temple.

The statues were often of gold and ivory; and the offerings of

golden shields and goblets, and other votive presents, given by

those who consulted the oracles, formed a treasure considerable in

proportion to the character and renown of the sacred place. Cicero,

in his accusation of Verres, notices that the treasures of a state

were often deposited too in sanctuaries, not only as protected by

the abhorrence of sacrilege, but by the strength of the place: thus

the general subsidies collected by the Athenians, at the close of the

Persian wars, were kept in the Parthenon; and the wealth pillaged from

the temple at Phocis, by Philomelus, and which occasioned the holy

war, was immense. On these accounts the greater temples were often

placed in actual fortresses. The Temple of Minerva at Syracuse, was

in the Ortygia; the Parthenon of Athens, in the Acropolis; the Roman

Temple of Jupiter, in the Capitol; and the Editor, when in Sicily,

remarked the circumvallations inclosing the temples at Selinunté, and

the almost impregnable situations of those at Agrigentum and Segesté.

The foundations of ancient circumvallation at Siwah may thus be

considered, in some degree, as indications of the origin and purpose

of the building within the inclosure.

The Ammonian temple was certainly surrounded by a strong wall;

“triplici muro circumdatum,” as Diodorus, lib. xvii. and

Q. Curtius, lib. iv. cap. 7, both inform us. Curtius uses the word

_munitio_, and the Ἀκρόπολις, _or arx_ of Diodorus, answers

in description to the mount of Siwah itself; and the temple of Ammon

being represented as being erected within the third or more distant

inclosure of wall, its distance from the citadel may well correspond

_with that_ of the ruins in question, from the town of Siwah.

Horneman further informs us, that the ancient building which he

describes, stood in the _centre_ of the area, and partly on a rock;

and at the same time observes, that the ground generally throughout

the area was broken and dug up in search of treasure; from which

may be inferred that formerly there were _other buildings_ within

the inclosure. On this head it is almost unnecessary to cite ancient

authorities; it will appear from a view of the well known ruins in

Greece, Sicily, and the Magna Græcia, &c. that the ancients often

availed themselves of one and the same circumvallation, and erected

different temples within the general inclosure; so, in the Achaicis

of Pausanias, cap. cxx. the temples of Minerva and of Diana Laphia

are within the same boundary of wall, without enumerating the many

other instances in that curious journal; or to the three temples

actually remaining at Pæstum, &c. within the inclosure of one

and the same wall. In reference to the subject more immediately

under consideration, the _Ammonian temples of Juno and Mercury_

were in high repute with the Greeks, as mentioned in the Eliacis,

p. 416, edit. Kuhn: and these temples were probably within the same

inclosure as that of Ammon. The temple of Ammon being the principal,

might be supposed to be erected in the _centre_ and _on the rock_,

which strong foundation may have in part yet preserved it, whilst

the foundations of the others more easily dug and broken up, have

brought those edifices low to the ground; and hence the very materials

(as we are told) have been carried away, and no vestiges remain but

of the area of the earth having been disturbed and heaped, as the

work of search, dilapidation, and pillage was carried on.

Fourthly, Mr. Horneman was shewn, at the distance of half a mile

from the ruins, “_a spring of fresh water, which takes its rise

in a grove of date trees, and in a most romantic and beautiful

situation_.”

This description precisely answers to that of the _Fountain of the

Sun_, mentioned by ancient writers: and the distance from the chief

temple too, seems to agree. “Haud procul arce _extrinsecùs_ alterum

Hammonis fanum jacet, quod multæ arbores proceræ inumbrant, et _fons

proximus est_, ὀνομαζομένη Ἠλίου κρήνη·” Diod. Sic. Tom. II. p. 199.

So too Curtius, “Est etiam aliud Hammonis nemus; in medio habet fontem;

_Aquam Solis vocant_.” Lib. iv. cap. 7.

Thus far the merely descriptive accounts agree. If a further point

can be ascertained, it will be conclusive, and the beautiful spot

visited by our traveller, be identified as that of the Fountain of

the Sun, situated _extrinsecùs_, or without the inclosure, in which

stood the principal temple of Ammon.

The water of the Fountain of the Sun was, at different periods of

each twenty-four hours, successively _hot_ and _cold_: “Aquam enim

habet, cum horis diei miris subinde vicibus re variantem. Nam sub

lucis ortum tepidam emittit. Die hinc progrediente pro horarum

succedentium ratione, frigescit. Sub æstum vero meridianum

frigedo ejus summa est. Quæ rursùs parili modo remittit usque

ad vesperam. Tunc appetente nocte rursùs incalescit, ad mediam

usque noctem, ubi exæstuat. Exinde calor sensìm deficit: donec

unà cum exortâ luce pristinam teporis vicem recuperârit.”

Diod. Sic. Tom. II. edit. Wesseling, p. 199.