This was the last letter I wrote from the plantation, and I never returned

there, nor ever saw again any of the poor people among whom I lived during

this winter, but Jack, once, under sad circumstances. The poor lad's

health failed so completely, that his owners humanely brought him to the

north, to try what benefit he might derive from the change; but this was

before the passing of the Fugitive Slave Bill, when touching the soil of

the northern states, a slave became free; and such was the apprehension

felt lest Jack should be enlightened as to this fact by some philanthropic

abolitionist, that he was kept shut up in a high upper room of a large

empty house, where even I was not allowed to visit him. I heard at length

of his being in Philadelphia; and upon my distinct statement that I

considered freeing their slaves the business of the Messrs. ----

themselves, and not mine, I was at length permitted to see him. Poor

fellow! coming to the north did not prove to him the delight his eager

desire had so often anticipated from it; nor under such circumstances is

it perhaps much to be wondered at that he benefited but little by the

change,--he died not long after.

I once heard a conversation between Mr. O---- and Mr. K----, the two

overseers of the plantation on which I was living, upon the question of

taking slaves, servants, necessary attendants, into the northern states;

Mr. O---- urged the danger of their being 'got hold of,' i.e., set free

by the abolitionists, to which Mr. K---- very pertinently replied, 'Oh,

stuff and nonsense, I take care when my wife goes north with the children,

to send Lucy with her; _her children are down here, and I defy all the

abolitionists in creation to get her to stay north_.' Mr. K---- was an

extremely wise man.

APPENDIX

I wrote the following letter after reading several leading articles in the

_Times_ newspaper, at the time of the great sensation occasioned by Mrs.

Beecher Stowe's novel of 'Uncle Tom's Cabin,' and after the Anti-Slavery

Protest which that book induced the women of England to address to those

of America, on the subject of the condition of the slaves in the southern

states.

My dear E----. I have read the articles in the _Times_ to which you refer,

on the subject of the inaccuracy of Mrs. Beecher Stowe's book as a picture

of slavery in America, and have ascertained who they were written by.

Having done so, I do not think it worth while to send my letter for

insertion, because, as that is the tone deliberately taken upon the

subject by that paper, my counter statement would not, I imagine, be

admitted into its columns. I enclose it to you, as I should like you to

see how far from true, according to my experience, the statements of the

'_Times'_ Correspondent' are. It is impossible of course to know why it

erects itself into an advocate for slavery; and the most charitable

conjecture I can form upon the subject is, that the Stafford House

demonstration may have been thought likely to wound the sensitive national

views of America upon this subject; and the statement put forward by the

_Times_, contradicting Mrs. Stowe's picture, may be intended to soothe

their irritation at the philanthropic zeal of our lady abolitionists.

Believe me, dear E----,

Yours always truly,

F.A.K.

* * * * *

_Letter to the Editor of the_ 'Times.'

Sir,--As it is not to be supposed that you consciously afford the support

of your great influence to misstatements, I request your attention to some

remarks I wish to make on an article on a book called 'Uncle Tom's Cabin

as it is,' contained in your paper of the 11th. In treating Mrs. Harriet

Beecher Stowe's work as an exaggerated picture of the evils of slavery, I

beg to assure you that you do her serious injustice:--of the merits of her

book as a work of art, I have no desire to speak,--to its power as a most

interesting and pathetic story, all England and America can bear

witness,--but of its truth and moderation as a representation of the

slave system in the United States, I can testify with the experience of

an eye witness, having been a resident in the Southern States, and had

opportunities of observation such as no one who has not lived on a slave

estate can have. It is very true that in reviving the altogether exploded

fashion of making the hero of her novel 'the perfect monster that the

world ne'er saw,' Mrs. Stowe has laid herself open to fair criticism, and

must expect to meet with it from the very opposite taste of the present

day; but the ideal excellence of her principal character is no argument at

all against the general accuracy of her statements with regard to the

evils of slavery;--everything else in her book is not only possible, but

probable, and not only probable, but a very faithful representation of the

existing facts:--faithful, and not, as you accuse it of being,

exaggerated; for, with the exception of the horrible catastrophe, the

flogging to death of poor Tom, she has pourtrayed none of the most

revolting instances of crime produced by the slave system--with which she

might have darkened her picture, without detracting from its perfect

truth. Even with respect to the incident of Tom's death, it must not be

said that if such an event is possible, it is hardly probable; for this is

unfortunately not true. It is not true that the value of the slave as

property infallibly protects his life from the passions of his master. It

is no new thing for a man's passions to blind him to his most obvious and

immediate temporal interests, as well as to his higher and everlasting

ones,--in various parts of the world and stages of civilisation, various

human passions assume successive prominence, and become developed, to the

partial exclusion or deadening of others. In savage existence, and those

states of civilisation least removed from it, the animal passions

predominate. In highly cultivated modern society, where the complicated

machinery of human existence is at once a perpetually renewed cause and

effect of certain legal and moral restraints, which, in the shape of

government and public opinion, protect the congregated lives and interests

of men from the worst outrages of open violence, the natural selfishness

of mankind assumes a different development; and the love of power, of

pleasure, or of pelf, exhibits different phenomena from those elicited

from a savage under the influence of the same passions. The channel in

which the energy and activity of modern society inclines more and more to

pour itself, is the peaceful one of the pursuit of gain. This is

preeminently the case with the two great commercial nations of the earth,

England and America;--and in either England or the Northern States of

America, the prudential and practical views of life prevail so far, that

instances of men sacrificing their money interests at the instigation of

rage, revenge, and hatred, will certainly not abound. But the Southern

slaveholders are a very different race of men from either Manchester

manufacturers or Massachusetts merchants; they are a remnant of barbarism

and feudalism, maintaining itself with infinite difficulty and danger by

the side of the latest and most powerful developement of commercial

civilisation.

The inhabitants of Baltimore, Richmond, Charleston, Savannah, and New

Orleans, whose estates lie like the suburban retreats of our city magnates

in the near neighbourhood of their respective cities, are not now the

people I refer to. They are softened and enlightened by many

influences,--the action of city life itself, where human sympathy, and

human respect, stimulated by neighbourhood, produce salutary social

restraint, as well as less salutary social cowardice. They travel to the

Northern States, and to Europe; and Europe and the Northern States travel

to them; and in spite of themselves, their peculiar conditions receive

modifications from foreign intercourse. The influence, too, of commercial

enterprise, which, in these latter days, is becoming the agent of

civilisation all over the earth, affects even the uncommercial residents

of the Southern cities, and however cordially they may dislike or despise

the mercantile tendencies of Atlantic Americans, or transatlantic

Englishmen, their frequent contact with them breaks down some of the

barriers of difference between them, and humanises the slaveholder of the

great cities into some relation with the spirit of his own times and

country. But these men are but a most inconsiderable portion of the

slaveholding population of the South,--a nation, for as such they should

be spoken of, of men whose organisation and temperament is that of the

southern European; living under the influence of a climate at once

enervating and exciting; scattered over trackless wildernesses of arid

sand and pestilential swamp; entrenched within their own boundaries;

surrounded by creatures absolutely subject to their despotic will;

delivered over by hard necessity to the lowest excitements of drinking,

gambling, and debauchery for sole recreation; independent of all opinion;

ignorant of all progress; isolated from all society--it is impossible to

conceive a more savage existence within the pale of any modern

civilisation.

The South Carolinan gentry have been fond of styling themselves the

chivalry of the South, and perhaps might not badly represent, in their

relations with their dependents, the nobility of France before the

purifying hurricane of the Revolution swept the rights of the suzerain and

the wrongs of the serf together into one bloody abyss. The planters of the

interior of the Southern and South-Western States, with their furious

feuds and slaughterous combats, their stabbings and pistolings, their

gross sensuality, brutal ignorance, and despotic cruelty, resemble the

chivalry of France before the horrors of the Jacquerie admonished them

that there was a limit even to the endurance of slaves. With such men as

these, human life, even when it can be bought or sold in the market for so

many dollars, is but little protected by considerations of interest from

the effects of any violent passion. There is yet, however, another aspect

of the question, which is, that it is sometimes clearly _not_ the interest

of the owner to prolong the life of his slaves; as in the case of inferior

or superannuated labourers, or the very notorious instance in which some

of the owners of sugar plantations stated that they found it better worth

their while to _work off_ (i.e. kill with labour) a certain proportion, of

their force, and replace them by new hands every seven years, than work

them less severely and maintain them in diminished efficiency for an

indefinite length of time. Here you will observe a precise estimate of the

planter's material interest led to a result which you argue passion itself

can never be so blind as to adopt. This was a deliberate economical

calculation, openly avowed some years ago by a number of sugar planters in

Louisiana. If, instead of accusing Mrs. Stowe of exaggeration, you had

brought the same charge against the author of the 'White Slave,' I should

not have been surprised; for his book presents some of the most revolting

instances of atrocity and crime that the miserable abuse of irresponsible

power is capable of producing, and it is by no means written in the spirit

of universal humanity which pervades Mrs. Stowe's volumes: but it is not

liable to the charge of exaggeration, any more than her less disgusting

delineation. The scenes described in the 'White Slave' _do_ occur in the

slave States of North America; and in two of the most appalling incidents

of the book--the burning alive of the captured runaway, and the hanging

without trial of the Vicksburg gamblers--the author of the 'White Slave'

has very simply related positive facts of notorious occurrence. To which

he might have added, had he seen fit to do so, the instance of a slave who

perished in the sea swamps, where he was left bound and naked, a prey to

the torture inflicted upon him by the venomous mosquito swarms. My

purpose, however, in addressing you was not to enter into a disquisition

on either of these publications; but I am not sorry to take this

opportunity of bearing witness to the truth of Mrs. Stowe's admirable

book, and I have seen what few Englishmen can see--the working of the

system in the midst of it.

In reply to your 'Dispassionate Observer,' who went to the South

professedly with the purpose of seeing and judging of the state of things

for himself, let me tell you that, little as he may be disposed to believe

it, his testimony is worth less than nothing; for it is morally impossible

for any Englishman going into the Southern States, except as a _resident_,

to know anything whatever of the real condition of the slave population.

This was the case some years ago, as I experienced, and it is now likely

to be more the case than ever; for the institution is not _yet_ approved

divine to the perceptions of Englishmen, and the Southerners are as

anxious to hide its uglier features from any note-making observer from

this side the water, as to present to his admiration and approval such as

can by any possibility be made to wear the most distant approach to

comeliness.

The gentry of the Southern States are preeminent in their own country

for that species of manner which, contrasted with the breeding of the

Northerners, would be emphatically pronounced 'good' by Englishmen. Born

to inhabit landed property, they are not inevitably made clerks and

counting-house men of, but inherit with their estates some of the

invariable characteristics of an aristocracy. The shop is not their

element; and the eager spirit of speculation and the sordid spirit of

gain do not infect their whole existence, even to their very demeanour

and appearance, as they too manifestly do those of a large proportion of

the inhabitants of the Northern States. Good manners have an undue value

for Englishmen, generally speaking; and whatever departs from their

peculiar standard of breeding is apt to prejudice them, as whatever

approaches it prepossesses them, far more than is reasonable. The

Southerners are infinitely better bred men, according to English

notions, than the men of the Northern States. The habit of command gives

them a certain self-possession, the enjoyment of leisure a certain ease.

Their temperament is impulsive and enthusiastic, and their manners have

the grace and spirit which seldom belong to the deportment of a Northern

people; but upon more familiar acquaintance, the vices of the social

system to which they belong will be found to have infected them with

their own peculiar taint; and haughty overbearing irritability,

effeminate indolence, reckless extravagance, and a union of profligacy

and cruelty, which is the immediate result of their irresponsible power

over their dependents, are some of the less pleasing traits which

acquaintance developes in a Southern character. In spite of all this,

there is no manner of doubt that the 'candid English observer' will, for

the season of his sojourning among them, greatly prefer their

intercourse to that of their Northern brethren. Moreover, without in the

least suspecting it, he will be bribed insidiously and incessantly by

the extreme desire and endeavour to please and prepossess him which the

whole white population of the slave States will exhibit--as long as he

goes only as a 'candid observer,' with a mind not _yet_ made up upon the

subject of slavery, and open to conviction as to its virtues. Every

conciliating demonstration of courtesy and hospitable kindness will be

extended to him, and, as I said before, if his observation is permitted

(and it may even appear to be courted), it will be to a fairly bound

purified edition of the black book of slavery, in which, though the

inherent viciousness of the whole story cannot be suppressed, the

coarser and more offensive passages will be carefully expunged. And now,

permit me to observe, that the remarks of your traveller must derive

much of their value from the scene of his enquiry. In Maryland,

Kentucky, and Virginia, the outward aspect of slavery has ceased to wear

its most deplorable features. The remaining vitality of the system no

longer resides in the interests, but in the pride and prejudices of the

planters. Their soil and climate are alike favourable to the labours of

a white peasantry: the slave cultivation has had time to prove itself

there the destructive pest which, in time, it will prove itself wherever

it prevails. The vast estates and large fortunes that once maintained,

and were maintained by, the serfdom of hundreds of negroes, have

dwindled in size and sunk in value, till the slaves have become so heavy

a burthen on the resources of the exhausted soil and impoverished owners

of it, that they are made themselves objects of traffic in order to ward

off the ruin that their increase would otherwise entail. Thus, the

plantations of the Northern slave States now present to the traveller

very few of the darker and more oppressive peculiarities of the system;

and, provided he does not stray too near the precincts where the negroes

are sold, or come across gangs of them on their way to Georgia,

Louisiana, or Alabama, he may, if he is a very superficial observer,

conclude that the most prosperous slavery is not much worse than the

most miserable freedom.

But of what value will be such conclusions applied to those numerous

plantations where no white man ever sets foot without the express

permission of the owner? not estates lying close to Baltimore and

Charleston, or even Lesington or Savannah, but remote and savage

wildernesses like Legree's estate in 'Uncle Tom,' like all the plantations

in the interior of Tennessee and Alabama, like the cotton-fields and

rice-swamps of the great muddy rivers of Lousiana and Georgia, like the

dreary pine barrens and endless woody wastes of north Carolina. These,

especially the islands, are like so many fortresses, approachable for

'observers' only at the owners' will. On most of the rice plantations in

these pestilential regions, no white man can pass the night at certain

seasons of the year without running the risk of his life; and during the

day, the master and overseer are as much alone and irresponsible in their

dominion over their black cattle, as Robinson Crusoe was over his small

family of animals on his desert habitation. Who, on such estates as these,

shall witness to any act of tyranny or barbarity, however atrocious? No

black man's testimony is allowed against a white, and who on the dismal

swampy rice-grounds of the Savannah, or the sugar-brakes of the

Mississippi and its tributaries, or the up country cotton lands of the

Ocamulgee, shall go to perform the task of candid observation and

benevolent enquiry?

I passed some time on two such estates--plantations where the negroes

esteemed themselves well off, and, compared with the slaves on several of

the neighbouring properties, might very well consider themselves so; and

I will, with your permission, contrast some of the items of my observation

with those of the traveller whose report you find so satisfactory on the

subject of the 'consolations' of slavery.

And first, for the attachment which he affirms to subsist between the

slave and master. I do not deny that certain manifestations on the part of

the slave may suggest the idea of such a feeling; but whether upon better

examination it will be found to deserve the name, I very much doubt. In

the first place, on some of the great Southern estates, the owners are

habitual absentees, utterly unknown to their serfs, and enjoying the

proceeds of their labour in residences as remote as possible from the

sands and swamps where their rice and cotton grow, and their slaves bow

themselves under the eye of the white overseer, and the lash of the black

driver. Some of these Sybarites prefer living in Paris, that paradise of

American republicans, some in the capitals of the middle states of the

union, Philadelphia or New York.

The air of New England has a keen edge of liberty, which suits few

Southern constitutions; and unkindly as abolition has found its native

soil and native skies, that is its birthplace, and there it flourishes, in

spite of all attempts to root it out and trample it down, and within any

atmosphere poisoned by its influence no slaveholder can willingly draw

breath. Some travel in Europe, and few, whose means permit the contrary,

ever pass the entire year on their plantations. Great intervals of many

years pass, and no master ever visits some of these properties: what

species of attachment do you think the slave entertains for him? In other

cases, the visits made will be of a few days in one of the winter months;

the estate and its cultivators remaining for the rest of the year under

the absolute control of the overseer, who, provided he contrives to get a

good crop of rice or cotton into the market for his employers, is left to

the arbitrary exercise of a will seldom uninfluenced for evil, by the

combined effects of the grossest ignorance and habitual intemperance. The

temptation to the latter vice is almost irresistible to a white man in

such a climate, and leading an existence of brutal isolation, among a

parcel of human beings as like brutes as they can be made. But the owner

who at these distant intervals of months or years revisits his estates, is

looked upon as a returning providence by the poor negroes. They have no

experience of his character to destroy their hopes in his goodness, and

all possible and impossible ameliorations of their condition are

anticipated from his advent, less work, more food, fewer stripes, and some

of that consideration which the slave hopes may spring from his positive

money value to his owner,--a fallacious dependence, as I have already

attempted to show, but one which, if it has not always predominating

weight with the master, never can have any with the overseer, who has not

even the feeling of regard for his own property to mitigate his

absolutism over the slaves of another man.

There is a very powerful cause which makes the prosperity and well-being

(as far as life is concerned) of most masters a subject of solicitude with

their slaves. The only stability of their condition, such as it is, hangs

upon it. If the owner of a plantation dies, his estates may fall into the

market, and his slaves be sold at public auction the next day; and whether

this promises a better, or threatens a worse condition, the slaves cannot

know, and no human being cares. One thing it inevitably brings, the

uprooting of all old associations; the disruption of all the ties of

fellowship in misery; the tearing asunder of all relations of blood and

affection; the sale into separate and far distant districts of fathers,

mothers, husbands, wives, and children. If the estate does not lie in the

extreme south, there is the vague dread of being driven thither from

Virginia to Georgia, from Carolina to Alabama, or Louisiana, a change

which, for reasons I have shown above, implies the passing from a higher

into a lower circle of the infernal pit of slavery.

I once heard a slave on the plantation of an absentee express the most

lively distress at hearing that his master was ill. Before, however, I had

recovered from my surprise at this warm 'attachment' to a distant and all

but unknown proprietor, the man added, 'massa die, what become of all him

people?'

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