BELGO-GERMAN OPERATIONS
For the most part the activity of the Belgian army in February, 1915,
consisted of a continuous succession of advanced-post encounters,
in which detachments of from thirty to forty soldiers fought with
the Germans on the narrow strips of land which remained inundated,
while the artillery of the contending forces bombarded the trenches
and the machine-gun forts. The intermittent artillery duel continued
through the forepart of February, 1915, and on February 14, 1915,
the Germans bombarded Nieuport, Bains and the Dune trenches, and
continued the bombardment on February 15, 1915, and again on February
20, 1915.
Near Dixmude on February 28, 1915, the Belgian artillery demolished
two of the German trenches, and their infantry occupied a farm on
the right bank of the Yser. One of their aviators dropped bombs
on the harbor station at Ostend.
By the beginning of March, 1915, strips of dry land began to be
seen in the flooded region; and, along these, the Belgians advanced
at Dixmude and the bend of the Yser. They won additional bridgeheads
on the northern bank of the river. By the middle of the month, March,
1915, the Belgians had obtained a strategical point by possessing
Oudstuyvenkerke on the Schoorbakke highway. From there they could
force the Germans back until they were in a position that would
prevent any German action against the Dixmude bridgehead.
On March 18, 1915, the Belgian army continued its progress on the
Yser, and on March 23, 1915, the artillery destroyed several German
observation points. A division of the Belgian army made some progress
on the right bank of the Yser on March 24, 1915; while another was
taking a German trench on the left bank. The almost continuous
artillery fighting was more active in the Nieuport region on March
26, 1915; and farther south a farm north of St. Georges in advance
of the allied lines was taken and held.
But the Belgian army was unable to take any decisive action against
the left wing of the German army during the spring and summer of
1915, both on account of the wetness of the land and the activity
of the German artillery. Yet it harassed the Germans by so much
activity that the Teutons continued to add to their heavy howitzers
and large caliber naval guns. Nevertheless the Belgian strategy
gained for its little army many advantages of tactical importance.
It seemed to be a part of the plan of the Belgian generals to give
their new troops, which were filling up the previously thinned
ranks, a training under heavy bombardments without risking the
lives or liberty of many of their men. They held the old cobbled
roads which remained about the waters, using an almost innumerable
number of trenches for that purpose.
The Germans sought to obviate this check to their activities by
approaching on rafts on which were machine guns, from which attempts
were made to pour an enfilading fire on the trenches. Thereupon the
Belgian sharpshooters became especially active and exterminated
the machine-gun crews before the Germans could take advantage of
the position they had gained by using the rafts.
Finally the waters subsided and the mud which remained dried. As
soon as the ground became firm enough to support troops the Belgians
became so active that the Germans desired more men, but their soldiers
were also needed in many other sections of the western front, and
for the time being none could be sent against the Belgians. Hence
King Albert's troops continued to make progress.
The Germans made an attack between Nieuport and the sea on May
9, 1915, but were repulsed. To the north of Dixmude the Belgians
were violently attacked during the night of May 10, 1915, by three
German battalions. They were repulsed and suffered large losses.
On the night of May 16, 1915, the Germans threatened with complete
envelopment by the successful attacks of preceding days, evacuated
the positions which they had occupied to the west of the Yser Canal,
and they gained nothing on the eastern bank. The Germans left about
two thousand dead and many rifles when they were forced from the
western bank. On the following night, May 17, 1915, the positions
on the eastern bank were consolidated, and a German counterattack,
which was preceded by a bombardment, was repulsed. The Germans
gained a footing in the trenches to the east of the Yser Canal in
an attack made on the night of May 20, 1915, but they were driven
out and lost some of the ground they had held before making the
attack.
The Germans made a violent attack on the edge of the Belgian front
at Nieuport in order to prevent the Belgians from aiding in the
defense of Ypres, but the Belgians defended Nieuport with one army
corps and made an advance on Dixmude with another corps, with the
result that they assisted the Zouaves in taking the German bridgeheads
on the western bank of the canal above Ypres. These bridgeheads
were protected by forts manned by machine guns, and the approaches
were commanded by heavy artillery fire, but defense was destroyed
in the middle of May, 1915.
The Germans concentrated their efforts against the Belgians at one
point between Ypres and Dixmude. They bombarded the trenches, using
bombs filled with poisonous gas. When they believed the Belgians had
been overcome by the gas the German infantry charged. The Belgians,
however, had kept their faces close to the ground, thus escaping
most of the fumes from the shells. When the Germans arrived within
easy range they were greeted with machine-gun fire to such an extent
that the companies leading the charge were slain.
A battalion of Belgian troops on June 14, 1915, gained the east bank
of the Yser south of the Dixmude railroad bridge, and established
themselves there. The Belgians also destroyed a German blockhouse
in the vicinity of the Château of Dixmude. The Belgian troops,
south of St. Georges, captured a German trench, all the defenders
of which were killed or made prisoners on June 22, 1915.
After the canal line was won, and the Belgians were in position
to hold it, they could make little headway eastward. Their advance
was checked by a series of batteries which were concealed in the
Forest of Houthulst. These batteries, containing many guns of large
caliber, continued to shell the Belgian trenches to such an extent
that it was necessary for their inhabitants to keep close to the
bomb-proof chambers with which the trenches were liberally supplied.
But the Belgians kept so many of the German troops occupied that,
in this way, they gave great aid to their allies, and enabled the
French and British to regain much of the territory which was lost
in the first attack which the Germans made with poisonous gas. The
remainder of the summer was occupied with intermittent artillery
duels and minor engagements between the opposing trench lines.
In the meantime the Belgian army was adding to the number of its
troops and gathering munitions for an aggressive movement.
PART II--NAVAL OPERATIONS
* * * * *
CHAPTER XV
THE WAR ZONE
The war on the seas, with the long-expected battle between the fleets
of the great nations, developed during the second six months of the
war into a strange series of adventures. The fleets of the British
and the Germans stood like huge phantoms--the first enshrouded in
mystery somewhere in the Irish and North Seas; the second held
in leash behind the Kiel Canal, awaiting the opportune moment to
make its escape.
These tense, waiting days were broken by sensational and spectacular
incidents--not so much through the sea fights of great modern warships
as through the adventures of the raiders on the seven seas, the
exploits of the submarines, and the daring attempt of the allied
fleets to batter down the mighty forts in the Dardanelles and bombard
their way toward Constantinople--the coveted stronghold of the
Ottoman Empire. The several phases of these naval operations are
described in special chapters in this volume, therefore we will
now confine ourselves to the general naval developments.
In the spring of 1915 the threat made by Admiral von Tirpitz that
Germany would carry on war against British and allied shipping by
sinking their vessels with submarines, was made effective. The
submersible craft began to appear on all the coasts of the British
Isles. It infested the Irish Sea to such an extent that shipping
between England and Ireland was seriously menaced.
A particularly daring raid took place on the night of February
1, 1915, when a number of submarines tried to scuttle ships lying
at Dover. The attack failed, but drew fire from the guns of the
fort here.[*]
[Footnote *: See chapter on "Exploits of the Submarines."]
On the 5th of February, 1915, the German Naval Staff announced
that beginning February 18, 1915, the waters around Great Britain
would be considered a "war zone." This was in retaliation for the
blockade maintained against Germany by the British navy. The
proclamation read as follows:
"The waters round Great Britain and Ireland, including the whole
of the English Channel, are herewith proclaimed a war region.
"On and after February 18, 1915, every enemy merchant vessel found
in this war region will be destroyed without its always being possible
to warn the crew or passengers of the dangers threatening.
"Neutral ships will also incur danger in the war region, where,
in view of the misuse of the neutral flags ordered by the British
Government and incidents inevitable in sea warfare, attacks intended
for hostile ships may affect neutral ships also.
"The sea passage to the north of the Shetland Islands and the eastern
region of the North Sea in a zone of at least thirty miles along
the Netherlands coast is not menaced by any danger.
"(Signed) Berlin, February 4, 1915, Chief of Naval Staff,
VON POHL."
The effect of this proclamation, which was in truth nothing more
than official sanction for the work that the submarines had been doing
for some weeks, and which they continued to do, was to bring Germany
into diplomatic controversy with neutral countries, particularly
the United States; such controversy is taken up in a different
chapter of this history. In connection with the naval history of
the Great War it suffices to say that such a proclamation constituted
a precedent in naval history. The submarine had heretofore been
an untried form of war craft. The rule had formerly been that a
merchantman stopped by an enemy's warship was subject to search
and seizure, and, if it offered no resistance, was taken to one
of the enemy's ports as a prize. If it offered resistance it might
be summarily sunk. But it was impossible for submarines to take
ships into port on account of the patrols of allied warships; and
the limited quarters of submarines made it impossible to take aboard
them the crews of ships which they sank.
[Illustration: THE GERMAN SUBMARINE WAR ZONE]
Reference made to the use of neutral flags quoted in the German
proclamation had been induced by the fact that certain of the British
merchant ships, after Germany had begun to send them to the bottom
whenever one of its submarines caught up with them had gone through
the waters where the submarines operated flying the flag of the
United States and other neutral powers in order to deceive the
commanders of the submarines. The latter had little time to do
more than take a brief observation of merchantmen which they sank,
and one of the first things they sought was the nationality of the
flag that the intended victims carried; unless they could be sure
of the identity of a ship through familiarity with the lines of
her hull, they ran the risk, in attacking a ship flying a neutral
flag, of sinking a vessel belonging to a neutral power.
Here was another matter that opened up diplomatic exchanges between
Germany and the United States, and between the United States and
England. It suffices here to give not only the controversy or the
points involved, but the record of events. The first use of the flag
of a neutral country by a ship belonging to one of the belligerents
in the Great War occurred on January 31, 1915, when the Cunard liner
_Orduna_ carried the American flag at her forepeak in journeying
from Liverpool to Queenstown. She again did so on February 1, 1915,
when she left the latter port for New York. And another notable
instance was on February 11, 1915, when the _Lusitania_, another
Cunard liner, arrived at Liverpool flying the American flag in
obedience to orders issued by the British admiralty. It was only
the prominence of these vessels which gave them notoriety in this
regard; the same practice was indulged in by many smaller ships.
"What will happen after the 18th?" was the one important question
asked during February, 1915, by the public of the neutral as well
as belligerent countries.
February 18, 1915, arrived and saw Von Pohl's proclamation go into
effect, and from that date onward the toll of ships sunk, both
of neutral and belligerent countries, grew longer daily.
But before the German submarines could begin the new campaign,
those of the British navy became active, and it was admitted in
Berlin on February 15, 1915, that British submarines had made their
way into the Baltic, through the sound between Sweden and Denmark,
where they attacked the German cruiser _Gazelle_ unsuccessfully.
Nor was the British navy inactive in other ways, though it had
been greatly discredited by the fact that the German submarines
were playing havoc with British shipping right at England's door. A
fleet of two battleships and several cruisers drew up off Westende
and bombarded the German trenches on the 4th of February, 1915.
Only one day after the war-zone proclamation went into effect the
Allies brought out their trump card for the spring of 1915.
* * * * *
CHAPTER XVI
ATTACK ON THE DARDANELLES
By the middle of February, 1915, the Allies completed the arrangement
for the naval attack on the Dardanelles. The military part of the
campaign in these regions is treated in the chapter on the "Campaign
in the Dardanelles"; hence we must confine ourselves at present
to the general naval affairs. The naval operations began with the
concentration in the adjacent waters of a powerful fleet consisting
of both French and British ships.
The ships engaged were the _Queen Elizabeth_, with her main battery of
15-inch guns, the _Inflexible_, veteran of the fight off the Falkland
Islands, the _Agamemnon, Cornwallis, Triumph_, and _Vengeance_. In
addition to these British ships there were the French battleships
_Suffren, Gaulois_, and _Bouvet_, and a fleet of destroyers. The
senior British officer was Vice Admiral Sackville Carden, and the
French commander was Admiral Guepratte. A new "mother ship" for
a squadron of seaplanes was also part of the naval force; this
was the ship _Ark Royal_. At eight in the morning on February 19,
1915, this powerful fleet started "The Great Attempt."
After bombarding the Turkish forts till three in the afternoon
without receiving a single reply from the guns of the forts, the
warships ceased firing and went in closer to the shore, the allied
commanders believing that the forts had not replied because they
all had been put out of action. The fallacy of this belief was
discovered when, at the shortened range, shells began to fall about
the ships. None was hit; when dusk came on they retired.
Stormy weather prevented further action on the part of the warships
for almost a week, but on February 25, 1915, they resumed their
bombardment. The _Irresistible_ and _Albion_ had by then joined
the other British ships, and the _Charlemagne_ had augmented the
French force.
At ten o'clock in the morning of February 25, 1915, the _Queen
Elizabeth, Gaulois, Irresistible_, and _Agamemnon_ began to fire
on the forts Sedd-el-Bahr, Orkanieh, Kum Kale, and Cape Hellas--the
outer forts--at long range, and drew replies from the Turkish guns.
It was out of all compliance with naval tradition for warships
to stand and engage land fortifications, for lessons learned by
naval authorities from the Spanish-American and Russo-Japanese
wars had established precedents which prohibited it. But here the
larger warships were carrying heavier guns than those in the forts.
Whereas the _Queen Elizabeth_ carried 15-inch guns, the largest
of the Turkish guns measured only 10.2 inches.
At 11.30 o'clock in the morning of February 25, 1915, the _Agamemnon_
was hit with a shell which had traveled six miles, but it did not
damage her beyond repair. Meanwhile the _Queen Elizabeth_ had silenced
Cape Hellas, firing from a distance far beyond the range of the
forts' guns. And then, just before noon, and after the larger ship
had silenced the main battery at Cape Hellas, the ships _Vengeance_
and _Cornwallis_ dashed in at shorter range and destroyed the minor
batteries there. The _Suffren_ and _Charlemagne_ also took part
in this phase of the engagement, and later, in the afternoon, the
_Triumph_ and _Albion_ concentrated fire on Sedd-el-Bahr, silencing
its last guns by five o'clock in the evening.
The larger ships needed the respite during the night of February
25, 1915, while trawlers, which had been brought down from the
North Sea for the purpose, began to sweep the entrance to the forts
for mines, and cleared enough of them out by the morning of the 26th
to enable the _Majestic_--which had by then joined the fleet--and
the _Albion_ and _Vengeance_ to steam in between the flanking shores
and fire at the forts on the Asiatic side. It was known by the allied
commanders that they might expect return fire from Fort Dardanos,
but this they did not fear, for they knew that its heaviest gun
measured but 5.9 inches. But they had a surprise when concealed
batteries near by, the presence of which had not been suspected,
suddenly began to fire. Believing now that the Turks were abandoning
the forts at the entrance, the allied ships covered the landing
of parties of marines.
Long-range firing had by the end of February 26, 1915, enabled
the allied fleets to silence the outer forts and to clear their
way to the straits. They now had to take up the task of destroying
the real defenses of the Dardanelles--the forts at the Narrows,
and this was a harder task, for long-range firing was no longer
possible. The guns of the forts and those of the ships would be
meeting on a more equal basis.
But this was not to be essayed at once, for more rough weather
kept the fleets from using their guns effectively, their trawlers
continued to sweep the waters for mines near the Narrows. By March
3, 1915, however, the commanders were ready to resume operations.
The _Lord Nelson_ and the _Ocean_ had by then also arrived on the
scene, and in the subsequent operations were hit a number of times
by the Turkish guns; and the _Canopus, Swiftsure, Prince George_,
and _Sapphire_, though they did not report being hit, were also
known to have been present.
The new "eyes" of the fleets located new and concealed batteries
placed in position by the Turks, and at two o'clock in the afternoon
of February 3, 1915, they ascended to direct the fire of the ships'
guns by signal. The bombardment was kept up till darkness fell,
but it was resumed on the next day.
On March 4, 1915, the _Queen Elizabeth_, so great was the range
of her guns, was able to reach the forts Hamadieh I, Tabia, and
Hamadieh II, firing across the Gallipoli Peninsula. Three times
she was hit by shells from field pieces lying between her and her
target, but no great damage was done to her. While her guns roared
out, the _Suffren, Albion, Prince George, Vengeance_, and _Majestic_
went inside the straits and had attacked the forts at Soundere,
Mount Dardanos, and Rumili Medjidieh Tabia, and were fired upon
by Turkish guns from the forts and from concealed batteries which
struck these ships, but not a man was killed or a ship put out
of action.
March 7, 1915, the _Agamemnon_ and _Lord Nelson_ attacked the forts
at the Narrows, their bombardment being covered by the four French
battleships. All of the ships were struck, but again none of them
was put out of action. After heavy shelling forts Rumili Medjidieh
Tabia and Hamadieh I were silenced.
While these operations were going on, another British fleet, consisting
of battleships and cruisers, on March 5, 1915, began an attack
on Smyrna. For two hours, and in fine, clear weather, Fort Yeni
Kale was damaged after being subjected to heavy bombardment, but
it was not silenced when dusk interrupted the attack.
Little was accomplished for some days afterward. Some of the forts
which had been reported silenced were getting ready to resume firing;
their silence had been due to the fact that the defenders often had
to leave their guns while the gases generated by the firing cleared
off, and they had also thought it wiser to conserve ammunition
rather than fire-ineffective shots. Sedd-el-Bahr and Kum Kale were
able to resume firing in a few days, for though the shells of the
allied fleets had damaged the structural parts of these defenses,
they had not landed troops out to occupy them, with the result
that the Turks were enabled to intrench near the ruins and there
reset their guns.
On the morning of March 15, 1915, the small British cruiser _Amethyst_
made a dash into the Narrows, which when reported led the British
and French public to believe that the defense had been forced, but,
as a matter of fact, this exploit was a bit of stratagem, being
only designed to draw the fire of concealed batteries.
On March 18, 1915, "The Great Effort" was made to force the defenses
with naval operations, all previous work having been preliminary.
The battleships _Agamemnon, Prince George, Queen Elizabeth, Lord
Nelson, Triumph_, and _Inflexible_ steamed right up to the Narrows.
Four of them bombarded Chanak and a battery which lay opposite
it, and the forts at Saghandere, Kephez Point, and Dardanos were
kept busy by the _Triumph_ and the _Prince George_. After the fleet
had been at it for an hour and a half they received the support
of the four French ships which steamed in close and attacked the
forts at a shorter range. When the forts ceased firing the six
battleships _Ocean, Swiftsure, Majestic, Albion, Irresistible_,
and _Vengeance_ came in and tried to carry the attack further.
While the French squadron maneuvered to allow freedom of action
for this newer British squadron the Turkish guns resumed fire.
Then came the first of a series of disasters. Three shells struck
the _Bouvet_, and she soon began to keel over. When the underwater
part of her hull came into view it was seen that she had been hit
underneath, probably by one of the mines which the Turks had floated
toward the crowded ships. She sank almost immediately, carrying
the greater part of her crew down with her. Only two hours later
another mine did damage to the _Irresistible_, and she left the
line, listing heavily. While she floated and while she was under
heavy fire from Turkish guns a destroyer took off her crew. She
sank just before six o'clock. Not fifteen minutes later the _Ocean_
became the third victim of a floating mine, and she also went to
the bottom. Destroyers rescued many of her crew from the water.
The guns from the forts were also able to do damage; the _Gaulois_
had been hit again and again, with the result that she had a hole
in her hull and her upper works were damaged badly. Fire had broken
out on the _Inflexible_, and a number of her officers and crew
had been either killed or wounded. The day ended with the forts
still able to return a lively fire to all attacks, and "The Great
Attempt" on the part of the allied fleets had failed.
On the other end of the passage there had also been some naval
operations, when, on March 28, 1915, the Black Sea Fleet of the
Russian navy had bombarded the forts on the Bosphorous. Smyrna was
again attacked on April 6, 1915. The operations of allied submarines
were the next phases of the attack on the Dardanelles to be reported.
The _E-5_ grounded near Kephez Point on April 17, 1915, but before
she could be captured by the Turks picket boats from the allied
fleet rescued her crew and then destroyed her. It was just two
months now since the naval operations had begun at the Dardanelles;
it was seen then that all attempts to take them by naval operations
alone must fail as did the attack of March 18, 1915.
* * * * *
CHAPTER XVII
GERMAN RAIDERS AND SUBMARINES
The next important event in the naval history of the war occurred
in far-distant waters. On March 10, 1915, there ended the wonderful
career of the German auxiliary cruiser _Prinz Eitel Friedrich_,
Captain Thierichens, which on that date put in at the American
port of Newport News, Va., for repairs, after making the harbor
in spite of the watch kept on it by British cruisers. She brought
with her more than 500 persons, 200 of them being her own crew,
and the remainder being passengers and crews of French, British,
Russian, and American ships that had been her victims in her roving
over 30,000 miles of the Atlantic and Pacific oceans since leaving
Tsing-tau seven months before.
She had sent eight merchant ships to the bottom, one of them being
the _William P. Frye_, an American vessel carrying wheat, three
British ships, three flying the French flag, and one Russian ship.
Their total tonnage came to 18,245. The fact that she had sunk an
American ship on the high seas opened up still another diplomatic
controversy between Germany and the United States, which cannot
be treated here.
When she left Tsing-tau she took as her crew the men from the German
gunboats _Tiger_ and _Luchs_, and had their four 4.1-inch and some of
their one-pounder guns as her armament. Soon afterward she stopped
the British ship _Schargost_ and expected to refill her coal bunkers
from those of the merchantman, but in this she was disappointed,
for those of the latter were almost empty. Her next victim was
a French sailing vessel, _Jean_, and on board this was found a
pleasant surprise for the German raider, for the vessel was laden
with coal. Captain Thierichens had her towed 1,500 miles, to Easter
Island, where the coal was transferred to the bunkers of the _Eitel
Friedrich_, and the crews of her first three victims were put ashore.
These marooned men were burdens to the white inhabitants of the
island, for there was not too much food for the extra forty-eight
mouths. Finally, on February 26, 1915, the Swedish ship _Nordic_
saw them signaling from the island and took them off, landing them
at Panama on the day after the _Prinz Eitel Friedrich_ entered
Newport News.
By the beginning of December, 1914, the German raider was in the
South Atlantic, and while there heard wireless messages exchanged
between the ships of the British fleet that took part in the battle
off the Falkland Islands. The bark _Isabella Browne_, flying the
Russian flag, was the next ship overtaken by the _Eitel Friedrich_,
on January 26, 1915. She was boarded and all of her provisions
and stores were removed to the German ship; after her crew and
their personal effects were taken aboard the German ship she was
dynamited and sank. On that same morning the French ship _Pierre
Loti_ was sighted, and while the _Prinz Eitel Friedrich_ put an
end to her, after first taking off her crew, the captive crew of
the _Isabella Browne_ was sent below, but was allowed to come on
deck to watch the sinking of the French ship. The American ship
_William P. Frye_ was sunk soon afterward, and her crew, also,
was made part of the party on board the raider. After sinking the
French bark _Jacobsen_ the _Prinz Eitel Friedrich_ stopped the
_Thalasia_ on February 8, 1915, and let her go on her way, but
on February 18 the British ships _Cindracoe_ and _Mary Ada Scott_
were sunk. On the 19th the French steamer _Floride_ was overtaken
off the coast of Brazil; all persons aboard her were transferred to
the German ship and most of her provisions were also taken aboard
the latter; the _Floride_, the largest steamer destroyed by the
German ship, was set afire and left to burn. On February 20, 1915,
the British ship _Willerby_ was overtaken and nearly sank the _Prinz
Eitel Friedrich_ before being boarded. As the German ship passed
across the stern of the other at a short distance the British captain,
knowing that the end of his own ship was near, decided to take his
captor down with him. He tried to ram the German ship with the
stern of his ship, but failed in the attempt.
On the evening of February 20, 1915, the wireless operator of the
_Prinz Eitel Friedrich_ heard British cruisers "talking" with each
other, one of them being the _Berwick_. The German captain now saw
that his long raiding cruise was up, for though he could replenish
his stores and bunkers from captured ships he could not make the
many repairs which his vessel needed. To put them off at a neutral
port or to let them go in one of the ships he captured would mean
that his position would be reported to British ships within a week.
He therefore decided to end his raiding and put in at Newport News.
His vessel was interned in the American port.
We may now return to the story of the blockade against Germany
and the retaliation she sought. The Allies were now stopping as
much shipping on its way to Germany as they dared without bringing
on trouble with neutral powers. The _Dacia_, formerly a German
merchantman, was taken over, after the outbreak of the war, by an
American citizen and sailed from New Orleans for Rotterdam with a
cargo of cotton on February 12, 1915. She was stopped by a French
warship and taken to a French port February 27, 1915, and there
held till the matter of the validity of her transfer of registry
could be settled.
On the other hand the German submarine exploits continued and found
among their victims a British warship, along with the many merchantmen.
On March 11, 1915, the British auxiliary cruiser _Bayano_, while on
patrol duty became the victim of a German torpedo off the Scotch
coast. She went down almost immediately, carrying with her the
greater part of her crew.
But not always were the submarines immune. Only the day before
the British destroyer _Ariel_ rammed the German submarine _U-12_
and sent her to the bottom, after rescuing her crew. She was of an
older type, built in 1911, of submarine, and had played an active
part in the raiding in British waters. On February 21, 1915, she
had sunk the Irish coasting steamer _Downshire_ in the Irish Sea,
and her destruction was particularly welcome in British shipping
circles.
Once more an incident in the naval warfare of the Great War was
to involve diplomatic exchanges between the belligerents and the
United States. The African liner _Falaba_, a British ship on her
way from Liverpool to Lisbon, was torpedoed in St. George's Channel
on the afternoon of March 28, 1915. She had as one of her passengers
an American, L. C. Thrasher, who lost his life when the ship sank.
The naval warfare was proceeding like a game of checkers. When on
March 14, 1915, there came the end of still another of the German
raiding cruisers, the _Dresden_. She was a cruiser built in 1907
and having a displacement of 3,544 tons. Her speed was good--24.5
knots--and her armament of ten 4.1-inch guns and eight 5-pounder
guns made her quite a match for enemy warships of her class and
superior as for merchantmen. She was a sister ship to that other
famous raider the _Emden_. In 1909 she had taken her place among
the other foreign warships in the line in the Hudson River,
participating in the Hudson-Fulton Celebration. In the spring of
1914 she was in the neighborhood of Central America and rescued
a number of foreign refugees who fled from Mexico, and also took
Senor Huerta from Puerto Mexico.
She was still in that neighborhood when the war broke out, and
was immediately sought after by British and French warships which
were near by. She managed to get away from these pursuers and sank
the British steamers _Hyades_ and _Holmwood_ off the Brazilian
coast during the latter part of August, 1914. She then went south,
rounded the Horn and joined the other ships under command of Admiral
Von Spee, taking part in the battle off Coronel, on November 1,
1914.
She remained with that squadron and took part in a second battle--that
off the Falkland Islands--on December 8, 1914. When Admiral von
Spee saw that he had little chance of winning the battle he gave
orders that the lighter ships should leave the line and seek safety
in flight. The _Dresden_ was one of the ships which escaped, to
the chagrin of the British Admiral. She then turned "raider."
Five days later, on December 13, 1914, she had appeared off Punta
Arenas, in the Straits of Magellan, stopped at that port long enough
to take on some provisions and put to sea again, with British and
Japanese warships on her trail. She was too closely hunted to be
able to sink many ships, but during the week of March 12, 1915,
she sank the British steamer _Conway Castle_, off the coast of
Chile, and took coal and provisions from the two German steamers
_Alda_ and _Sierra Cordoba_.
On March 14, 1915, she was sighted by the British cruisers _Glasgow,
Kent_ and _Orama_ near Juan Fernandez Island. What then ensued is
in doubt, owing to conflicting reports made by the senior British
officer and by the captain of the German cruiser. The latter insisted
that, seeing his ship was at the end of her career, he ordered his
men to leave her and then blew her up. The former declared that
shots were exchanged, that she was set afire and was otherwise
badly damaged by the British fire. At any rate, she was destroyed,
and all of her men were saved. It was estimated that the amount
of damage she inflicted on allied trade amounted to $1,250,000.
Thus at the end of March, 1915, only the _Karlsruhe_ and _Kronprinz
Wilhelm_, of the eleven German warships that were detached from the
main German fleet in the North Sea at the outbreak of the war, and
of the few ships which slipped out of various ports as converted
auxiliary cruisers, were still at large on the high seas.
Naval activity in the northern waters of Europe did not abate.
The British admiralty on March 25, 1915, had announced that the
German submarine _U-29_, one of the most improved craft of the
type in use, had been sunk. This loss was admitted by the German
admiralty on April 7, 1915. It was a serious loss to the German
navy, for its commander was Otto von Weddigen, he who in the _U-9_,
had sent the _Cressy, Aboukir_ and _Hogue_ to the bottom in September,
1914.
The naval warfare at the Dardanelles proceeded in the same desultory
fashion. A Turkish torpedo boat caught up with the British transport
_Manitou_, and opened fire on her, killing some twenty of the soldiers
on board.
In answer to calls for help from the _Manitou_ the British cruiser
_Minerva_ and some torpedo boats went to the scene and attacked the
Turkish craft on April 7, 1915, driving it ashore off Chios and
destroyed it as it lay beached. But during April, 1915, it seemed
as though there would be another pitched fight between British and
German warships in the North Sea. On April 23, 1915, the German
admiralty announced that "the German High Sea Fleet has recently
cruised repeatedly in the North Sea, advancing into English waters
without meeting the sea forces of Great Britain." The British admiralty
had undoubtedly been aware of this activity on the part of their
enemy, but for reasons of their own did not choose to send British
ships to meet the German fleet, and the expected battle did not
take place.
France, on April 26, 1915, was to sustain a severe loss to her
navy; she had up to this time not lost as many ships as her ally,
England, or her enemy, Germany, but her navy was so much smaller
than either of them that the sinking of the _Leon Gambetta_ on
that date was a matter of weight. The _Gambetta_ was an armored
cruiser, built in 1904, and carrying four 7.6-inch guns, sixteen
6.4-inch guns and a number of smaller caliber. She had a speed
of twenty-three knots. While doing patrol duty in the Strait of
Otranto she was made the victim of the Austrian submarine _U-5_,
and sank, carrying with her 552 men.
On April 28, 1915, there occurred another incident which gave rise
to diplomatic exchanges between Germany and the United States.
On that date a German seaplane attacked the American merchantman
in broad daylight in the North Sea, but fortunately for its crew
the ship was not sent to the bottom. The first American ship to
be struck by a torpedo in the war zone established by the German
admiralty's proclamation of February 5, 1915, was the _Gulflight_.
This tank steamer was hit by a torpedo fired by a German submarine
off the Scilly Islands, on the 1st of May, 1915.
But of more importance, because of the number of American lives lost,
the standing of the matter in international law and the prominence
of the vessel, was the sinking of the Cunard liner _Lusitania_, on
May 7, 1915. This is fully described in the chapter on submarines,
and in the diplomatic developments discussed in the chapter on
the United States and the War. The _Lusitania_ had left New York
for Liverpool on the 1st of May, 1915. She was one of the fastest
ships plying between the Eastern and Western Hemispheres. Larger
than any warship afloat at the time, she was able to make the trip
from Liverpool to New York in a little under five days. On her
last crossing she carried 2,160 persons, including passengers and
crew, many of the former being Americans, some of them of great
prominence. While off Old Head of Kinsale, on the southeastern
end of Ireland, at about half past two, on the afternoon of May
7, 1915, with a calm sea and no wind, she was hit by one or more
torpedoes from a German submarine without warning.
Those on board immediately went to the life boats, but it was only
twenty minutes after she had first been hit that she sank, and not
enough of the small craft could be gotten over her side in that
time to rescue all those on board. Out of the 2,160 souls aboard
at least 1,398 were lost. Of these 107 were American citizens. Small
boats in the neighborhood of the disaster hurried to the scene
and rescued those whom they could reach in the water and brought
them to Queenstown. The sacks of mail which the liner carried and
which went down with her were the first American mail sacks ever
lost at sea as a result of war. The controversies which this disaster
gave rise to between England, Germany and the United States are
given elsewhere.
Against British warships the submarine warfare was also effective
during the month of May, 1915. On the 1st day of that month the
old British destroyer _Recruit_ was sent to the bottom of the North
Sea by a German submarine, but the two German destroyers which had
accompanied the submarine that did this were pursued immediately
by British destroyers and were sunk. On the same day that the
_Lusitania_ went down a German mine ended the career of the British
destroyer _Maori_.
* * * * *
CHAPTER XVIII
ITALIAN PARTICIPATION--OPERATIONS IN MANY WATERS
The month of May, 1915, saw new characters enter the theatres of
naval warfare. Italy had now entered the war and brought to the
naval strength of the Allies a minor naval unit.
At the time Italy entered the war she possessed six dreadnoughts,
the _Caio Duilio_ and the _Andrea Doria_, completed in 1915, the
_Conte di Cavour, Giulio Cesare_, and _Leonardo da Vinci_, completed
in 1914, and the _Dante Alighieri_, completed in 1912. Each of
these dreadnoughts had a speed of 23 knots. The _Dante Alighieri_
displaced 19,400 tons and had a main battery of twelve 12-inch guns,
and a complement of 987 men. Each of the other five had thirteen
12-inch guns and a complement of 1,000 men. The displacement of
vessels of the 1914 type was 22,340 tons; that of the 1915 type
23,025 tons. There were many lesser craft flying the Italian flag,
but these larger ships were the most important additions to the
naval forces of the Allies in southern waters.
The chief operations of the Italian navy were directed against
Austria. On May 28, 1915, the Italian admiralty announced the damage
inflicted on Austrian maritime strength up to that date. On May
24, 1915, the Austrian torpedo boat _S-20_ approached the canal
at Porto Corsini, but drew a very heavy fire from concealed and
unsuspected batteries which forced her to leave immediately. The
Austrian torpedo boat destroyer _Scharfschütze_, the scout ship
_Novara_ and the destroyer _Ozepel_, all of the Austrian navy, came
to the assistance of the _S-20_ and also received salvos from the
Italian land batteries. But on the same day the Italian destroyer
_Turbine_, while scouting gave chase to an Austrian destroyer and
the Austrian cruiser _Helgoland_. The strength of these Austrian
ships was too much for the _Turbine_ and she put on speed with
the intention of escaping from their fire, but she was severely
damaged by Austrian shells, and not having enough ammunition aboard
to give a good account of herself, she was scuttled by her own
crew.
It is now necessary to take up again the story of the German raiding
ships at large on the high seas. As has been told above, after the
_Prinz Eitel Friedrich_ ended her career by putting in at Newport
News the only German ships of the kind remaining at large were
the _Karlsruhe_ and _Kronprinz Wilhelm_. But on the 1st of April,
1915, the _Macedonia_, a converted liner which since November,
1914, had been interned at Las Palmas, Canary Islands, succeeded
in slipping out of the harbor laden with provisions and supplies
for use of warships and made her way to South American waters in
spite of the fact that she had run through lines patrolled by British
cruisers.
The _Kronprinz Wilhelm's_ career as a raider ended on April 11,
1915, when, like the _Prinz Eitel Friedrich_, she succeeded in
getting past the British cruisers and slipped into Newport News,
Virginia. How this former Hamburg-American liner had slipped out
of the harbor of New York on the night of August 3, 1914, with
her bunkers and even her cabins filled with coal and provisions,
with all lights out and with canvas covering her port holes has
already been told. From that date until she again put in at an
American port she captured numerous merchant ships, taking 960
prisoners and doing damage amounting to more than $7,000,000. She
kept herself provisioned from her captives, and it was only the
poor condition of her plates and boilers that made her captain
give up raiding when he did. Her movements had been mysterious
during all the time she was at large. She was known to have
reprovisioned the cruiser _Dresden_ and to have taken an almost
stationary position in the South Atlantic in order to act as a
"wireless station" for the squadron of Admiral von Spee. But when the
latter was defeated off the Falkland Islands, she resumed operations
as a raider of commerce. When she came into Newport News more than
60 per cent of her crew were suffering from what was thought to
be beri-beri; she had but twenty-one tons of coal in her bunkers
and almost no ammunition.
The total damage inflicted on the commerce of the Allies by the
_Emden, Karlsruhe, Kronprinz Wilhelm, Prinz Eitel Friedrich, Königsberg,
Dresden_ and _Leipzig_ amounted, by the end of May, 1915, to
$35,000,000. Sixty-seven vessels had been captured and sunk by them.
In the Dardanelles the naval operations were resumed, to some extent,
during the month of May, 1915. For a number of weeks after the
allied fleet had made the great attempt to force the Dardanelles
on March 19, 1915, their commanders attempted no maneuvers with
the larger ships, but the submarines were given work to do. On
April 27, 1915, the British submarine _E-14_, under command of
Lieutenant Commander Boyle, dived and went under the Turkish mine
fields, reaching the waters of the Sea of Marmora. In spite of
the fact that Turkish destroyers knew of its presence and hourly
watched for it in the hope of sinking it, this submarine was able
to operate brilliantly for some days, sinking two Turkish gunboats
and a laden transport. Similar exploits were performed by Lieutenant
Commander Nasmith with the British submarine _E-11_, which even
damaged wharves at the Turkish capital.
But when the military operations were getting under way during
May, 1915, the larger ships of the fleets were again used. The
Germans realizing that these great ships, moving as they did slowly
and deliberately while they fired on the land forts, would be good
targets for torpedoes, sent some of their newest submarines from
the bases in the North Sea, down along the coasts of France and
Spain, through the passage at Gibraltar and to the Dardanelles.
Destroyers accompanying the allied fleets kept diligent watch for
attacks from them. The _Goeben_, one of the German battle cruisers
that had escaped British and French fleets in the Mediterranean
during the first weeks of the war, and which was now a part of
the Turkish navy, was brought to the scene and aided the Turkish
forts in their bombardment of the hostile warships.
On May 12, 1915, the British battleship _Goliath_, of old design
and displacing some 12,000 tons, was sunk by a torpedo. This ship had
been protecting a part of the French fleet from flank attack inside
the straits, and under the cover of darkness had been approached by
a Turkish destroyer which fired the fatal torpedo. It sank almost
immediately.
The submarines of the German navy which had made the long journey
to participate in the action near the Dardanelles got in their
first work on May 26, 1915, when a torpedo fired by one of them
struck the British battleship _Triumph_ and sent her to the bottom.
Of interest to naval authorities all over the world was the fact
that this ship at the time she was struck had out torpedo nets
which were supposed to be torpedo-proof; but the German missile
tore through them and reached the hull. A hunt was made for the
hostile submarine by the British destroyers, but she was found
by the British battleship _Majestic_; but before the British ship
could fire a shot at the German submarine, the latter fired a torpedo
that caught the battleship near her stern and sank her immediately.
Apprehension was now felt for the more formidable ships such as
the _Queen Elizabeth_ and others of her class which were in those
waters; inasmuch as the operations at the Dardanelles assumed more
and more a military rather than a naval character, the British
admiralty thought it wiser to keep the _Queen Elizabeth_ in safer
waters; she was consequently called back to England. Only old
battleships and cruisers were left to cooperate with the troops
operating on the Gallipoli Peninsula.
Naval warfare in southern waters was continued against British
warships by the Austrian navy. On June 9, 1915, the Austrian admiralty
announced that a cruiser of the type of the _Liverpool_ had been
struck by a torpedo fired by an Austrian submarine while the former
was off San Giovanni di Medua, near the Albanian coast. Reports of
the incident issued by the Austrian and British naval authorities
differed, the former claiming that the cruiser had sunk, and the
latter that it had remained afloat and had been towed to an Adriatic
port.
Most unique was an engagement between the Italian submarine _Medusa_
and a similar craft flying the Austrian flag on June 17, 1915.
This was the first time that two submarines had ever fought with
each other. On that day the two submarines, the presence of each
unknown to the other, lay submerged, not a great distance apart.
The _Medusa_, after some hours, came up, allowing only her periscope
to show; seeing no enemy about, her commander brought the rest of
her out of the water. She had not emerged many moments before the
Austrian vessel also came up for a look around and the commander
of the latter espied the Italian submarine through his periscope.
He immediately ordered a torpedo fired; it found a mark in the
hull of the _Medusa_ and she was sent to the bottom. One of her
officers and four of her men were rescued by the Austrian submarine
and made prisoners.
Italy's navy was not to continue to act as a separate naval unit
in the southern naval theatre of war, for on June 18, 1915, the
Minister of Marine of France announced that the "Anglo-French forces
in the Mediterranean were cooperating with the Italian fleet, whose
participation made possible a more effective patrol of the Adriatic.
Warships of the Allies were engaged in finding and destroying oil
depots from which the enemy's submarines had been replenishing
their supplies." This effective patrol did not, however, prevent
an Austrian submarine from sinking an Italian torpedo boat on June
27, 1915.
In the Baltic Sea the naval activity had at no time during the
first year of the war been great, but during the month of June,
1915, there was a minor naval engagement at the mouth of the Gulf
of Riga, during which the Germans lost a transport and the Russians
an auxiliary cruiser. In the other northern waters the Germans
lost the submarine _U-14_, which was sunk on June 9, 1915. The
crew were brought to England as prisoners. Three days later the
British admiralty admitted that two torpedo boats, the _No. 10_
and the _No. 12_ had been lost. The loss of two such small boats
did not worry Britain as much as did the loss of many merchant
ships in the war zone right through the spring and summer of 1915,
and to show that British warships were not immune from submarine
attack, in spite of the fact that many of the underwater craft of
Germany were meeting with disaster, the British cruiser _Roxburgh_
was struck by a torpedo on June 20, 1915, but was able to get away
under her own steam. The rest of the month saw small losses to
nearly all of the fleets engaged in the war, but none of these were
of importance.
The twelfth month of the first year of war was not particularly
eventful in so far as naval history was concerned. On July 1, 1915,
the Germans maneuvered in the Baltic Sea with a small fleet which
accompanied transports bearing men who were to try to land on the
northern shores of Russia. The port of Windau was the point at
which the German bombardment was directed, but Russian torpedo
boats and destroyers fought off the invading German fleet--which
must have been small--and succeeded in chasing the German mine-layer
_Albatross_, making it necessary for her captain to beach her on
the Swedish island of Gothland, where the crew was interned on
July 2, 1915. On the same, day a German predreadnought battleship,
believed to have been the _Pommern_, was sunk at the mouth of Danzig
Bay by a torpedo from a British submarine.
In the Adriatic Austria lost a submarine, the _U-11_, through a
unique action. The submersible was sighted on July 1, 1915, by a
French aeroplane. The aviator dropped two bombs which found their
mark on the deck of the submarine and sank her. Austria had, during
that month, made an attempt to capture the Austrian island of Pelagosa,
which had been occupied by the Italians on July 26, 1915. But July
29, 1915, the fleet of Austrian cruisers and destroyers, which
made the attack, was driven off by unnamed units of the Italian
navy. But a loss by the latter had been incurred on July 7, 1915,
when the armored cruiser _Amalfi_, while scouting in the upper
waters of the Adriatic Sea, was sighted and torpedoed by an Austrian
submarine. She sank, but most of her men were saved. Another Austrian
submarine had the same success on July 17, 1915, when it fired a
torpedo at the Italian cruiser _Giuseppe Garibaldi_, and saw her
go down fifteen minutes later. Italy endeavored to imitate the
actions of Germany when, on July 6, 1915, she proclaimed that the
entire Adriatic Sea was a war zone and that the Strait of Otranto
was in a state of blockade. All the ports of Dalmatia were closed
to every kind of commerce.
Near the coasts of Turkey, toward the end of the first year of
war, there was fought the second duel between submarines. This time
the vanquished vessel was the French submarine _Mariotte_, which,
on July 26, 1915, was sunk by a torpedo from a German submarine in
the waters right near the entrance to the Dardanelles. Britain
ended the first year of naval warfare by destroying the German
cruiser _Königsberg_, which, since the fall of the year before,
had been lying up the Rufiji River in German East Africa, after
having been chased thence by a British cruiser. It was decided to
destroy her in order that she might not get by the sunken hulls
that the British had placed at the mouth of the river in order to
"bottle her up." Consequently, on the morning of July 4, 1915,
after her position had been noted by an aviator, two British river
monitors, _Severn_ and _Mersey_, aided by a cruiser and minor vessels,
began to fire upon the stationary vessel. Their fire was directed
by the aviator who had discovered her, but it was at first almost
ineffective because she lay so well concealed by the vegetation
of the surrounding jungle. She answered their fire and succeeded
in damaging the _Mersey_, but after being bombarded for six hours
she was set on fire. When the British monitors had finished with
her she was a total wreck.
* * * * *
CHAPTER XIX
STORY OF THE "EMDEN"
We now return to the exploits of the _Emden_, its mysterious
disappearance and the narrative of its heroes--a great epic of the
sea.
When in Volume III the story of the sinking of the German cruiser
_Emden_ was related, mention was made of the escape of the landing
party belonging to that ship from Cocos Island. This party consisted
of fifty men, headed by Captain Mücke, and from the time their ship
went down on November 9, 1914, until they reported for duty again
at Damascus, Syria, in May, 1915, they had a series of adventures
as thrilling as those encountered by the heroes in any of the
Renaissance epics.
Before the _Emden_ met the Australian cruiser _Sydney_, and had
been sunk by the latter, she had picked up three officers from
German steamers which she had met. This proved to be a piece of
good fortune, for extra officers were needed to board and command
the prize crews of captured vessels. The story of the raiding of the
_Emden_ has already been given; but here the story of the landing
party is given as told by Captain Mücke himself on May 10, 1915,
at Damascus:
"On November 9, 1914," he said, "I left the _Emden_ in order to
destroy the wireless plant on Cocos Island. I had fifty men, four
machine guns, about thirty rifles. Just as we were about to destroy
the apparatus it reported, 'Careful; _Emden_ near.' The work of
destruction went smoothly. The wireless operators said: 'Thank God.
It's been like being under arrest day and night lately.' Presently
the _Emden_ signaled us, 'Hurry up.' I packed up, but simultaneously
the _Emden's_ siren wailed. I hurried to the bridge and saw the
flag 'Anna' go up. That meant 'Weigh anchor.' We ran like mad to
our boat, but already the _Emden's_ pennant was up, the battle
flag was raised, and they began to fire from the starboard."
"The enemy," explained Captain Mücke, "was concealed by the island
and therefore not to be seen, but I saw the shells strike the water.
To follow and catch the _Emden_ was out of the question, as she
was going at twenty knots, and I only four with my steam pinnace.
Therefore I turned back to land, raised the flag, declared German
laws of war in force, seized all arms, set up my machine guns on shore
in order to guard against a hostile landing. Then I ran out again in
order to observe the fight. From the splash of the shells it looked
as though the enemy had 15-centimeter guns, bigger, therefore, than
the _Emden's_. He fired rapidly but poorly. It was the Australian
cruiser _Sydney_."
According to the account of the Englishmen who saw the first part
of the engagement from the shore, the _Emden_ was cut up rapidly.
Her forward smokestack lay across the deck, and was already burning
fiercely aft. Behind the mainmast several shells struck home.
"We saw the high flame," continued Captain Mücke, "whether circular
fighting or a running fight now followed, I don't know, because
I again had to look to my land defenses. Later, I looked on from
the roof of a house. Now the _Emden_ again stood out to sea about
4,000 to 5,000 yards, still burning. As she again turned toward
the enemy, the forward mast was shot away. On the enemy no outward
damage was apparent, but columns of smoke showed where shots had
struck home. Then the _Emden_ took a northerly course, likewise
the enemy, and I had to stand there helpless, gritting my teeth and
thinking; 'Damn it; the _Emden_ is burning and you aren't aboard!'"
[Illustration: THE CRUISE OF THE "EMDEN" LANDING PARTY]
Captain Mücke, in relating his thrilling adventure, then explained:
"The ships, still fighting, disappeared behind the horizon. I thought
that an unlucky outcome for the _Emden_ was possible, also a landing
by the enemy on the Keeling Island, at least for the purpose of
landing the wounded and taking on provisions. As there were other
ships in the neighborhood, according to the statements of the
Englishmen, I saw myself faced with the certainty of having soon
to surrender because of a lack of ammunition. But for no price
did I and my men want to get into English imprisonment. As I was
thinking about all this, the masts again appeared on the horizon,
the _Emden_ steaming easterly, but very much slower. All at once
the enemy, at high speed, shot by, apparently quite close to the
_Emden_. A high white waterspout showed amidst the black smoke of
the enemy. That was a torpedo. I saw how the two opponents withdrew,
the distance growing greater and greater between them; how they
separated, till they disappeared in the darkness. The fight had
lasted ten hours.
"I had made up my mind to leave the island as quickly as possible.
The _Emden_ was gone; the danger for us growing. In the harbor I
had noticed a three-master, the schooner _Ayesha_. Mr. Ross, the
owner of the ship and of the island, had warned me that the boat
was leaky, but I found it quite a seaworthy tub. Now provisions
for eight weeks, and water for four, were quickly taken on board.
The Englishmen very kindly showed us the best water and gave us
clothing and utensils. They declared this was their thanks for our
'moderation' and 'generosity.' Then they collected the autographs
of our men, photographed them and gave three cheers as our last
boat put off. It was evening, nearly dark, when we sailed away.
"The _Ayesha_ proved to be a really splendid boat. We had only one
sextant and two chronometers on board, but a chronometer journal
was lacking. Luckily I found an 'Old Indian Ocean Directory' of
1882 on board; its information went back to the year 1780.
"I had said: 'We are going to East Africa.' Therefore I sailed
at first westward, then northward. There followed the monsoons,
but then also, long periods of dead calm. Only two neutral ports
came seriously under consideration; Batavia and Padang. At Keeling
I had cautiously asked about Tsing-tau, of which I had naturally
thought first, and so quite by chance I learned that it had fallen.
Now I decided for Padang, because I knew I would be more apt to
meet the _Emden_ there, also because there was a German consul
there, because my schooner was unknown there and because I hoped to
find German ships there, and learn some news. 'It'll take you six
to eight days to reach Batavia' a captain had told me at Keeling.
Now we needed eighteen days to reach Padang, the weather was so
rottenly still."
The suffering of the crew of the _Emden_ on their perilous voyage
is here told in the captain's words: "We had an excellent cook
aboard; he had deserted from the French Foreign Legion. We had to
go sparingly with our water; each man received but three glasses
daily. When it rained, all possible receptacles were placed on
deck and the main sail was spread over the cabin roof to catch the
rain.
"At length as we came in the neighborhood of Padang, on the 26th
of November, 1915, a ship appeared for the first time and looked
for our name. But the name had been painted over, because it was
the former English name. As I thought, 'You're rid of the fellow'
the ship came up again in the evening, and steamed within a hundred
yards of us. I sent all my men below deck, and I promenaded the
deck as the solitary skipper. Through Morse signals the stranger
gave her identity. She proved to be the Hollandish torpedo boat
_Lynx_. I asked by signals, 'Why do you follow me?' No answer.
The next morning I found myself in Hollandish waters, so I raised
pennant and war flag. Now the _Lynx_ came at top speed past us.
As it passed I had my men line up on deck, and gave a greeting.
The greeting was answered. Then, before the harbor at Padang, I
went aboard the _Lynx_ in my well and carefully preserved uniform
and declared my intentions. The commandant opined that I could run
into the harbor, but whether I might come out again was doubtful.
"Three German ships were in the harbor at Padang," continues Captain
Mücke. "The harbor authorities demanded the certification for pennant
and war flag, also papers to prove that I was the commander of
this warship. For that, I answered, I was only responsible to my
superior officer. Now they advised me most insistently to allow
ourselves to be interned peacefully. They said it wasn't at all
pleasant in the neighborhood. We'd fall into the hands of the Japanese
or the English. As a matter of fact, we again had great luck. On
the day before a Japanese warship had been cruising around here.
Naturally, I rejected all the well-meant and kindly advice, and
did this in the presence of my lieutenants. I demanded provisions,
water, sails, tackle, and clothing. They replied we could take on
board everything which we had formerly had on board, but nothing
which would mean an increase in our naval strength.
"First thing, I wanted to improve our wardrobe, for I had only
one sock, a pair of shoes, and one clean shirt, which had become
rather threadbare. My comrades had even less. But the master of the
port declined to let us have, not only charts, but also clothing
and toothbrushes, on the ground that these would be an increase in
armament. Nobody could come aboard, nobody could leave the ship
without permission. I requested that the consul be allowed to come
aboard. The consul, Herr Schild, as also did the brothers Bäumer,
gave us assistance in the friendliest fashion. From the German
steamers boats could come alongside and talk with us. Finally, we
were allowed to have German papers. They were, to be sure, from
August only. From then until March, 1915, we saw no papers.
"Hardly had we been towed out of the harbor again after twenty-four
hours, on the evening of the 28th of November, 1914, when a searchlight
flashed before us. I thought, 'Better interned than prisoner.' I
put out all lights and withdrew to the shelter of the island. But
they were Hollanders and didn't do anything to us. Then for two
weeks more we drifted around, lying still for days. The weather was
alternately still, rainy, and blowy. At length a ship, a freighter,
came in sight. It saw us and made a big curve around us. I made
everything hastily 'clear for battle.' Then one of our officers
recognized her for the _Choising_. She showed the German flag. I
sent up light rockets, although it was broad day, and went with
all sails set, that were still setable, toward her. The _Choising_
was a coaster from Hongkong to Siam. She was at Singapore when
the war broke out, then went to Batavia, was chartered, loaded
with coal for the enemy, and had put into Padang in need, because
the coal in the hold had caught fire. There we had met her.
"Great was our joy now. I had an my men come on deck and line up
for review. The fellows hadn't a rag on. Thus, in nature's garb,
we gave three cheers for the German flag on the _Choising_. The
men of the _Choising_ told us afterward 'We couldn't make out what
that meant, those stark-naked fellows all cheering.' The sea was
too high, and we had to wait two days before we could board the
_Choising_ on December 16, 1914. We took very little with us; the
schooner was taken in tow. In the afternoon we sank the _Ayesha_ and
were all very sad. The good old _Ayesha_ had served us faithfully
for six weeks. The log showed that we had made 1,709 sea miles
under sail since leaving Keeling. She wasn't at all rotten and
unseaworthy, as they had told me, but nice and white and dry inside.
I had grown fond of the boat, on which I could practice my old
sailing maneuvers. The only trouble was that the sails would go
to pieces every now and then, because they were so old.
"But anyway, she went down quite properly. We had bored a hole
in her; she filled slowly and then all of a sudden disappeared.
That was the saddest day of the whole month. We gave her three
cheers, and my next yacht at Kiel will be named _Ayesha_, that is
sure.
"To the captain of the _Choising_ I had said, when I hailed him,
'I do not know what will happen to the ship. The war situation
may make it necessary for me to strand it.' He did not want to
undertake the responsibility. I proposed that we work together,
and I would take the responsibility. Then we traveled together
for three weeks, from Padang to Hodeida. The _Choising_ was some
ninety meters long, and had a speed of nine miles, though sometimes
only four. If she had not accidentally arrived I had intended to
cruise along the west coast of Sumatra to the region of the northern
monsoon. I came about six degrees north, then over toward Aden
to the Arabian coast. In the Red Sea the northeastern monsoon,
which here blows southeast, could bring us to Djidda. I had heard
in Padang that Turkey was still allied with Germany, so we would
be able to get safely through Arabia to Germany.
"I next waited for information through ships, but the _Choising_
did not know anything definite, either. By way of the _Luchs_, the
_Königsberg_ and _Kormoran_ the reports were uncertain. Besides,
according to newspapers at Aden, the Arabs were said to have fought
with the English; therein there seemed to be offered an opportunity
near at hand to damage the enemy. I therefore sailed with the _Choising_
in the direction of Aden. Lieutenant Cordts of the _Choising_ had
heard that the Arabian railway already went almost to Hodeida,
near the Perin Strait. The ship's surgeon there, Docounlang, found
confirmation of this in Meyer's Traveling Handbook. This railway
could not have been taken over by the Englishmen, who always dreamt
of it. By doing this they would have further and completely wrought
up the Mohammedans by making more difficult the journey to Mecca.
Best of all, we thought, 'We'll simply step into the express train
and whizz nicely away to the North Sea.' Certainly there would be
safe journeying homeward through Arabia. To be sure, we had maps
of the Red Sea; but it was the shortest way to the foe whether in
Aden or in Germany.
"On the 7th of January, 1915, between nine and ten o'clock in the
evening, we sneaked through the Strait of Perin. It lay swarming
full of Englishmen. We steered along the African coast, close past an
English cable layer. That was my greatest delight--how the Englishmen
will be vexed when they learn that we passed safely by Perin. On
the next evening we saw on the coast a few lights near the water.
We thought that must be the pier of Hodeida. But when we measured
the distance by night, three thousand meters, I began to think
that must be something else. At dawn I made out two masts and four
smokestacks; that was an enemy ship and, what is more, an armored
French cruiser. I therefore ordered the _Choising_ to put to sea,
and to return at night.
[Illustration: WAR ZONE
AROUND
THE BRITISH ISLES
AND
THE RED CROSS SERVICE · A BRITISH MONITOR · THE DEATH OF A TRAITOR
The conning tower and periscope of a submarine whose officers are
taking observations on the surface. In the War Zone submarines
sank merchantmen and passenger ships]
[Illustration: Prayer in a French church which the exigencies of
war have converted into a Red Cross hospital]
[Illustration: French soldiers bringing up wounded Germans found
in captured trenches and putting them in ambulances to be carried
to the nearest military hospitals]
[Illustration: A Red Cross dog has been hurt while performing invaluable
service in seeking out the wounded. Now the dog's own injuries are
being carefully dressed]
[Illustration: The death of a traitor to France. It was believed
that he used the wings of a windmill for signalling information
to the Germans]
[Illustration: One of the new British monitors bombarding the German
base at Ostend, Belgium. The monitor is armed with one powerful
15-inch gun]
[Illustration: Lifeboats and drowning passengers from the "Falaba,"
a passenger ship torpedoed by a German submarine March 28, 1915.
More than 140 people were drowned]
[Illustration: The Great liner, "Lusitania," which was torpedoed
by a German submarine, not far from Old Kinsald Head, Ireland,
May 7, 1915]
"The next day and night the same; then we put out four boats--these
we pulled to shore at sunrise under the eyes of the unsuspecting
Frenchmen. The sea reeds were thick. A few Arabs came close to us;
then there ensued a difficult negotiation with the Arabian coast
guards. For we did not even know whether Hodeida was in English
or French hands. We waved to them, laid aside our arms, and made
signs to them. The Arabs, gathering together, began to rub two
fingers together; that means 'We are friends.' We thought it meant
'We are going to rub against you and are hostile.' I therefore
said: 'Boom-boom' and pointed to the warship. At all events, I
set up my machine guns and made preparations for a skirmish. But,
thank God, one of the Arabs understood the word 'Germans'; that
was good.
"Soon a hundred Arabs came and helped us and as we marched into
Hodeida the Turkish soldiers who had been called out against us
saluted us as Allies and friends. To be sure, there was not a trace
of a railway, but we were received very well and they assured us
we could get through by land. Therefore, I gave red-star signals
at night, telling the _Choising_ to sail away, since the enemy
was near by. Inquiries and deliberations concerning a safe journey
by land proceeded. I also heard that in the interior about six
days' journey away, there was healthy highland where our fever
invalids could recuperate. I therefore determined to journey next
to Sana. On the kaiser's birthday we held a great parade in common
with the Turkish troops--all this under the noses of the Frenchmen.
On the same day we marched away from Hodeida to the highland.
"Two months later we again put to sea. The time spent in the highland
of Sana passed in lengthy inquiries and discussions that finally
resulted in our foregoing the journey by land through Arabia, for
religious reasons. But the time was not altogether lost. The men
who were sick with malaria had, for most part, recuperated in the
highland air.
"The Turkish Government placed at our disposal two sambuks (sailing
ships), of about twenty-five tons, fifteen meters long and four
wide. But, in fear of English spies, we sailed from Jebaua, ten
miles north of Hodeida. That was on March 14, 1915. At first we
sailed at a considerable distance apart, so that we would not both
be captured if an English gunboat caught us. Therefore, we always
had to sail in coastal water. That is full of coral reefs, however."
Captain Mücke had charge of the first sambuk. Everything went well
for three days. On the third day the order was given for the sambuks
to keep near together because the pilot of the first one was sailing
less skillfully than the other. Suddenly, in the twilight the men
in the second sambuk felt a shock, then another, and a third. The
water poured into it rapidly. It had run upon the reef of a small
island, where the smaller sambuk had been able to pass on account
of its lighter draft. Soon the stranded boat began to list over,
and the twenty-eight men aboard had to sit on the gunwale.
"We could scarcely move," narrated Lieutenant Gerdts, who commanded
the stranded boat. "The other boat was nowhere in sight. Now it
grew dark. At this stage I began to build a raft of spars and old
pieces of wood that might keep us afloat. But soon the first boat
came into sight again. The commander turned about and sent over
his little canoe; in this and in our own canoe, in which two men
could sit at each trip, we first transferred the sick. Now the
Arabs began to help us. But just then the tropical helmet of our
doctor suddenly appeared above the water in which he was standing
up to his ears. Thereupon the Arabs withdrew: We were Christians,
and they did not know that we were friends. Now the other sambuk
was so near that we could have swum to it in half an hour, but
the seas were too high. At each trip a good swimmer trailed along,
hanging to the painter of the canoe. When it became altogether
dark we could not see the boat any more, for over there they were
prevented by the wind from keeping any light burning. My men asked:
'In what direction shall we swim?' I answered: 'Swim in the direction
of this or that star; that must be about the direction of the boat.'
Finally a torch flared up over there--one of the torches that was
still left from the _Emden_. But we had suffered considerably through
submersion. One sailor cried out: 'Oh, psha! It's all up with us
now, that's a searchlight.' About ten o'clock we were all safe
aboard, but one of our typhus patients wore himself out completely
by exertion and died a week later. On the next morning we went over
again to the wreck in order to seek the weapons that had fallen
into the water. You see, the Arabs dive so well; they fetched up
a considerable lot--both machine guns, all but ten of the rifles,
though these were, to be sure, all full of water. Later they frequently
failed to go off when they were used in firing.
"Now we numbered, together with the Arabs, seventy men on the little
boat. Then we anchored before Konfida and met Sami Bey. He had
shown himself useful, even before, in the service of the Turkish
Government, and had done good service as a guide in the last months
of the adventure. He procured for us a larger boat of fifty-four tons.
We sailed from the 20th of March, 1915, to the 24th, unmolested to
Lith. There Sami Bey announced that three English ships were cruising
about in order to intercept us. I therefore advised traveling a bit
overland. I disliked leaving the sea a second time, but it had to
be done."
Captain Mücke explained that Lith is nothing but desert, and therefore
it was very difficult to get up a caravan at once. They marched away
on March 28, 1915, with only a vague suspicion that the English
might have agents here also. They could travel only at night, and
when they slept or camped around a spring, there was only a tent for
the sick men. Two days' march from Jeddah, the Turkish Government
having received word about the crew, sent sixteen good camels.
"Suddenly, on the night of April 1, 1915, things became uneasy,"
said Captain Mücke. "I was riding at the head of the column. All
our shooting implements were cleared for action, because there was
danger of an attack from Bedouins, whom the English had bribed.
When it began to grow a bit light I thought: 'We're through for
to-day'; for we were tired--had been riding eighteen hours. Suddenly
I saw a line flash up before me, and shots whizzed over our heads.
Down from the camels! We formed a fighting line. You know how quickly
it becomes daylight there. The whole space around the desert hillock
was occupied. Now we had to take up our guns. We rushed at the enemy.
They fled, but returned again, this time from all sides. Several of
the gendarmes that had been given to us as an escort were wounded;
the machine-gun operator fell, killed by a shot through the heart;
another was wounded. Lieutenant Schmidt was mortally wounded. He
received a bullet in the chest and another in the abdomen.
"Suddenly, they waved white cloths. The sheik, to whom a part of
our camels belonged, went over to them to negotiate, then Sami
Bey and his wife. In the interim we quickly built a sort of wagon
barricade, a circular camp of camel saddles, of rice and coffee
sacks, all of which we filled with sand. We had no shovels, and had
to dig with our bayonets, plates, and hands. The whole barricade
had a diameter of fifty meters. Behind it were dug trenches, which
we deepened even during the skirmish. The camels inside had to
lie down, and thus served very well as cover for the rear of the
trenches. Then an inner wall was constructed, behind which we carried
the sick men. In the very center we buried two jars of water, to
guard us against thirst. In addition we had ten petroleum cans full
of water; all told, a supply for four days. Late in the evening
Sami's wife came back from the futile negotiations, alone. She had
unveiled for the first and only time on this day of the skirmish,
had distributed cartridges and had acted faultlessly.
"Soon we were able to ascertain the number of the enemy. There
were about 300 men; we numbered fifty, with twenty-nine machine
guns. In the night Lieutenant Schmidt died. We had to dig his grave
with our hands and with our bayonets, and to eliminate every trace
above it, in order to protect the body. Rademacher had been buried
immediately after the skirmish with all honors.
"The wounded had a hard time of it. We had lost our medicine chest
in the wreck; we had only little packages of bandages for skirmishes;
but no probing instrument, no scissors, were at hand. On the next day
our men came up with thick tongues, feverish, and crying: 'Water,
water!' But each one received only a little cupful three times
each day. If our water supply became exhausted we would have to
sally forth from our camp and fight our way through. At night we
always dragged out the dead camels that had served as cover and
had been shot.
"This continued about three days. On the third day there were new
negotiations. Now the Bedouins demanded arms no longer, but only
money. This time the negotiations took place across the camp wall.
When I declined the Bedouin said, 'Lots of fight.' I said, 'Please
go to it.'
"We had only a little ammunition left, and very little water. Now
it really looked as if we would soon be dispatched. The mood of
the men was pretty dismal. Suddenly, at about ten o'clock in the
morning, there bobbed up in the north two riders on camels, waving
white cloths. Soon afterward there appeared, coming from the same
direction, far back, a long row of camel troops, about a hundred;
they drew rapidly nearer, rode singing toward us, in a picturesque
train. They were the messengers and the troops of the Emir of Mecca.
"Sami Bey's wife, it developed, had in the course of the first
negotiations, dispatched an Arab boy to Jeddah. From that place
the governor had telegraphed to the emir. The latter at once sent
camel troops with his two sons and his personal surgeon; the elder,
Abdullah, conducted the negotiations, and the surgeon acted as
interpreter in French. Now things proceeded in one-two-three order,
and the whole Bedouin band speedily disappeared. From what I learned
later I know definitely that they had been corrupted with bribes by
the English. They knew when and where we would pass, and they had
made all preparations. Now our first act was a rush for water; then
we cleared up our camp, but had to harness our camels ourselves, for
the camel drivers had fled at the very beginning of the skirmish.
"Then, under the safe protection of Turkish troops, we got to Jeddah.
There the authorities and the populace received us very well. From
there we proceeded in nineteen days by sail boat to Elwesh, and
under abundant guard with the Suleiman Pasha, in a five-day caravan
journeyed to El Ula."
"Have I received the Iron Cross?" was the first question Captain
Mücke asked when he got to that place, and old newspapers which
he found there told him that he had. A few days later the party
was on train, riding toward Germany.
* * * * *
CHAPTER XX
SUMMARY OF THE FIRST YEAR OF NAVAL WARFARE
The first year of the war came to an end in August, 1915, with
the naval situation much the same as it stood at the end of the
first six months. The navy of practically every belligerent was
intact; the Allies enjoyed the freedom of the seas, but the fact
that a German fleet lay intact in the North Sea, and an Austrian
fleet lay intact in the Adriatic Sea, indicated only the naval
supremacy of the Allies, but not that they had won decisive naval
victories.
As there had been no victory there had been no defeat, yet there
had been losses to all concerned. The mine and the submarine had
changed somewhat the methods of naval warfare--the enemies "nibbled"
at their opponents' fleets. Battleships were lost, though the first
year of the Great War had seen no pitched battle between ships of
that class.
During the second six months of the war England lost the five old
battleships _Irresistible, Ocean, Goliath, Triumph_, and _Majestic_;
the destroyers _Recruit_ and _Maori_; and the submarine _E-15_ and
another unidentified; and the auxiliary cruisers _Clan McNaughton,
Bayano_, and _Princess Irene_. Her ally France had lost, during the
same period, the old battleship _Bouvet_, the cruiser _Leon Gambetta_,
the destroyer _Dague_, and the submarines _Joule, Mariotte_, and
one unidentified.
The losses on the other side were confined to the German navy,
with the exception of the Turkish cruiser _Medjidieh_. Germany lost
the battleship _Pommern_; the cruisers _Dresden_ and _Königsberg_;
the submarines _U-12, U-29, U-8_, one of the type of the _U-2_,
and another unidentified; two unidentified torpedo boats; and the
auxiliary cruisers _Prinz Eitel Friedrich_ (interned), _Holger,
Kronprinz Wilhelm_ (interned), and _Macedonia_. Also the destroyer
_G-196_, the mine layer _Albatross_, and the auxiliary cruise _Meteor_.
In retaliation for having her flag swept from the seas, Germany's
submarines, during the second six months of the war, had sunk a
total of 153 merchant ships, including those belonging to neutral
countries as well as to her enemies. The total tonnage of these
was about 500,000 tons; 1,643 persons died in going down with these
ships.
Not of the least importance were the precedents that were established,
or attempted to be established, by Germany in conducting naval
warfare with her submarine craft. In a note delivered to the United
States Government, the German Government declared that British
merchant vessels were not only armed and instructed to resist or
even attack submarines, but often disguised as to nationality.
Under such circumstances it was assumed to be impossible for a
submarine commander to conform to the established custom of visit
and search. Accordingly, vessels of neutral nations were urgently
warned not to enter the submarine war zone. The war zone which she
proclaimed about Great Britain had no precedent in history, and
it immediately brought to her door a number of controversies with
neutrals, particularly the United States. The sinking of liners
carrying passengers claiming citizenship in neutral countries was
another precedent, which had the same effect with regard to diplomatic
exchanges.
Predictions that had been made long before the war came were found
to be worthless; there were those who had predicted that Germany
in the event of war with England would give immediate battle with
her largest ships; but twelve months went by without an actual
battle between superdreadnoughts. "Der Tag" had not come. There
were those who had predicted that the British navy would force
the German ships out of their protected harbors. "We shall dig
the rats out of their holes," said Mr. Winston Churchill, British
Secretary of State for the Navy in the early months of the war.
Mr. Churchill was removed from his position, and twelve months
passed by with the German ships still in their "holes."
Certain lessons had been taught naval authorities of all nations
through the actual use of the modern battleship in war. The first
year showed that the largest ships must have very high speed and
long gun range. To some extent the fact that the fighting ships of
nearly all of the belligerent countries were thus equipped changed
battle tactics.
When the allied fleets had started their bombardment of the Turkish
forts at the Dardanelles they were breaking certain well-defined
rules which had been axiomatic with naval authorities. The greatest
of modern battleships were designed to fight with craft of their
like, but not to take issue with land fortifications. For weeks,
while the fleets succeeded in silencing for a time some of the
Turkish forts, it was thought that this rule no longer held good.
But when, after March 19, 1915, the fleets ceased attempting to
take the passage without military cooperation, the worth of the
rule was reestablished. The ease with which the bombarding ships
were made victims of hostile submarines was greatly instrumental
in making the rule again an axiom.
The naval supremacy of the allied powers brought them certain
advantages--advantages which they had without winning a decisive
victory. Germany and Austria were cut off from the Western Hemisphere,
and were troubled, in consequence, by shortage in food for their
civilian populations to a greater or lesser degree. This was perhaps
a negative benefit derived by the Allies from their naval supremacy;
the affirmative benefit was that their own communications with
the Western Hemisphere were maintained, enabling them not only to
get food for their civilian populations, but arms and munitions
for their armies; and even financial arrangements, which, if their
emissaries could not pass back and forth freely could not have
been made, depended on their control of the high seas.
They were able to keep the Channel clear of submarines long enough
to permit the passage of the troops, which England from time to
time during the first year of the war sent to the Continent, and
permitted the participation of the troops of the British overseas
dominions, the troops from Canada joining those in France, and
the troops from New Zealand and Australia taking their places in
the trenches along the Suez Canal and on the Gallipoli Peninsula.
Thus, to a certain extent, the advantage of continuous railroad
communication which was enjoyed by the Teutonic allies "inside" the
arena of military operations was offset by the naval communication
maintained by the Entente Powers "outside" the arena of military
operations.
* * * * *
CHAPTER XXI
FIGHTS OF THE SUBMARINES
When, on the 5th of February, 1915, the German admiralty proclaimed
a "war zone" around the British Isles and announced that it would
fight the sea power of the Allies with submarines, a new era in
naval warfare had opened. In all previous wars, and in the earlier
months of the Great War, submarines were employed as auxiliaries
to the larger naval units. The Germans were the first to use them
as separate units. The idea of sending a fleet of submarines out on
to the high seas was a new one, and had been impossible in the last
war in which they had been used--that between Russia and Japan. But
the improvements which had been made in their design and equipment
since then had made an actual cruising submarine possible, and
made possible the new phase of naval warfare inaugurated by the
German admiralty.
While Germany was the last great sea power to adopt the submarine
as a weapon, both England and Germany, in the years immediately
preceding the war, had spent the same amounts of money on this
sort of craft--about $18,000,000--but while the Germans had later
given as much attention to them as to any other sort of naval craft,
the British authorities did not figure on employing the submarine
as a separate offensive tactical unit being sufficiently equipped
in large ships carrying large guns. And being weaker in capital
ships Germany was compelled to rely upon underwater warfare in
her campaign of attrition. Not only were the naval authorities
of the rest of the world uninformed about the improvements that
German submarines carried, but they were fooled even as to the
actual number which Germany had built.
The most modern of the German submarines at the time had a length
of 213 feet and a beam of twenty feet, these dimensions giving
them sufficient deck space to mount thereon two rapid-fire guns,
one of 3.5 inches and another of 1.4 inches. Their displacement was
900 tons, and they could make a speed of 18 knots when traveling
"light" (above water), and 12 knots when traveling submerged. These
speeds made it possible for them to overtake all but the fastest
merchantmen, though not fast enough to run away from destroyers,
gunboats, and fast cruisers. Their range of operation was 2,000
miles, and in the early months of 1915, it was possible for Germany
to send two or three of them from their base in the North Sea to
the Mediterranean. Germany was at the same time experimenting with
a larger type, with a displacement of 1,200 tons and an operating
distance of 5,000 miles.
The ordinary submarine in service at the beginning of the war could
remain below the surface for twenty-four hours at least. Reserve
amounts of air for breathing were carried in tanks under pressure,
and in the German type there were also chemical improvements for
regenerating air. Contrary to the opinion of laymen, submerging
was accomplished both by letting water into ballast tanks, and
also by properly deflecting a set of rudders; every submarine had
two sets of rudders, one of which worked in vertical planes and
pointed the prow of the ship either to the left or the right; the
other pair worked in horizontal planes and turned the prow either
upward or downward. A pair of fins on the sides of the hull assisted
action in both rising and diving. The action of water against the
fins and rudders when the ship was in motion was exactly the same
as that of the air against the planes of a kite; to submerge one
of the craft it was necessary to have it in motion and to have
its horizontal rudders so placed that the resistance of the water
would drive the ship downward; the reverse operation drove it upward.
And here lay a danger, for if the engines of a diving submarine
stopped she was bound to come to the surface. Her presence, while
moving entirely submerged could be detected by a peculiar swell
which traveled on the water above; if submerged only so much as
to leave the tip of her periscope still showing, the latter left
an easily discernible wake.
The periscope was merely a tube in which there were arranged mirrors
so that anything reflected in the first mirror, the one above the
surface of the water, was again reflected till it showed in a mirror
at the bottom of the tube, within the hull of the vessel, where
its commander could observe it safely. A crew of about twenty-five
men was necessary to operate one of these crafts, and theirs was
an unpleasant duty, first because of the danger that accompanied
each submergence of their vessel; second because of the discomforts
abroad. The explosive engines which drove the craft, whether burning
oil or the lighter refinements such as gasoline, gave off gases
that caused headaches and throbbing across the forehead; and it
was almost impossible to heat the interior of the craft.
Though merchantmen had gone to the bottom as victims of German
submarines before, the proclamation of a "war zone" was issued
they were individual cases; the first instance of a merchant ship
being sunk as a result of the new policy of the German admiralty
was the sinking of the British steamer _Cambark_ on the 20th of
February, 1915. This ship was bound for Liverpool, from Huelva,
Spain. While off the north coast of Wales, on the morning of the
20th, the periscope of a hostile submarine was sighted only 200
yards ahead. The engines of the steamship were immediately reversed,
but she had no time to make off, for a torpedo caught her amidships
and she started to sink immediately. Her crew managed to get off
in small boats, but all of their personal belongings were lost.
The small Irish coasting steamer _Downshire_ was made a victim
on the 21st of February, 1915, but instead of sending a torpedo
into her hull, the commander of the _U-12_, the submarine which
overhauled her, resorted to boarding. After trying to elude the
submarine by steering a zigzag course, the _Downshire_ was finally
overtaken. The crew was ordered to take to the small boats, while
nineteen men of the submarine, which had come above water, watched
the operations from the deck. A crew from the submarine took one of
the small boats of the steamship and rowed toward her. They placed
a bomb in a vital spot and set it off, sinking the merchantman.
In this way the submarine's commander had saved a torpedo. A
conversation which took place between the captains of the two craft
revealed the methods by which the submarine commanders were able,
not only to steal up on their intended victims, but to elude being
sighted by the patrolling British warships. Some fishing smacks
had been in the vicinity while the _Downshire_ was sunk, and the
British captain asked the German captain why they had not been
attacked. The latter hinted that his plans worked best if the fishing
boats were unmolested. When asked whether he had hidden behind
one these little boats he changed the subject, but it was learned
later that the commanders of the submarines made a practice of
coming to the surface right near fishing boats and bade them act
as screens while they lay in wait for victims. By keeping the small
boats covered with a deck gun or by putting a boarding crew aboard,
it was possible for the commanders of the submarines to keep their
periscopes or the hulls of their vessels behind the sails of the
fishing boats, unobservable to lookouts on larger ships.
By the 23d of February, 1915, the success of German submarines
had been so marked that the insurance rates on merchantmen went
up. Lloyd's underwriters announced that the rate on transatlantic
passage had gone up nearly one per cent. And on the same day it
was announced that the British Government would thereafter regulate
steamship traffic in the Irish Sea. Certain areas of the Irish
Sea were closed to all kinds of traffic; lines of passage were
defined and had to be followed by all merchantmen, and vessels
of all descriptions were ordered to keep away from certain parts
of the coast from sunset to sunrise.
The comparatively small size of the submarines made it possible
for the German admiralty to load them on to trains in sections
and transport them where needed, and in this manner some were sent
from the German ports on the North Sea to Zeebrugge, there assembled
and launched. Others were sent to the Adriatic, arriving at Pola
on the 25th of February, 1915. These were intended for use in the
Mediterranean as well as in the Adriatic Sea.
Neutral ships, in order to escape attack by German submarines had
to resort to unusual methods of self-identification. The use of flags
belonging to neutral countries by the merchantmen of belligerent
powers made the usual identification by colors almost impossible,
the German admiralty claiming that the commanders of submarines were
unable to wait long enough, after stopping a vessel, to ascertain
whether she had a right to fly one flag or another. Consequently
the ships belonging to Dutch and American lines had their names
painted with large lettering along their sides. At night, streamers
of electric lights were hung over the sides to illuminate these
letterings; and on the decks of many of the neutral ships their
names and nationalities were painted in large letters so that they
might be identified by aircraft. Owing to such precautions the
Dutch steamship _Prinzes Juliana_ escaped being sunk by a torpedo
on the 3d of March, 1915. A submarine ran a parallel course to
that followed by the Dutch ship, but after examining the lettering
on her sides the commander of the German craft saw that she was
not legitimate game and turned off.
Not always did the German submarines themselves succeed in escaping
unharmed in their raiding of allied merchantmen. Rewards were offered
in Great Britain for the sinking of German submersibles by the
commanders of British merchantmen. Instructions were issued in
the British shipping periodicals, showing how a submarine might
be sunk by being rammed. It was officially announced on the 5th
of March, 1915, by the British admiralty, that the _U-8_ had been
rammed and sunk by a British warship. The crew of twenty-nine was
rescued and brought to Dover. For the British this was a stroke
of good fortune, for while the _U-8_ was of an earlier type it
was a dangerous craft, having a total displacement of 300 tons,
a radius of operation of 1,200 miles, a speed of 13 knots when
traveling "light" and a speed of 8 knots when submerged. On the
same day the French minister of marine announced that a French
warship had come upon a German submarine of the type of the _U-2_
in the North Sea and that after firing at the hull of the vessel
and hitting it three times it was seen to sink and did not reappear.
During the last week of February and the first week of March, 1915,
bad weather on the waters surrounding the British Isles hampered
the operations of German submarines to an extent which led the
British public to believe that the submarine warfare on merchantmen
had been abandoned, but they were disillusioned when on the 9th
of March, 1915, three British ships were sunk by the underwater
craft. The steamship _Tangistan_ was torpedoed off Scarborough, the
_Blackwood_ off Hastings and the _Princess Victoria_ near Liverpool.
Part of this was believed to be the work of the _U-16_.
In the three days beginning March 10, 1915, eight ships were made
victims of German submarines in the waters about the British Isles.
Most novel was the experience of a crowd gathered on the shore of
one of the Scilly Islands on March 12, 1915, when two of these
eight ships, the _Indian City_ and the _Headlands_, were torpedoed.
At about eight in the morning the islanders on St. Mary's Island
saw a German submarine overtake the former and sink her. The German
vessel then remained in the adjacent waters to watch for the approach
of another victim, while two patrol boats near by put out and opened
fire on her. The crowd saw the enemies exchange shots at a distance
of ten miles off shore. But neither side put in any effective shots,
and the combat ended when the submarine dived and retired.
The steamship _Headlands_ was then sighted by the commander of the
submarine and he immediately started to pursue her. The steamship
steered a zigzag course, but the submarine got in a position to
launch a torpedo, and at about half past ten in the morning the
crowd on the shore saw steam escaping from her in large quantities.
Some time after they saw a large volume of black smoke and débris
fly upward and they knew that another torpedo had found its mark. She
then settled, her crew and the men from the _Indian City_ reaching
St. Mary's in small boats.
To keep British harbors free from the German submarines the British
admiralty had to set their engineers to work to devise some method
of trapping the underwater craft automatically, for there seemed
to be no sort of patrol which they could not elude. Steel traps,
not unlike the gill nets used by fishermen, were finally hit upon
as the best thing to use against the submarines, and by March 13,
1915, a number of these were installed at entrances to some of
the British harbors. They were made of malleable iron frames, ten
feet square, used in sets of threes, so arranged that they might
hold a submarine by the sides and have the third of the set buckle
against its bottom. They were suspended by buoys about thirty feet
below the surface of the water. When a submarine entered one of
these it was held fast, for the frame which came up from the bottom
caught the propeller and made it impossible for the submarine to
work itself loose. The disadvantage to the submarine was that,
while traveling under water, it traveled "blind"; the periscopes
in use were good only for observation when the top of them were
above water; when submerged the commander of a submarine had to
steer by chart. By the end of March, 1915, a dozen submarines had
been caught in nets of this kind.
By the 18th of March, 1915, three more British ships had been made
the victims of German torpedoes. The _Atlanta_ was sunk off the
west coast of Ireland only a day before the _Fingal_ was sunk off
Northumberland. And the _Leeuwarden_ was sunk by being hit from
the deck guns of a German submarine off the coast of Holland. There
was no loss of life except during the sinking of the _Fingal_,
some of whose men were drowned when she dragged a lifeboat full
of men down with her.
By way of variety the Germans attempted to sink a British ship
in the "war zone" with bombs dropped from an airship, the news
of which was brought to England by the crew and captain of the
_Blonde_ when they reached shore on March 18, 1915. This ship had
been German originally, but being in a British port when the war
started was taken over and run by a British crew. Two or three
mornings before the men landed they had noticed a Taube aeroplane
circling over their ship at about 500 feet altitude. It then swept
downward and took a close look at the vessel. Two bombs, which fell
into the water near the ship, were droppd by the German aviator.
The captain of the _Blonde_ ordered that the rudder of his ship be
fastened so that she might drive in a circle and her engines were
set at full speed, with the intention of making a more difficult
target for the airship's bombs. The whistle of the ship was set
going and continued to blow in the hope of attracting help from
other ships. More bombs were near the vessel, but none of them
found its mark. After one more attempt, when only 300 feet above
the ship's deck, the aviator let go with his last supply, but again
being unsuccessful he veered off to the north and allowed the _Blonde_
to escape.
The naval attack on the Dardanelles is told in another chapter,
but the work of the Allies' submarines there included the use of
French submarines, which is not narrated elsewhere. On the 19th
of March, 1915, Rear Admiral Guepratte of the French navy reported
that one of his submarines had attempted, without success, to run
through the Dardanelles. The object of the attempt was to sink
the Turkish battle cruiser _Sultan Selim_, formerly the _Goeben_.
The submarine submerged and got as far as Nagara. But she had to
travel "blind" and her captain, being unfamiliar with those waters,
struck some rocks near the shore and immediately brought her to
the surface. She became a target for the land guns of the Turks at
once and was sunk, only a few of her men, who were taken prisoners,
escaping death.
On the 19th of March, 1915, the British admiralty reported that
the three British ships, _Hyndford, Bluejacket_, and _Glenartney_
had been torpedoed in the "war zone" without warning, with the
loss of only one man. Beachy Head in the British Channel had been
the scene of most of the operations of German submarines against
British ships, and consequently, when on the 21st of March, 1915,
the collier _Cairntorr_ was torpedoed in that region, no unusual
comment was made by the admiralty. Heretofore the scene of the
latest attack had been thought worthy of mention on account of the
unusual and unexpected places that submarines chose for action.
A new phase of the submarines' activities was opened on March 21,
1915, when two Dutch ships _Batavier V_ and _Zaanstroom_ were held
up and captured. The _U-28_ had for some days been hiding near the
Maas Lightship, and had been taking shots with torpedoes at every
ship which came within range. The _Batavier V_ had left the Hook of
Holland on March 18, 1915. At about five o'clock that morning she
came near the Maas Lightship on her way to England, whence she
was carrying provisions and a register of fifty-seven persons,
including passengers and crew; among the former there were a number
of women and children. Suddenly a submarine appeared off her port
bow, and her captain was ordered to stop his ship. This he did
readily, for he had been thus stopped before, only to be allowed to
proceed. But this time the commander of the submarine, the _U-28_,
shouted to him through a megaphone: "I am going to confiscate your
ship and take it to Zeebrugge."
While the two commanders were arguing over the illegality of this,
the _Zaanstroom_ was sighted, and was immediately overtaken by the
submarine. An officer and a sailor from the submarine had been
placed on the _Batavier V_, and this prevented her escaping while
the pursuit of the _Zaanstroom_ was on. A similar detail was now
placed on the latter, and her captain was ordered to follow the
_U-28_ which returned to the _Batavier V_. "Follow me to Zeebrugge"
was the order which the commander of the submarine gave the two
ships, and their captains obeyed. They arrived at Zeebrugge at
noon, and were immediately unloaded. Those of the passengers and
crews who were citizens of neutral countries were sent to Ghent
and there released, while all those aboard, such as Belgians and
Frenchmen, were detained.
When possible, the commanders of the German submarines saved their
costly torpedoes and used shell fire instead to sink their victims.
This was done in the case of the steamship _Vosges_, which was
sunk on March 28, 1915. For two hours, while the engines of the
steamship were run at full speed in an attempt to get away from
the submarine, she was under fire from two deck guns on board the
submersible. Though the latter made off at the approach of another
vessel, her shells did enough damage to cause the _Vosges_ to sink
a few hours later.
Up to the middle of March, 1915, all the ships which had become
victims of German submarines had been of the slower coasting variety.
There had been numerous unconfirmed reports that the faster
transatlantic ships had been chased, but no credence had been given
to them. On the 27th of March, 1915, however, when the _Arabic_
arrived at Liverpool it was reported by those on board that she
had given a submarine a lively chase and had gotten away safely.
At about nine o'clock the evening before the submarine was sighted
off Holyhead. She was only 200 yards ahead, and while her commander
jockeyed for a position from which he could successfully launch a
torpedo, the commander of the _Arabic_ gave the order "Full speed
ahead." His passengers lined the rail of the ship to watch the
maneuvers. Soon the steamship had up a speed of 18 knots, which
was a bit too fast for the submarine, and she fell to the rearward.
Her chance for launching a torpedo was gone, but she brought her deck
guns into action, firing two shots which went wild. The _Arabic_
proceeded to port unmolested.
At times even the cost of shell fire was figured by the commanders
of German submarines, and pistol and rifles were used instead.
This was done in the case of the _Delmira_ on the 26th of March,
1915. This steamship was sunk off Boulogne. Ten minutes were given
by the crew of the submarine to the crew of the steamship for them
to get off. The submarine had come up off the bow of the _Delmira_,
and men standing on the deck of the former had fired shots toward
the bridge of the latter to make her captain bring her to a stop.
The latter ordered his engines started again at full speed, with the
intention of ramming the enemy, but his Chinese stokers refused to
obey the order, and his ship did not move. The crew of the steamship
got into their small boats, and for an hour and a half these were
towed by the submarine so that their row to shore would not be
so long. Though torpedoed, the _Delmira_ did not sink, and was
last seen in a burning condition off the French coast near Cape
de la Hogue.
The sinking of the steamship _Falaba_, which is mentioned, though
not narrated in full, in another chapter, was the last act of German
submarines during the month of March, 1915. This ship on the 29th
of March, 1915, was overtaken by a German submarine in St. George's
Channel. She was engaged in the African trade, voyaging between
the African ports and Liverpool. On her last journey she carried
a crew of 90 men and some 160 passengers, many of the latter being
women and children. The commander of the submarine brought his
craft to the surface off the bow of the _Falaba_, and gave the
captain of the steamship five minutes in which to put his crew and
passengers into lifeboats. A torpedo was sent against her hull and
found the engine room, causing a tremendous explosion. One hundred
and eleven persons lost their lives because they had not been able
to get off in time, or because they were too near the liner when
she went down. This was the most important merchantman which had
been sent to the bottom by a submarine since the proclamation of
February 15, 1915.
The next two victims of this sort of warfare were the steamships
_Flaminian_ and the _Crown of Castile_, one of which was sunk by
the _U-28_, and the other by an unidentified submarine on April
1, 1915. They went down off the west coast of England with no loss
of life, though the _Crown of Castile_ was torpedoed before her
crew could get off. The _Flaminian_ had tried to get away, but
had to stop under fire from deck guns on the submarine. The shells
did not hit her in vital spots, however, and it was necessary to
send a torpedo into her hull to sink her.
The ease with which submarines had been able to bob up in unexpected
places and to sink British merchantmen, in spite of the patrols
maintained by British warships, caused the captains of merchant
vessels to petition the British Government to be allowed to arm
their vessels on April 1, 1915. This was not granted, because their
being armed would have made the steamship legitimate prey for the
submarines, nor was any attention paid to the demand made by the
British press that the crews and officers of captured German submarines
be treated, not as prisoners of war, but as pirates. Reprisals on
the part of the Germans was feared.
Beachy Head on the 1st of April, 1915, was again the scene of two
successful attacks on merchantmen by submarines. On that day the
French steamship _Emma_, after being torpedoed, went to the bottom
with all of the nineteen men in her crew. The same submarine sank
the British steamer _Seven Seas_, causing the deaths of eleven
of her men.
In order to indicate the amount of harm which the submarine warfare
caused British shipping, the admiralty on April 1, 1915, announced
that though five merchantmen had been sent to the bottom and one
had been only partially damaged by submarines during the week ending
March 31, 1915, some 1,559 vessels entered and sailed from British
ports during the same period.
Efforts were made to damage the base, from which many of the German
submarines had been putting out at Zeebrugge, with aircraft. On the
1st of April, 1915, the British Government's press bureau announced
that bombs had been dropped, with unknown success, on two German
submarines lying there, and that on the same day a British airman
had flown over Hoboken and had seen submarines in building there.
The steamship _Lockwood_, while off Start Point in Devonshire,
was hit abaft the engine room by a German torpedo on the morning
of April 2, 1915, and though she went down almost immediately,
her crew was able to get off in small boats and were picked up by
fishing trawlers.
The _U-28_, which had done such effective work for the Germans
during the month of March, 1915, was relieved of duty near the
British Isles during the first week of April by the _U-31_, which
sank the Russian bark _Hermes_ and the British steamship _Olivine_
off the coast of Wales on April 5, 1915.
The British admiralty decided in April, 1915, to use some other
means besides the employment of torpedo boats and destroyers to
keep watch for German submarines, and innocent-looking fishing
trawlers were used for the purpose. While these could give no fight
against a submarine, it was intended that they would carefully make
for land to report after sighting one of the hostile craft. The
Germans, discovering this strategy, then began to sink trawlers
when they found them. On the morning of April 5, 1915, one of these
small craft was sighted and chased by the _U-20_. After a pursuit
of an hour or more the German ship was near enough for members of
her crew to fire on the trawler with rifles. Her crew got into
the small boat and were picked up later by a steamer. The trawler
was sent to the bottom.